Doug Jones

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, first of all, let me say how much I appreciate my colleagues on the floor--particularly, Senator Bennet's comments--and the passion that everyone has shown for the people in this country and why we are here for the people that we represent, whether they voted for us or not. That is not the issue. We are here to represent all the people, and I really appreciate those incredible words from my colleagues and, particularly, the passion shown by Senator Bennet. I am rising today to give my voice to the thousands of Alabamians who are also suffering as a result of this government shutdown. It is not just the folks who are employed but those who are affected by this shutdown by whatever means necessary. There are people who are not employed by the government who are also affected. In the midst of all the political posturing that we have seen, the costly government shutdown has hurt over 5,100 Alabama workers, their families, and the people who rely on them to do their job. Thousands more are contractors who will not get backpay. Unlike the Federal workers, who traditionally get backpay, these contractors who are not working now because there is no work to be had with the Federal Government will not get backpay from their employers. Our Coast Guard employees, who aren't paid through the Department of Defense budget that passed last year, don't know whether their paycheck will come or not. By the way, it is the Coast Guard who is interdicting so much of the illegal drugs that are attempting to come into this country. It is not the southern border. It is the Coast Guard, which we are putting at risk, that is doing the best job of interdicting the illegal drugs that are attempting to come into this country. These folks pay the price of this shutdown while this political drama that we have seen in Washington, DC, drags on and on--on cable TV, on Twitter, and on other social media platforms. These folks are hard- working Alabamians who keep our airports safe. They protect our communities. They monitor our prisons. We have three Federal prisons in Alabama. Three of the workers in the Aliceville prison were on CNN today talking about the effects on them and their community in Aliceville, AL. These are people who support our national defense, like folks in Redstone Arsenal and at all of the military bases in our State. They support the aerospace programs in our State. These are the folks who are getting hurt. Many of these people are veterans who have gone on to serve their country a second time by working in Federal service. Most of these folks support strong border security. I venture to guess that all of them support strong border security. Some will support the wall, as the President has described it, but they don't agree with--they don't support--shutting down the Government of the United States of America in a way to just get that wall or that border security done. They do not support that at the expense of their communities and their families. Over the past 18 days or so since this shutdown, I have heard from any number of my constituents. They call the office here in Washington, and they call the offices in Huntsville, in Mobile, in Birmingham, and in Montgomery. They talk about how they are hurting already because of the shutdown. One constituent who wrote to me is a small business owner in North Alabama, near Huntsville, whose 30-plus employees have provided very important, continuous support for NASA programs for the past 7 years. As their work gets delayed or stopped altogether, these folks don't know whether they are going to have jobs. If their work stops, those employees are going to need jobs, and they are going to start looking for other jobs. In the economy that we have now, in which unemployment is low, people are looking for workers, and they are going to find those jobs. So his business may get shut down. There is a military spouse who also works for the Federal Government whose husband is deployed to Afghanistan right now. She also wrote to me and urged an end to this shutdown. She said that while she supports the wall, she doesn't believe that Federal employees should be used as bargaining chips just to get it done. She said that a lapse in funding would be devastating for her job and that her family needs the paychecks to cover these bills. This is a family that is already living under stress with its having a husband and father in Afghanistan. This family doesn't need the extra stress. On behalf of her family of four in Smiths Station, AL, another mother wrote to me about her family's lapse in healthcare coverage since the shutdown because the employees at a Federal health insurance agency, GEHA, have been furloughed. Her family's change in coverage was never fully processed by the end of the year. So it lapsed and was canceled as of December 31. The family members are now facing important medical decisions--appointments, prescriptions, refills in the next few weeks-- but don't know if they are going to have the insurance to cover it. The administration announced today that the deadline for farmers to receive their subsidies, because of the administration's trade policies, will be extended, which all sounds really great. It sounds all good and well. We are going to extend it. We are going to put a bandaid on this for our farmers. These farmers have been hit hard by the trade war that this administration has started, which I have talked about on the floor of the Senate on any number of occasions and around my State. To ease that pain, a few months ago the administration decided to allocate $12 billion as almost a bailout. Now, these farmers really don't want these handouts. They want their markets. Yet, to ease their pain, to its credit, the administration came up with $12 billion to ease that pain. Less than half of that amount--roughly, about $5.2 billion in payments--was made before the Department of Agriculture's local offices were closed. While extending that deadline sounds very good and is, simply, putting a bandaid over the wound, the fact is that until we get this government open, farmers who did not get their payments in before this shutdown are going to have a problem. Another problem with the shutdown is that they can't depend on the Federal Government any more than they can depend on the weather. These farmers are at risk every season, every year, of things that are out of their control. What they don't need is a government that they cannot depend on, and that is what we have right now. They are out of luck at a time at which they need it the most, as they are starting to plan for their spring planting and summer planting--their loans, their crops, buying the seed--as Senator Bennet talked about a few moments ago. There is one constituent who wrote me a really heartbreaking letter about the impact of losing her SNAP benefits after January 31 if the shutdown continues. She is living on a razor's edge financially and depends on Social Security disability benefits and SNAP dollars to survive. It is not a lot of money on a monthly basis. It is such a small amount of money that folks in this body and folks in the House and, certainly, the folks in the administration wouldn't think twice about it. It is probably less than they spend at Starbucks every morning, but, for her, it is an incredibly important part of her life, and we have to make sure that we do everything not to let her down. I did see, just before I came over here, that the administration has said that we are going to extend it. We are going to make sure that SNAP benefits are paid in February. Again, that is great and sounds wonderful, but it is a bandaid. Sooner or later, if we don't end up doing something about this shutdown, that bandaid is going to be ripped off, and these folks are going to be left in the cold once again. We need to remember--and I think this gets lost sometimes in the talk about this shutdown--that this is not just about the paychecks and the direct benefits that people in this country receive from the Federal Government. It also affects all of those people in our communities who serve those who work for the government--those who take in their grocery money and take in their utility money and take in their gas money. It is going to affect those people. It is going to affect car dealers, and it is going to affect local businesses. It is just like the folks at the prison in Aliceville said today, which is that sooner or later, if they don't have money to spend around Aliceville, it is going to affect that community. This touches so many people in this country that we need not lose sight of that. The letters and calls and voice mails are pouring in every day as this shutdown continues. More and more Americans face the increasing consequences of the impasse that we see here in Washington, DC. There is, simply put, no excuse for it. We can and must do better. We can and must find the common ground that so many of us talk about. Every day, over and over, we talk about finding common ground, but we have to practice what we preach in terms of finding that common ground. This past year, I talked to a number of my constituents back home who had gone through a number of issues. I talked to a lot of people who asked me to support the wall. They stopped me over the holidays, and I would always stop and talk to them. They were always very respectful, unlike with some things that happen in our political discourse today. These people were always very respectful, and we had nice conversations. When I asked them what they were talking about, they said that I needed to vote for a wall. They said: We just need border security, Senator. We need border security. This gave me the opportunity to say: I completely agree. Unfortunately, the so-called ``wall'' that we keep hearing about, primarily on Twitter, has really become just a metaphor to support a secure border. To oppose it is to oppose a secure border. That makes no sense. What is getting lost in this debate is that every Member of this body wants secure borders. Every Member of this body and every Member of the House wants border security measures that will keep our communities safe. We might have disagreements about the best way to make sure our borders are secure, and we might have disagreements on what border security will look like, but it doesn't mean that we want open borders as I keep hearing from the administration. That is a preposterous statement. In fact, in the last Congress, we had one of the President's nominees before us for the head of ICE. He used to work on the border. He was there. He controlled it. He was the head of border security. I asked him in the hearing: Have you ever heard one politician--have you ever heard anybody in Washington, DC--say that he is for open borders? He said: No, sir, not at all. We have to get away from that political posturing so that we can find the common ground that is necessary to move this forward. The fact of the matter is that we have found common ground. We have found that common ground right here in this body. Last February, in the midst of bipartisan talks on more comprehensive immigration reform, a number of senior administration officials came to the Senate and briefed Members on the situation at the border. They outlined how an infusion of money in the context of a larger piece of legislation could improve security and conditions for asylum seekers and on the border. In the wake of that presentation--if I recall correctly, they proposed a $25 billion price tag for border security-- Republicans and Democrats alike, which was a majority of the U.S. Senate, voted to include that $25 billion in border security funding over the next decade. That was a bipartisan effort. Over the course of the last spring and early summer, the U.S. Senate Appropriations Committee--led by my colleague from Alabama, Senator Shelby, and by Senator Leahy, the ranking member--passed a bipartisan Homeland Security funding bill by a vote of 25 to 5. It did that in June of this year. It included $1.6 billion in border security funding, which was on top of the $1.3 billion, I think, that was funded last year. What has started this whole process today is the administration's demand of a blank check of $5.6 billion for a wall as the price to reopen the government. That is, simply, not how our government should work. Now, candidly and in all fairness, in recent days, we have gone from an argument that was just, simply, about dollars and cents on both sides of the aisle--5.6 versus 1.6 or 1.3--to where we have now seen the administration begin to slowly roll out how it would actually spend that money. There was no plan in the beginning. It was just ``send us $5.6 billion.'' We are learning about that plan via Twitter and on the TV talk shows, not the way this body is used to getting information from the administration--through a budget process or through some proposal about which you can ask questions and can vet. If the administration is serious about border security--and it should be serious about border security, just like the Senate of the United States and the House of Representatives of the United States should be serious about border security--we should reopen the rest of the government. Officials should also come back to the Hill, like they did in February, and brief Members of both parties in Congress about what is needed and of exactly the new border security money and how it will be spent. This week, the House has been voting on a series--or will be voting on a series--of funding bills that the Senate has already passed, many by a vote of 92 to 6. Think about that. As I travel around the State, I tell people all the time what I saw last year--my first year--which is that there is so much more bipartisanship in this body that you don't see just by watching C-SPAN and listening to dueling press conferences. There is a lot of it that goes on, and we passed those bills by 92 to 6. These bills will ensure that the Federal employees and contractors can go back to work and can get paid, that food assistance and housing vouchers can go forward, that vital research can be done, that our parks and museums can reopen, that our airports are safe, and that our prisons are monitored. Instead of handing political appointees a 10- percent raise, it will ensure that we will pay the Coast Guard, whose members continue to serve throughout this shutdown without knowing if their next paychecks are going to come. I am literally sad to say--and I really hope people will take this into account, especially the folks who have been here for a long time-- that in my first year here, my first year in the Senate, this is the third government shutdown that we have seen. We should be embarrassed about that, and the administration should be embarrassed about that. At every opportunity, I have voted to keep the government open. I can't say that I would do it every time, because it will depend on the circumstances, but, thus far, I have done all I can to keep this government open. The American people are frustrated and disheartened by the dysfunction and empty rhetoric that they hear out of this town, but we have to remember that the Senate of the United States has done its job and done so in a deliberative and bipartisan way. No one on either side of the political aisle should lose sight of that. We came together and found common ground, and we should insist that the President of the United States not only acknowledge that but honor that, get this government up and running, and let's sit down to continue to discuss the plans for the border security that we all know is necessary and we would like. Thank you. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, let me also thank my colleagues from Tennessee and Delaware. I will tell you I wasn't here when that letter circulated; however, if you want to do an addendum, you have my permission to add my name to that letter because it is that important. I appreciate so much your comments. I have been here almost 1 year now. What I have seen is, it is often so easy, in our polarized political climate we have, that when issues we have faced like today come up, people go to their corners and it is the proverbial line in the sand and everybody wants to talk at each other and not to each other. So I appreciate very much Leader McConnell and Leader Schumer, who worked with my colleagues Senator Flake and Senator Corker in trying to make sure a motion to proceed is simply a motion to proceed to talk, to have those dialogues, so we can go about the business of government as we leave for the holidays at some point. I believe what has happened here late this afternoon is an important step, and it is especially an important step going into the next Congress to tell folks who are coming in and those of us who are coming back that we want to make sure we were put here to get something done, not just retreat to our corners. I thank everyone who was involved late this afternoon trying to make sure this agreement was reached. I am anxious for our leaders to proceed so we can go about the business of running this United States and that we can go into these holidays with the assurance we will come back to do things for the American people. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, I rise today to talk on two issues. First, I would like to talk about the criminal justice reform act that Senator Durbin just spoke of. Rather than repeating all that has been said and all of the positive things--and Senator Durbin did an outstanding job outlining all of the issues and how important this bill is for the criminal justice system and for the American public--I would like to take a moment just to commend my colleagues--particularly Senator Durbin and Senator Grassley, Senator Lee, Senator Booker, colleagues in the House of Representatives, and those at the White House who worked so tirelessly over the years to achieve this result. This is a remarkable achievement for the people of this country. I have worked, as most people in this body know, for a number of years as both a prosecutor and as a defense lawyer. In that capacity, I have seen firsthand the problems in a system of justice that seems to have gotten out of whack and that has incarcerated so many people--more than just about any civilized country in the world--and yields very little results. So what I see is an effort of Republicans and Democrats coming together. When I ran for this office last year, I talked consistently about a country and the State of Alabama that had more in common than we have to divide us. I talked more about reaching across the aisle and having dialogues, instead of monologues. This bill is the perfect example of that, and I hope the people of America see what this bill does and see how this body and the House of Representatives and the administration came together to pass this historic legislation. This is a historic moment, Madam President. This is one for the ages, there is no question. Sometimes it is so disappointing to go back home to Alabama and hear people say: ``All I want you to do is work together.'' All they see are dueling press conferences among the leaders and dueling talk shows on Sunday mornings and on CNN and MSNBC and FOX News, and they think that all we do is stand here and fight each other. That is not the case. We have done some great things in the Senate since I have been here on January 3. Our appropriations process has been rolling on a bipartisan level. We passed the opioid crisis bill. We also have the farm bill done. Now, with criminal justice--it is the crowning achievement on what has been, over the years, one of the most contentious issues in America. Every year, I used to say that the system of justice in America that was damaged the most in election was our criminal justice system because it seemed that everybody wanted to demagogue it today. That is no longer the case in what has been done in this body, the House, and with the support of the White House. I want to commend all of those who have been involved in this over the years before I got here, both in and out of government. I worked for a number of years with the Brennan Center for Justice at NYU-- particularly the law enforcement leaders--to reduce crime and incarceration. We put in countless hours, and this is the culmination of a number of years of work. They should be commended for all they did. (Mr. MORAN assumed the Chair.) Remembering Giles Perkins Mr. President, I want to talk about a matter that is a lot more personal. The last couple of weeks have been somewhat difficult for me on a very personal level. Not only have I been saddened that several of my colleagues whom I admire so much will be leaving this body, but 2 weeks ago, I lost a dear friend and trusted adviser, Giles Perkins of Birmingham, AL. I so appreciate the fact that the day after his death, when I just could not hold up and hold it together to do so myself, Senator Schumer noted his passing in floor remarks. Giles' family appreciates those remarks as well, but because he meant so much to his adopted State of Alabama and the Birmingham community and the fact that he is the one who guided the effort to elect me to this office, it is only fitting that I honor his memory on the floor of the Senate. Giles was a former director of the Alabama Democratic Party and someone who worked for the last two Alabama Democratic Governors. Originally from Texas, he came to Alabama after marrying the love of his life, Hillery Head, in the early 1990s. Together, they have three children: Barton, Hugh, and Beverly. For all that he did in life and all that he accomplished, which was quite a lot, Giles was first and foremost a husband and father, a family man whose greatest love and source of pride were his wife and children. When he arrived in Alabama, he immediately began to get involved in the community and in politics. He got involved in the Folsom campaign for Governor, telling people that he simply wanted to make a difference. Over the next 25 years, he did just that. What a difference he made. While Giles was actively involved in numerous civic groups and projects, his greatest accomplishment was turning a few blighted blocks of real estate in the heart of the city of Birmingham into a stunning outdoor recreational area known as Railroad Park, which has not only provided a space for family enjoyment but spurred economic development and became a catalyst for revitalization in downtown Birmingham. Giles was an outstanding lawyer and community organizer, but he had politics in his blood, and he learned the ins and outs of the shark infested waters of Alabama politics like no other. It was Giles whom I first approached about running for a statewide office because I knew he shared my frustration with the state of politics and government in the State of Alabama. It was Giles and Doug Turner who sat me down to explain about running for the U.S. Senate-- where my heart has always been, having worked here just out of law school--why it was important to run for that office; why, given my background as a U.S. attorney and as a lawyer known for civil rights work, the special election would be so important. It was also Giles who brought in Joe Trippi, everyone else on my campaign team, and helped me staff my Senate office. But rather than calling him a political mentor, which just doesn't seem to capture all that he was, I often referred to him as ``Yoda,'' a political Jedi master, because of his vision and intuition for politics and how politics should translate into public service. He was certainly a master in teaching those around him how they could be wise in the ways of the force of politics. His strategy for my campaign and my Senate office and tenure was molded out of a vision of how Alabama and the South can move beyond the issues that have divided us and how we can lead the Nation in coming together and healing the partisan divide. Many think that my election was his greatest political achievement, but knowing him as I did, he would more likely say that it was not the election per se but the reaction that the election gave to so many people in Alabama and around the country who simply said that it gave them hope. That hope for a better Alabama, for a better South, and for a better America was his No. 1 priority. He was brilliant, philosophical, tenacious, stubborn, funny, and so straightforward that you thought he was sometimes just a little bit mean--a trait you often have to have in order to have a successful campaign. The absolutely remarkable thing about Giles, though, was that he managed my campaign on a daily basis--all of the calls, emails, and all of the meetings knowing he was living on borrowed time. At the time we began the campaign, he was a 2 year survivor of pancreatic cancer, an aggressive form of cancer that takes no prisoners. Through it all, he suffered through a number of treatments, often texting or emailing orders or streams of consciousness while being hooked up to chemotherapy. When asked why he was doing all of this under the strain and pain of his cancer and his treatments, he matter of factly said: ``Because I want to show my children what is important and how to live.'' I am confident that his children got that, as did I and everyone else associated with our campaign. Giles lost his battle on December 2, having survived for 3\1/2\ years after being told he only had 1 month to live. In the world of pancreatic cancer, a 3\1/2\-year survivor is remarkable in itself, but Giles Perkins was a remarkable human who made such a positive impact on all who knew him. As a friend recently wrote me, ``It is because of unsung heroes such as Giles that democracy is sustained in America'' and that we are ``grateful for his commitment and life's work to maintaining integrity in government.'' I know this: When the history of Alabama and the politics of my State and the region are written, it will be Giles Perkins who will be credited for beginning a political change that will be felt for a long, long time. On a personal level, he will never leave my heart and soul. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the remarks I made at Giles' memorial last Friday be printed in the Record.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, today I wish to honor Albert B. Head, a native of Troy, AL. Al has done a great deal for the southeast and the country. His work has been particularly impactful in my home State of Alabama, and I would like to touch on just a few of his accomplishments today. Al earned his undergraduate degree from Troy State University, majoring in art history and aesthetics, was a star quarterback on Troy State's 1968 NAIA national championship football team, and received his master of liberal arts with a concentration on southern literature from Auburn University at Montgomery. In 1972, Al joined the Fine Arts Council of Florida and subsequently received a National Endowment for the Arts fellowship to attend Harvard's Arts Administration Institute in 1974. He served as executive director at the Stephen Foster Folklife Center and the Louisiana Division of the Arts before becoming executive director of the Alabama State Council on the Arts, a position he has held with distinction since 1985. For more than 40 years as a director of three different cultural agencies and as a national arts leader, Al has advocated for the importance of the arts and the necessity of providing State support for the arts. He is the only State arts director to start folk arts programs in three States--Florida, Louisiana, and Alabama--and he has strived to show how important the folk and traditional arts are to defining and giving life to a community. Al served two terms on the National Assembly of State Arts Agencies board and in 1998 received the Gary Young Award from that organization for his leadership and achievements in promoting the arts nationally. Al has also served as a member of the South Arts board for 38 years, presiding as its chair from 1983-85. Al established the Alabama Center for Traditional Culture as a division of the Alabama Council on the Arts dedicated to research and presentation of the State's cultural traditions. In 1999, he received the Alumnus of the Year Award from Troy University National Alumni Association and in 2008 received the Distinguished Leadership Award created by Troy University to recognize an alumnus who has rendered outstanding service to the university and the public. In 2012, he received the National Heritage Fellowship Bess Lomax Hawes Award from the National Endowment for the Arts recognizing his significant contributions to the preservation and awareness of cultural heritage. Al has developed a reputation as one of the foremost arts agency directors in the Nation, has led the Alabama State Council on the Arts through a period of tremendous growth and accomplishment and has served as a mentor and champion for arts organizations and artists across the State of Alabama. He will be celebrated in Montgomery on December 6, 2018, and I want to add my voice to the many others thanking him for his work.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, first of all, let me thank my colleague and friend, Senator Klobuchar, for those sober words. As former prosecutors, we share a lot of the same bonds and knowledge, and we come to this in different ways sometimes than our colleagues. She expressed so many sentiments that I am going to try--and not as eloquently as she--to express today. So I say thank you for those comments. I come to the floor today both as a new Member of this body and as a longtime admirer and student of the Senate to offer my perspective on the situation in which this distinguished body finds itself today. I am deeply disappointed and concerned by the process, the posturing, and the partisanship that have degraded what should be one of the most serious, deliberate, and thoughtful decisions we in the Senate are entrusted to make. Over the course of my almost 40-year career as a trial lawyer, I have represented just about every kind of client you can imagine, from the indigent to the CEO, major corporations and small business owners, individuals charged with serious crimes and those charged with petty offenses. I have also had the incredible honor of serving in the Department of Justice and representing the United States of America. Every one of my clients and every one of those who were on the other side of the litigation in which I was engaged expected and deserved fair, impartial treatment in our courts, and rightly so. But from the moment Justice Kennedy announced his retirement, the conversation about his replacement seems to have rarely been about fairness and impartiality; instead, it has been about power and politics. This Supreme Court nomination almost immediately turned into a divisive political campaign, with millions of dollars being spent to sway Senators on both sides of the aisle, including me. In his partisan-fueled tirade last week, Judge Kavanaugh lashed out at the so- called liberal groups who spent so much money attacking his nomination, but he never acknowledged and others in this body have never acknowledged that conservative groups have spent a like amount of money, if not more, promoting Judge Kavanaugh. I want to make my position clear today. I think that this kind of political campaign for a seat on the Supreme Court of the United States--a political campaign run by either political party--should be condemned as completely contrary to the independence of the judicial branch of our government. Throughout this nomination process, I have repeatedly expressed my concerns about the way it has been conducted. It was flawed from the beginning, and it will be incomplete at the end because of a needless rush to a confirmation. From the beginning, I have done my best, the best that I know how, in my experience, to exercise my constitutional duty--my duty of advice and consent--in a fair and impartial manner, putting aside the political considerations that were being thrown at me from every angle. You know, I have often said in the last few months that it seems that for those who supported Judge Kavanaugh's nomination, if I voted to oppose, I would be seen as nothing but a puppet for my party. On the other hand, for those people who opposed Judge Kavanaugh, if I were to vote for Judge Kavanaugh, I would be seen as bending to a political way to try to get reelected in a conservative State. Neither of those is true. My staff and I have dedicated an incredible amount of time almost every single day since July 10 to reading Judge Kavanaugh's opinions, his speeches, and his articles; reviewing documents at the time he worked at the White House--at least those documents we were able to get ahold of; watching his Senate hearing testimony and his television appearances; meeting with my constituents and advocates; and reading statements and emails both in support of and in opposition to Judge Kavanaugh. This was all done in a very serious effort to give thoughtful and fair consideration to Judge Kavanaugh's nomination without regard to party or politics. The one thing I did not get a chance to do was to meet with Judge Kavanaugh. Judge Kavanaugh and the White House called my office a couple of times early on in the process to try to get a meeting with me, and I told them at that time or my staff told them that my process was to listen and to read, to understand and do my deep dive into his record and to know all that I can know about him. As a lawyer, I wanted to watch that hearing. I wanted to see what would occur at the hearing and how he would present himself, the questions that he answered and the questions he avoided, so that when I did meet with him following that hearing, it would be meaningful. It would not be a meet-and-greet, like so many of us have in this body, but a meaningful meeting. As soon as Chairman Grassley called for the hearing shortly after Labor Day, as soon as that was called in August, my staff started calling the White House to get a meeting. We were told that they would still want a meeting, but we continued to get rebuffed. We never got that meeting. We continued to call after the hearing, and we continued to call at least until the time that Dr. Ford's allegations were made public, and at that point, we knew a meeting was probably not likely to happen. So for all of those detractors who say that I didn't try to get a meeting and that I didn't have the time, I did my best to follow the process of deliberation that I felt appropriate in my due process to make that meeting meaningful, and it never happened, through no fault of mine or my staff. After all that, we find ourselves in this moment of historical significance, where we as a body have an opportunity to send a loud and clear message to women and men throughout this country. As I previously have said, I believe Dr. Ford made an incredibly brave decision to come forward publicly and to testify to the full Senate Judiciary Committee. It was hard to do, knowing how she would be vilified. As a former prosecutor, I know how hard it is for victims to talk about these experiences, particularly in cases of sexual assault. I have been moved by the many reports of thousands of women who have felt compelled by recent events to reveal similar stories that they have buried for many years, some for decades. In the last few weeks, women have shared with me intensely painful and personal descriptions of assaults, some of whom I have known for a period of time but never knew what they were carrying within them. Many of these happened so many years ago--high school, college, as young professionals. Often, they hadn't told anyone, not even their closest friends and loved ones. Their experiences, while different in detail, have so many similarities. Their feelings of fear and shame and guilt were overwhelming at the time of their encounters. Those emotions exert a powerful hold on these women's lives. Even if they go on to find professional success and fulfilling relationships, it is still buried within them, and they don't speak up because they do not want to be known as victims or they don't want others to have to bear their pain, knowing that nothing can undo what happened to them. In last week's public hearing, I found Dr. Ford to be a compelling and credible witness. Yes, there were gaps in her testimony. There always are. There are always gaps and lapses of certain memories in situations like these. Those who have worked with victims of assault know that the most traumatic details are seared into their memories, while extraneous facts may fade over time. Reactions of the women, when they see their perpetrators, are different, depending on the circumstances, but they never forget the pain. They never forget the pain of what happened to them, but rather than relive it or face condemnation or retribution, they simply keep it to themselves and go on day after day after day. If you watched our President this past week at his political rallies, you can understand exactly why these women are afraid to speak out. I am actually appalled at the President's attacks on Dr. Blasey Ford just days after he called her a credible witness--just days after so many in this body called her a credible and compelling witness. His message was simply this: Keep quiet. Nothing happened here. Don't ruin this man's life. Let's continue to stoke the political fires surrounding his nomination. We have heard time and again that victims must be heard--time and again. So often have we heard that in the last 2 weeks, that victims must be heard, but the message from the President of the United States and those who have surrounded him is, yes, let them be heard. Just don't listen. Just don't listen to them. Unfortunately, that message isn't new. The President used his platform to try to intimidate survivors into staying quiet and hiding their pain from the world, but I think he is going to find that while he is focused on stirring up his political base with misogynistic comments, women around this country are rising up, and they are gaining their strength. They are finding their foothold. They are finding their voices in an effort to expose what for far too long has been swept under the carpet. Regardless of the vote tomorrow, we cannot and will not ignore where we are in this moment of history. This is a movement that will not be quieted, nor should it be quieted. For Judge Kavanaugh's part, I was very disappointed in his testimony last week. If the incident did not happen, then I understand full well his frustration and his anger. I get it. Any man would be. It is understandable. Both he and Dr. Ford have endured the ugliness of our society. But, in my view, he simply went too far by leveling unnecessary and inappropriate partisan attacks and accusations, demonstrating a temperament that is unbecoming a sitting judge, much less a Supreme Court nominee. His testimony ran completely counter to the image he attempted to portray in his earlier hearing, in all of his interviews on television, and in the photo opportunities with the various Senators. In addition--and this was incredibly important to me because I had watched it for some time--in simply refusing to acknowledge the need for further investigation, for a further review of his record, as Senator Klobuchar discussed a few moments ago, by failing to acknowledge the need for further review and investigation into these allegations, he demonstrated anything but the independence necessary for our judiciary. Instead, he has bowed to the White House and to the majority of the Judiciary Committee to plow through this nomination process without a full review of his record and without a full, fair, and complete investigation into the very serious and credible allegations made by Dr. Blasey Ford. I am certainly not alone in my views. It is not just people in the Democratic Party or Senators on my side of the aisle. At last count, I saw that there are some 3,000 law professors, about 40 of which are at Yale Law School, from which Judge Kavanaugh graduated. Those law professors have called for his nomination to be either withdrawn or rejected. Religious organizations, including the editors of the Jesuit Review, have done the same. I am told that just this morning, the American Bar Association--the gold standard of review for judicial nominations--has notified the Judiciary Committee that they are reopening their evaluation of Judge Kavanaugh's character and fitness based on what they witnessed in the testimony last week. That is a significant development that just occurred this morning shortly before our vote to proceed. Even before the recent serious allegations of sexual assault, I called for a pause so that we could get the documents that are needed, including those that Chairman Grassley himself had requested. The National Archives reported that due to the volume, even producing those documents on a rolling basis would not take place until sometime this month, in October. Well, it is October now, and although we don't have those documents, we have had two hearings and now are scheduled to vote on confirmation tomorrow. Many of those documents that could have been produced for review were withheld after being screened by a lawyer representing a number of people under investigation or at least witnesses in the investigation by Special Counsel Mueller, which raises serious questions as to what documents we got, which ones were being held, and why they were being held. Despite the lack of documents, the Judiciary Committee forged ahead and conducted its hearings. Before a vote was taken, Dr. Blasey Ford courageously came forward with her very serious allegations regarding a sexual assault that occurred when she and Judge Kavanaugh were in high school. Again, not for the first time, I and others called for a pause to allow for further investigation, to update the background check that every nominee goes through. That call was rebuffed for some period of time. Finally, faced with mounting public pressure, the Judiciary Committee agreed to a second hearing. Both the committee and the White House subsequently rejected any additional background investigation to be conducted by the FBI. As it turned out, my colleague Senator Flake felt compelled to call for such an investigation on the morning of the vote, which delayed the confirmation process for another week. While I am certainly grateful and glad that the chairman and the majority leader and the President agreed to delay the vote in order to allow for an FBI investigation, I believe the investigation was far too limited to have any real use, especially since no further hearings would ever be held. In my career of almost 40 years as a lawyer, I have examined many FBI reports, and I have examined many background checks. In my review of what was submitted as a result of Senator Flake's request, the FBI was simply not allowed to do what it does best, which is to follow the evidence and the leads. In this case, we put the proverbial cart before the horse. The investigation should have taken place before the hearing so that the Senators on the Judiciary Committee could have had the benefit of all the information they needed when questioning witnesses and evaluating credibility, which is where this is coming down. I believe that in cases like this, the witnesses should be compelled by subpoena--not just Dr. Ford, not just Judge Kavanaugh, but other witnesses who are named should have been compelled by subpoena, if necessary, to give testimony, whether in the public hearing or by deposition--procedures that have been invoked by this body on many occasions. This leads me to another more procedural point. Many of those who want to press forward with this nomination have been invoking the presumption of innocence, and I understand that. The presumption of innocence, however, is afforded to those in this country in our criminal justice system. It is afforded to those who are accused of criminal activity, and it requires the government to prove, to rebut that presumption. In other words, that presumption stands between someone accused of a crime and their going to prison and having their liberty taken away from them. They have now said that the presumption of innocence should be applied to judicial nominations. But the presumption applies in a court before we can deprive someone of their liberty, incarcerate them. It is not necessarily applicable when we are simply looking to provide someone with a lifetime appointment to the judiciary. The presumption of innocence for a nominee would, in effect, turn into a presumption of confirmability that I do not believe is called for in the Constitution. I certainly would agree, however, that given the most recent circumstances, we, as a body, need to establish some type of standard, some guidelines for our nominees so that this doesn't happen again. I would say that if we were to have anything close to the high standard of a presumption of innocence, there has to be a full and complete investigation before any hearing in order to determine whether the presumption can be overcome. It is the only way to do it. Remember, in this instance, there are no appeals; there is no review. We get no do-overs once we make this vote. We have to take the time and put forth the necessary effort to get it right--putting forth the time, even if it means the Supreme Court operates with eight members for a period of time. That is OK. I went to the arguments just the other day, and they got along just fine, listening to the arguments that were heard that day. The American people are understandably disgusted by the way this has been handled. They are disgusted with people on both sides of the aisle, and they were disgusted even before these allegations came to light. They have reason to doubt the integrity of our independent judiciary now more than ever, with a Supreme Court that will be so divided and appears to be so partisan. There will forever be a cloud over this nomination and this nomination process, regardless of the outcome of tomorrow's vote. Many also have reason to doubt the integrity of this body for the way this has been handled. When facing difficult decisions, I often reflect on what I learned from one of my most influential mentors, the late Senator Howell Heflin, a former chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court. Judge Heflin often talked about the Supreme Court as the ``People's Court.'' Every day, he said, the Supreme Court of the United States deals with real people, their basic human rights and liberties. It has a direct impact on the daily lives of every American, and the people who serve on the Court should be held to the highest of standards before being allowed the privilege of making those weighty decisions. I don't believe this process has led us to the person best suited to hold this position. This isn't about politics; no, it far transcends that. I have always said that I am inclined to vote for Presidential nominees, but they do not have to have that ``presumption of confirmability.'' We have serious doubts about this nominee that may never be resolved. It certainly was not resolved by the limited investigation that the Senators had to go view in bulk--one copy with 10 Senators sitting, passing it around. We have serious doubts about this nominee. People across this country have serious doubts about this nominee. To quote the late Senator Robert Byrd: No individual has a particular right to a Supreme Court seat. If we are going to give the benefit of the doubt, let us give it to the Court. Let us give it to the country. It was my hope that this body would wind up being on the right side of history with this vote and not a political side chosen in the moment. My preference would have been for the President to send us a new, consensus nominee, much as President Reagan did many years ago when he nominated Justice Kennedy. Send us another nominee and give the Senate a second chance to act as a uniter, not a divider. It now appears, however, that we will need to find another way that we, as a body--which has been described in the past as the most deliberative body in the world; many would question that description today--must find another way to show the American people that we can uphold the lofty ideals we have ascribed to. Tomorrow, this nomination process will have run its course, but our work for our constituents and all of those sitting in the Galleries tonight and all of those watching across this country who will see and follow this vote tomorrow--our work for our constituents will go on. Our work for this country will go on. Regardless of this vote tomorrow, it will go on, and we, as a body, have to get to a place where we look forward, not backward. I am confident; I know in my heart that we can restore the Senate to the place it was when I worked here as a young lawyer, a place where compromise meant progress, not a lost battle. Think about that-- compromise meaning progress and not a lost battle or war. We must set aside the divisiveness, shoulder our responsibilities, and work together. We must do so for the good of this body, for the sake of the country that we all love. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise today to talk about an issue that, quite frankly, I do not think gets enough attention on the floor of the Senate or on the floor of the House of Representatives, and that is the state of historically Black colleges and universities, or, as they are commonly known, HBCUs. Alabama is home to 14 of these institutions, the most of any State in the country. With all due respect to my colleagues, we don't just have the most HBCUs. I believe we have the best. Tuskegee University is the only HBCU with a college of veterinary medicine. The school produces over 75 percent of African-American veterinarians in the world. It has also just hired its first female university president, Dr. Lily McNair. Alabama A&M University is the only 1890 land grant university offering four Ph.D. programs. It is also the leading producer of African Americans with Ph.Ds in physics. Oakwood University is the Nation's fifth highest producer of undergraduate African-American applicants to our country's medical schools. Alabama State University, whose president, my friend Dr. Quinton Ross, has joined us in the Gallery today, is home to the National Center for the Study of Civil Rights and African-American Culture. ASU is currently doing preservation work on some never-before-seen documents, such as court pleadings, bond documents, and other official papers that are connected to the Montgomery bus boycott. Lawson State Community College was also named a Champion of Change in 2011 by then-President Barack Obama. There are over 100 accredited HBCUs today across the country, both public and private. They are in 19 States, the District of Columbia, and the U.S. Virgin Islands. They enroll approximately 300,000 students--80 percent of whom are African American and 70 percent of whom are from low-income families. While HBCUs only make up 3 percent of the country's colleges and universities today, they produce nearly 20 percent of all African- American graduates. Among HBCU graduates, there are countless trailblazing Americans who have, quite literally, changed the course of our Nation's history: Dr. Martin Luther King, Thurgood Marshall, Marian Wright Edelman, Langston Hughes, Katherine Johnson, amongst so many others. According to the National Science Foundation, between 2002 and 2011, the top eight institutions at which African-American Ph.Ds in science and engineering earned their bachelor's degrees were all HBCUs. HBCUs annually generate $14.8 billion in economic impact and add more than 134,000 jobs for local and regional economies, and 2014 Alabama HBCU graduates can expect total earnings of $130 billion over their lifetimes. I could go on and on with these remarkable statistics for these remarkable colleges and universities. For all of these incredible achievements, though--for every achievement I have just named--HBCUs in Alabama and across the country are working against the strong headwinds of serious financial struggles. The Government Accountability Office recently investigated the capital finance needs of HBCUs at the request of my colleagues Senator Patty Murray and Senator Casey, also of Congressman Bobby Scott and Congressman G.K. Butterfield. The report estimates that 46 percent of all HBCU buildings are in need of replacement or repair. This is due to deferred maintenance, the evolution of higher education and technology, and the fact that many of these buildings are State or federally registered historic places. For example, Tuskegee University is designated as a National Historic Site by Congress. That is a remarkable figure--46 percent--of all buildings in need of repair or replacement. It is one that, I hope, all of my colleagues will agree is wholly unacceptable. This is not a surprise, though, for those who understand the challenges these institutions have long faced. HBCUs lack a plethora of revenue sources. Public HBCUs rely heavily on State and Federal grants, appropriations, and bonds. Private HBCUs have to rely on private or alumni giving and tuition and fees. On top of that, the GAO found that an HBCU's average endowment is half the size of a similarly sized non- HBCU. That is half the size not of all non-HBCUs but half the size of similarly situated non-HBCUs. None of the 90 institutions of higher education in this country with endowments greater than $1 billion is an HBCU. This results in an endless cycle for these schools that have contributed so greatly to our country and the talented students they serve. With their limited revenue resources and the discrimination they face in the bond market, it is difficult to maintain campus buildings that attract higher enrollment. Lower enrollment just leads to even less tuition and fewer fees that are collected by each institution. Thus, the cycle continues. I didn't just come to talk about the problems our HBCUs face without offering some type of solution. I introduce today the Strengthening Minority-Serving Institutions Act, which will permanently extend and increase Federal funds to all minority-serving institutions. These Federal funds are currently set to expire after fiscal year 2019. My bill goes beyond just supporting HBCUs and is inclusive of other minority-serving schools, like those that primarily admit Asian Americans, Pacific Islanders, Alaska Natives and Native Hawaiians, Native Americans, and Hispanic Americans, among others. With this legislation, we will increase mandatory funding from $255 million to $300 million for each of these institutions. They will be able to put that money to good use for infrastructure improvements, technology upgrades, and other critical needs that have gone unfulfilled. While I had hoped we could make this a bipartisan effort, I haven't yet heard back from any of my Republican colleagues. My Republican colleagues represent a fair share of these institutions, and I hope we will still gain some support from across the aisle and move this bill through the Senate. This bill will not solve all of the challenges HBCUs face--all of the challenges they are working so hard to overcome. Yet I submit it is a step in the right direction. More importantly, it is the right thing to do for these schools that are part of the very foundation of our higher education system in Alabama and across the country.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise today to talk about an issue that, quite frankly, I do not think gets enough attention on the floor of the Senate or on the floor of the House of Representatives, and that is the state of historically Black colleges and universities, or, as they are commonly known, HBCUs. Alabama is home to 14 of these institutions, the most of any State in the country. With all due respect to my colleagues, we don't just have the most HBCUs. I believe we have the best. Tuskegee University is the only HBCU with a college of veterinary medicine. The school produces over 75 percent of African-American veterinarians in the world. It has also just hired its first female university president, Dr. Lily McNair. Alabama A&M University is the only 1890 land grant university offering four Ph.D. programs. It is also the leading producer of African Americans with Ph.Ds in physics. Oakwood University is the Nation's fifth highest producer of undergraduate African-American applicants to our country's medical schools. Alabama State University, whose president, my friend Dr. Quinton Ross, has joined us in the Gallery today, is home to the National Center for the Study of Civil Rights and African-American Culture. ASU is currently doing preservation work on some never-before-seen documents, such as court pleadings, bond documents, and other official papers that are connected to the Montgomery bus boycott. Lawson State Community College was also named a Champion of Change in 2011 by then-President Barack Obama. There are over 100 accredited HBCUs today across the country, both public and private. They are in 19 States, the District of Columbia, and the U.S. Virgin Islands. They enroll approximately 300,000 students--80 percent of whom are African American and 70 percent of whom are from low-income families. While HBCUs only make up 3 percent of the country's colleges and universities today, they produce nearly 20 percent of all African- American graduates. Among HBCU graduates, there are countless trailblazing Americans who have, quite literally, changed the course of our Nation's history: Dr. Martin Luther King, Thurgood Marshall, Marian Wright Edelman, Langston Hughes, Katherine Johnson, amongst so many others. According to the National Science Foundation, between 2002 and 2011, the top eight institutions at which African-American Ph.Ds in science and engineering earned their bachelor's degrees were all HBCUs. HBCUs annually generate $14.8 billion in economic impact and add more than 134,000 jobs for local and regional economies, and 2014 Alabama HBCU graduates can expect total earnings of $130 billion over their lifetimes. I could go on and on with these remarkable statistics for these remarkable colleges and universities. For all of these incredible achievements, though--for every achievement I have just named--HBCUs in Alabama and across the country are working against the strong headwinds of serious financial struggles. The Government Accountability Office recently investigated the capital finance needs of HBCUs at the request of my colleagues Senator Patty Murray and Senator Casey, also of Congressman Bobby Scott and Congressman G.K. Butterfield. The report estimates that 46 percent of all HBCU buildings are in need of replacement or repair. This is due to deferred maintenance, the evolution of higher education and technology, and the fact that many of these buildings are State or federally registered historic places. For example, Tuskegee University is designated as a National Historic Site by Congress. That is a remarkable figure--46 percent--of all buildings in need of repair or replacement. It is one that, I hope, all of my colleagues will agree is wholly unacceptable. This is not a surprise, though, for those who understand the challenges these institutions have long faced. HBCUs lack a plethora of revenue sources. Public HBCUs rely heavily on State and Federal grants, appropriations, and bonds. Private HBCUs have to rely on private or alumni giving and tuition and fees. On top of that, the GAO found that an HBCU's average endowment is half the size of a similarly sized non- HBCU. That is half the size not of all non-HBCUs but half the size of similarly situated non-HBCUs. None of the 90 institutions of higher education in this country with endowments greater than $1 billion is an HBCU. This results in an endless cycle for these schools that have contributed so greatly to our country and the talented students they serve. With their limited revenue resources and the discrimination they face in the bond market, it is difficult to maintain campus buildings that attract higher enrollment. Lower enrollment just leads to even less tuition and fewer fees that are collected by each institution. Thus, the cycle continues. I didn't just come to talk about the problems our HBCUs face without offering some type of solution. I introduce today the Strengthening Minority-Serving Institutions Act, which will permanently extend and increase Federal funds to all minority-serving institutions. These Federal funds are currently set to expire after fiscal year 2019. My bill goes beyond just supporting HBCUs and is inclusive of other minority-serving schools, like those that primarily admit Asian Americans, Pacific Islanders, Alaska Natives and Native Hawaiians, Native Americans, and Hispanic Americans, among others. With this legislation, we will increase mandatory funding from $255 million to $300 million for each of these institutions. They will be able to put that money to good use for infrastructure improvements, technology upgrades, and other critical needs that have gone unfulfilled. While I had hoped we could make this a bipartisan effort, I haven't yet heard back from any of my Republican colleagues. My Republican colleagues represent a fair share of these institutions, and I hope we will still gain some support from across the aisle and move this bill through the Senate. This bill will not solve all of the challenges HBCUs face--all of the challenges they are working so hard to overcome. Yet I submit it is a step in the right direction. More importantly, it is the right thing to do for these schools that are part of the very foundation of our higher education system in Alabama and across the country.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I would like to take a few moments to remember and honor Maryon Pittman Allen, a former Member of this body, who passed away on July 23, 2018. Maryon Allen was one of only two women ever to represent the State of Alabama in the U.S. Senate. Born in Meridian, MS, in 1925, Maryon Pittman and her family moved to Alabama in 1926 in order for her father to open a Caterpillar tractor franchise. She grew up in Birmingham, attending Avondale School and Ramsay High School, before matriculating at the University of Alabama, where she planned to major in journalism. While in college, she met and married her first husband, attorney Joshua Mullins, and they had three children. After the marriage ended in divorce in 1959, Maryon entered the workforce, first as a secretary, then in insurance sales, and eventually putting her journalism training to use writing for the ``Shades Valley Sun'' as society editor. In the 1960s, Maryon joined the Birmingham News as women's editor. Two weeks into her new job, she drove to Montgomery to interview then- Lieutenant Governor James B. Allen in connection with a speech he had delivered to the Alabama Federation of Women's Clubs. She and Allen, a widower with two children, were instantly attracted to each other and married in August 1964, after a whirlwind, 4-month courtship. When Alabama Senator Lister Hill chose not to seek reelection to the U.S. Senate in 1968, Jim Allen sought and won election to his seat. In January of 1969, Maryon and Jim moved to Washington, D.C., as Jim began his term in the 91st Congress. From Washington, Maryon began writing a new column called Reflections of a News Hen, which was regionally syndicated in several southeastern newspapers and won Alabama Press Association awards for ``best original column.'' She also served as chair of the Blair House Fine Arts Commission in 1974, appointed to the position by President Gerald Ford. Jim Allen died suddenly, of a heart attack, on June 1, 1978. One week later, Alabama Governor George Wallace appointed Maryon to fill her husband's seat until the special election, which was scheduled to take place in November. Mrs. Allen pledged to ``continue to espouse the great principles of government to which Senator Allen dedicated his life. When I cast a vote on the floor of the U.S. Senate, it will reflect the philosophy he expressed so eloquently and strongly during his almost 10 years of service.'' Mrs. Allen served 5 months in the Senate. She was the first woman to serve on the Judiciary Committee, and she presided over the Senate on several occasions, but even as a Senator, she stayed true to her roots and continued writing her ``Reflections'' newspaper column. Shortly after Mrs. Allen left the Senate in 1978, Washington Post editor-in-chief Ben Bradlee invited her to write a weekly social column about life and events inside the Beltway. Until 1981, Allen remained in Washington, writing ``Maryon Allen's Washington'' and entertaining Post readers with her trademark wit and style. Eventually, however, Maryon returned to Birmingham to be near her family and friends. Back home, she began yet another career as one of America's finest restorers of antique wedding dresses, christening gowns, and other heirloom textiles, using skills she had learned from her grandmother. Allen and her extraordinary artistry were featured in several national magazines. My wife, Louise, and I wish to extend our gratitude for Mrs. Allen's service, as well as our condolences for her loss to her children Joshua Sanford Mullins, III, and his wife Eugenia; John Pittman Mullins and his wife, Alison; and Maryon Allen Allen, widow of the late Stephen Allen; to her stepson James Browning Allen, Jr., and to her six grandchildren, and four great-grandchildren. Maryon Allen was independent, intelligent, and charismatic, with a self-described ``penchant for being irreverent.'' She faced life's challenges fearlessly, refusing to be defeated by adversity. She can now rest in peace after a life well-lived.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, it is my honor today to celebrate the life and service of Judge Helen Shores Lee of Alabama, who died on July 2, 2018. The daughter of respected civil rights attorney Arthur Shores, Judge Lee was a civil rights advocate and pioneer in her own right. She was the first African-American woman to serve as judge in the civil division of the circuit court in Jefferson County, AL, and she devoted her life to making sure that all people are cared for, concerned about, and spoken up for. Helen Shores Lee lived a life of exemplary courage, dedication, and generosity, and I am fortunate to have known her. I am even more blessed to have called her my friend. Helen developed courage as a young girl growing up in the Smithfield area of Birmingham. The Shores family home was on ``Dynamite Hill,'' so named because of the dozens of unsolved bombings there during the civil rights struggles that convulsed the Birmingham area from the late 1940s to the 1960s. In the summer of 1963, Helen's own home was bombed twice, just weeks before a bomb exploded at the 16th Street Baptist Church nearby, killing four little girls who were her friends. Two years later, another bomb was discovered in the Shores' yard, but fortunately, that one was defused before it exploded. Despite the damage they caused and the terror they were intended to inspire, those bombs did not deter or displace the Shores family, nor did they dissuade the rest of the African-American community from the patient pursuit of equality. Though her father was small in stature, Judge Lee described him as a ``giant in life.'' Helen used to tell a story about one time, when a car full of White men was driving around her neighborhood pointing a gun out the window. Frustrated and frightened, young Helen ran in the house and got a gun of her own. Her father followed her out onto the porch, took the gun from her hands, and taught her the importance of fighting ``the right way.'' Judge Lee's courage was bolstered by her faith, which she also learned from her father. Recalling the threats and the bombings, Judge Lee said, ``It was our Christian faith that got us through this ordeal. My dad prayed constantly. We witnessed that.'' The Shores home was directly across the street from the First Congregational Church, where Shores was Sunday school superintendent, deacon, and trustee. Even at the end of his life, his daughters pushed him across Center Street in a wheelchair so he could get to church. Arthur Shores died in that house on Dynamite Hill, now an unofficial landmark of the civil rights movement. With her sister Barbara and author Denise George, in 2012, Judge Lee published ``The Gentle Giant of Dynamite Hill,'' a biography of her father that tells how Shores, a former high school principal, became one of the Nation's top civil rights attorneys. Shores handled a number of high-profile cases, including representing Autherine Lucy, the first Black student to attend the University of Alabama. Shores also represented the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., when he was indicted for leading the Montgomery Bus Boycott. From 1971 to 1987, Judge Lee worked as a clinical psychologist, serving her patients and the community with dedication and compassion. In 1986, she dedicated herself to a new kind of service, becoming a magistrate for the city of Birmingham. After graduating from the Cumberland School of Law in 1987, she joined her father to form Shores & Lee, where she practiced law until she was appointed circuit judge of the Tenth Judicial Court of Alabama and assumed the bench in January 2003. She was twice reelected by the citizens of Jefferson County. Although she retired in 2015, Judge Lee continued to give generously of her time and talent to a number of organizations. Judge Lee's commitment to her community included serving as a member of the Alabama State Ethics Commission from 1996-2000 and as its chairwoman from 1999-2000. She also chaired the community advisory board of the University of Alabama at Birmingham's Minority Health and Research Center, she was a trustee for Leadership Birmingham, she was a member of the Cumberland School of Law advisory board, and she served on the boards of Blue Cross Blue Shield of Alabama, Campfire, Inc., the Civil Rights Institute, the Young Women's Christian Association, and many more. In 2013, the Young Women's Christian Association of Central Alabama honored Judge Lee with the Jeana P. Hosch Woman of Valor award for her decades of commitment to civil rights and community service. Samford University named her Alumnus of the Year in 2014. In addition, Judge Lee was often called on to speak about her experiences in the civil rights movement and the role her family played in moving the country to a better place. I was fortunate to share the stage with her many times and always marveled at how she would share her story with grace, compassion, and a sense of justice, not hatred or bitterness. My wife, Louise, and I extend our sincere and deep condolences to Judge Lee's family. The city of Birmingham and the State of Alabama are better for her having lived and served there and so am I.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise today on behalf of the line workers at our Alabama auto plants. I rise on behalf of our soybean and cotton farmers. I rise on behalf of countless other Alabama businesses that have contacted me because they feel threatened by proposed tariffs but are afraid to speak out publicly for fear of reprisal. In some cases they simply don't want to be seen as inflicting political damage on the President. I came to this body to work on solutions, not to raise partisan threat levels. I am not one to unfairly level criticism at the President of the United States, but I have called it as I see it when his actions hurt our economy and my State, in particular, and I will continue to do so. Today, I want to talk about his proposed tariffs on our allies and our trading partners. These actions have prompted retaliatory tariffs on countless Alabama goods, including cotton and soybeans. American industries overwhelmingly oppose these tariffs or, really, they are taxes on their products. I share President Trump's desire to see continued growth in our manufacturing sector and to secure trade deals that benefit our country. His tariffs are not leading to more manufacturing jobs in Alabama. Instead, they have manufactured a crisis that threatens to permanently harm our businesses and our farms. This is a self-inflicted wound. I am well aware that China has been a rogue actor when it comes to trade, and I support a strong response. Alabama's steel industry, for example, was hurt by the illegal dumping of Chinese steel into the global market. I witnessed it firsthand in my hometown of Fairfield, AL, once home to one of the country's largest U.S. steel facilities, which now sits virtually idle. Globe Metallurgical in Selma has been hit by the dumping of silicon metal from China. China has time and again shown a blatant disregard for American intellectual property rights. I have spoken out against these abuses and will continue to do so when they occur in the future. We should not sweep our friends with the same brush with which we sweep China. Antagonizing allies like Canada, South Korea, and Germany for no reason at all only weakens us. According to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, more than half a million Alabama jobs are supported by global trade, meaning more than one in every four Alabama jobs are tied to trade. Those jobs are needlessly at risk to date. I have spoken with representatives from industries across my State. Some are already hurting from the tariffs; others are OK for the moment but are fearful of consequences down the road, such as losing suppliers or taking a direct hit from retaliatory tariffs. Many of these workers or business owners tell me they support President Trump. They want him to do well. They voted for him, and they are hesitant to speak out because they don't want to appear to be disloyal or harm him politically. They are confused as to why the President is taking steps that hurt their businesses and put their jobs at risk. They want help. They say what we in this body already know: Tariffs are nothing more than tax increases. They are taxes that hurt American businesses, American workers, American consumers, and the American economy. In a cruel twist, they seem to be doing the most damage in the places and sectors that make up the President's base of support: farmers, autoworkers, truck drivers. These are the exact folks he promised to take care of. Nowhere is that more prevalent and evident than in our automotive industry. It is not just really an ``industry'' as we think of it in abstract terms. It means people, jobs, families, and the ability to support a family. One of those people is a man named John Hall. John has been a maintenance worker at the Hyundai Motor manufacturing plant in Montgomery, AL, for nearly 14 years. He recently came to Washington to tell folks about what the industry has meant to his community. At a rally last Thursday, he said that the transformation of Montgomery and the Alabama River Region has been breathtaking-- breathtaking--since the Hyundai plant arrived in our State. He went on that day to testify at the Commerce Department at a hearing about whether or not imported automobiles, trucks, and parts posed a national security threat. That bears repeating. These tariffs on automobiles--foreign automobiles and parts--are being proposed because somehow, some way foreign vehicles and parts are a threat to national security. I don't know how else to say it, but that is a ridiculous premise, and everyone knows it. Even the President implicitly acknowledged that in one of his Twitter rants the other day when he threatened to raise auto tariffs in response to the antitrust fine levied against Google by the European Union. Not only is it not a national security threat, this industry has brought untold opportunity to Alabama and other States, particularly in the Southeast. Before the automakers came to Alabama, our manufacturing industry was still reeling from NAFTA. Many Alabama facilities, like textile manufacturers, were closing down and moving to other countries. These automakers came to Alabama--Mercedes, Honda, Hyundai, Toyota's engine factory, which is now a Toyota and Mazda automobile factory, breaking ground soon, and they have breathed new life into our economy. They have all announced planned expansions in the last year or so. Alabama's automotive sector employs some 50,000 people, and motor vehicle exports from Alabama reached $11 billion in 2017. Simply put, Alabama is a trade State, an exporting State. It is not just cars, either. We export about $170 million annually in soybeans to China, and that industry contributes 11,000 jobs to our State. The day China released its list of U.S. goods that could be tariffed, soybean prices fell 40 cents that morning. Stan Usery, the president of the Alabama Soybean & Corn Association and soybean farmer, said: If you weighed that out in dollar figures, it was in the billions of what the value of the U.S. soybean crop lost in just that one day. Just based on the fear of an imposed tariff. I have heard from other farmers too. Peanut contract prices have fallen flat. Pork prices have fallen $18 a head since March. Cotton prices dropped 10 cents in the wake of the initial round of tariffs. Our cattle farmers share these concerns and are anticipating potential production cost increases as a result of more expensive fuel and grain. Just yesterday, we learned that the administration is going to spend $12 billion in taxpayer money to help offset the damage its trade war has done to American farmers. These farmers need the money. It is a self-inflicted wound, but they need it. This money might help some of the farmers somewhat in the short term, but it is a slippery slope for the President of the United States to start down. What about the meatpackers who see less work because of reduced sales or truckdrivers who transport these goods across the country? These folks want trade, not aid. If tariffs are not reversed soon, the damage to supply chains and markets cannot be undone. A company like Harley-Davidson can move a plant from Wisconsin overseas to avoid tariffs. My farmers in Alabama can't do that. You can't move a soybean farm. You can't move a cotton field. You can only move plants, hardware, and people. China is one of the top markets for Alabama's cotton, poultry, pork, and soybeans. When China chooses to source these goods from Brazil, Australia, or Vietnam to avoid the President's tariffs, they will not go back to purchasing from Alabama once common sense prevails and the tariffs are rescinded. By then, it will be too late. A market will be lost, and family farms cannot recover from the loss of a business. I know some folks back home in Alabama don't like it when the President gets criticized. They certainly don't like it when I do, and I understand that. They don't like it even when the policies of the administration may hurt Alabama. One of my own delegation colleagues in the House went so far as to suggest that we shouldn't be worried about these automobile tariffs; we are all getting worked up over nothing. I like to think he is right, but I don't think he is, and neither do the thousands of folks who work in Alabama's automobile industry or their family members who have written or called my offices, nor do the industry representatives they have sent to Washington to plead with their elected officials for help, nor does my good friend, the senior Senator from Tennessee, with whom I am proud to be standing here today. I believe these tariffs are bad for Alabama and bad for America. Senator Alexander, who is a strong supporter of the President on many issues, agrees that these tariffs represent a very real threat to the hundreds of thousands of jobs in the automotive industry. No region in the country would be hit harder than the Southeast, where textiles used to be king but where automobiles now reign supreme. That is why I am here today, to stand up for my constituents and to do what I think is right. It is why, last month, Senator Alexander and I wrote to Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, urging him to reconsider the auto tariff tax proposal before it damages the automotive sector, which contributes more than 200,000 jobs to our two States. It is why I have reached out to the Commerce Department and the U.S. Trade Representatives on behalf of a number of Alabama businesses, from textiles to heating and air conditioning companies, to businesses in the energy sector, each facing their own unique crisis because of the proposed tariffs. In fact, since I was sworn in, I have invited representatives from a number of impacted industries to come to my office to share their stores, to offer suggestions on what we can do, and to be honest about outcomes if we fail to act. I did not come to this body to simply sit by and watch and do nothing, especially when I see a need and I need to step up. I said I would follow my conscience and do the right thing to make Alabama and America a better place. In that spirit, a short time earlier today, Senator Alexander and I followed up on our letter to Secretary Ross--to which, quite frankly, we have not yet received a response--by introducing the Automotive Jobs Act of 2018. It is a bipartisan effort to halt President Trump's proposed tax on imported cars, trucks, and auto parts, which would raise the price of every automobile produced in the United States. Our legislation would require the International Trade Commission to conduct a comprehensive study of the well-being, health, and vitality of the U.S. automotive industry. The ITC will be required to deliver the report to Congress before these tariffs could be applied. Tariffs should be used to protect American jobs, not hurt them. In the coming weeks, I will be looking at other legislative solutions to help other sectors impacted by the President's tariffs, but the President can save our auto industry today by simply calling off the 232 investigation. If we are not vigilant, hard-working Alabamians are going to be the losers in this game of chicken with China, the European Union, and others. The small family farmers, the line workers at our auto plants, the truckdrivers who transport Alabama-made products to market, and our port, all stand to lose the gains that we have made in the last couple of decades. It is my hope that through this legislation we can demonstrate beyond any doubt the positive benefits the auto industry brings to Alabama, Tennessee, and many other States across the country. Instead of pursuing these tariffs, we should be partnering with our allies who have also been treated unfairly by countries like China and present a united front against bad actors and their harmful trade practices. I believe in the great potential of our Nation's automobile industry, and I want to empower both the American and foreign automakers who have already invested significantly in this country. This is a thriving industry and one supported by the greatest workforce in the world. Let's help it to continue to grow and support good-paying jobs in our communities. We need to stand united against these proposed tariffs. President Trump, Alabamians are counting on you to do the right thing by those who stood with you. I hope you will do so. I yield for my friend, the senior Senator from Tennessee, Mr. Alexander.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise today on behalf of the line workers at our Alabama auto plants. I rise on behalf of our soybean and cotton farmers. I rise on behalf of countless other Alabama businesses that have contacted me because they feel threatened by proposed tariffs but are afraid to speak out publicly for fear of reprisal. In some cases they simply don't want to be seen as inflicting political damage on the President. I came to this body to work on solutions, not to raise partisan threat levels. I am not one to unfairly level criticism at the President of the United States, but I have called it as I see it when his actions hurt our economy and my State, in particular, and I will continue to do so. Today, I want to talk about his proposed tariffs on our allies and our trading partners. These actions have prompted retaliatory tariffs on countless Alabama goods, including cotton and soybeans. American industries overwhelmingly oppose these tariffs or, really, they are taxes on their products. I share President Trump's desire to see continued growth in our manufacturing sector and to secure trade deals that benefit our country. His tariffs are not leading to more manufacturing jobs in Alabama. Instead, they have manufactured a crisis that threatens to permanently harm our businesses and our farms. This is a self-inflicted wound. I am well aware that China has been a rogue actor when it comes to trade, and I support a strong response. Alabama's steel industry, for example, was hurt by the illegal dumping of Chinese steel into the global market. I witnessed it firsthand in my hometown of Fairfield, AL, once home to one of the country's largest U.S. steel facilities, which now sits virtually idle. Globe Metallurgical in Selma has been hit by the dumping of silicon metal from China. China has time and again shown a blatant disregard for American intellectual property rights. I have spoken out against these abuses and will continue to do so when they occur in the future. We should not sweep our friends with the same brush with which we sweep China. Antagonizing allies like Canada, South Korea, and Germany for no reason at all only weakens us. According to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, more than half a million Alabama jobs are supported by global trade, meaning more than one in every four Alabama jobs are tied to trade. Those jobs are needlessly at risk to date. I have spoken with representatives from industries across my State. Some are already hurting from the tariffs; others are OK for the moment but are fearful of consequences down the road, such as losing suppliers or taking a direct hit from retaliatory tariffs. Many of these workers or business owners tell me they support President Trump. They want him to do well. They voted for him, and they are hesitant to speak out because they don't want to appear to be disloyal or harm him politically. They are confused as to why the President is taking steps that hurt their businesses and put their jobs at risk. They want help. They say what we in this body already know: Tariffs are nothing more than tax increases. They are taxes that hurt American businesses, American workers, American consumers, and the American economy. In a cruel twist, they seem to be doing the most damage in the places and sectors that make up the President's base of support: farmers, autoworkers, truck drivers. These are the exact folks he promised to take care of. Nowhere is that more prevalent and evident than in our automotive industry. It is not just really an ``industry'' as we think of it in abstract terms. It means people, jobs, families, and the ability to support a family. One of those people is a man named John Hall. John has been a maintenance worker at the Hyundai Motor manufacturing plant in Montgomery, AL, for nearly 14 years. He recently came to Washington to tell folks about what the industry has meant to his community. At a rally last Thursday, he said that the transformation of Montgomery and the Alabama River Region has been breathtaking-- breathtaking--since the Hyundai plant arrived in our State. He went on that day to testify at the Commerce Department at a hearing about whether or not imported automobiles, trucks, and parts posed a national security threat. That bears repeating. These tariffs on automobiles--foreign automobiles and parts--are being proposed because somehow, some way foreign vehicles and parts are a threat to national security. I don't know how else to say it, but that is a ridiculous premise, and everyone knows it. Even the President implicitly acknowledged that in one of his Twitter rants the other day when he threatened to raise auto tariffs in response to the antitrust fine levied against Google by the European Union. Not only is it not a national security threat, this industry has brought untold opportunity to Alabama and other States, particularly in the Southeast. Before the automakers came to Alabama, our manufacturing industry was still reeling from NAFTA. Many Alabama facilities, like textile manufacturers, were closing down and moving to other countries. These automakers came to Alabama--Mercedes, Honda, Hyundai, Toyota's engine factory, which is now a Toyota and Mazda automobile factory, breaking ground soon, and they have breathed new life into our economy. They have all announced planned expansions in the last year or so. Alabama's automotive sector employs some 50,000 people, and motor vehicle exports from Alabama reached $11 billion in 2017. Simply put, Alabama is a trade State, an exporting State. It is not just cars, either. We export about $170 million annually in soybeans to China, and that industry contributes 11,000 jobs to our State. The day China released its list of U.S. goods that could be tariffed, soybean prices fell 40 cents that morning. Stan Usery, the president of the Alabama Soybean & Corn Association and soybean farmer, said: If you weighed that out in dollar figures, it was in the billions of what the value of the U.S. soybean crop lost in just that one day. Just based on the fear of an imposed tariff. I have heard from other farmers too. Peanut contract prices have fallen flat. Pork prices have fallen $18 a head since March. Cotton prices dropped 10 cents in the wake of the initial round of tariffs. Our cattle farmers share these concerns and are anticipating potential production cost increases as a result of more expensive fuel and grain. Just yesterday, we learned that the administration is going to spend $12 billion in taxpayer money to help offset the damage its trade war has done to American farmers. These farmers need the money. It is a self-inflicted wound, but they need it. This money might help some of the farmers somewhat in the short term, but it is a slippery slope for the President of the United States to start down. What about the meatpackers who see less work because of reduced sales or truckdrivers who transport these goods across the country? These folks want trade, not aid. If tariffs are not reversed soon, the damage to supply chains and markets cannot be undone. A company like Harley-Davidson can move a plant from Wisconsin overseas to avoid tariffs. My farmers in Alabama can't do that. You can't move a soybean farm. You can't move a cotton field. You can only move plants, hardware, and people. China is one of the top markets for Alabama's cotton, poultry, pork, and soybeans. When China chooses to source these goods from Brazil, Australia, or Vietnam to avoid the President's tariffs, they will not go back to purchasing from Alabama once common sense prevails and the tariffs are rescinded. By then, it will be too late. A market will be lost, and family farms cannot recover from the loss of a business. I know some folks back home in Alabama don't like it when the President gets criticized. They certainly don't like it when I do, and I understand that. They don't like it even when the policies of the administration may hurt Alabama. One of my own delegation colleagues in the House went so far as to suggest that we shouldn't be worried about these automobile tariffs; we are all getting worked up over nothing. I like to think he is right, but I don't think he is, and neither do the thousands of folks who work in Alabama's automobile industry or their family members who have written or called my offices, nor do the industry representatives they have sent to Washington to plead with their elected officials for help, nor does my good friend, the senior Senator from Tennessee, with whom I am proud to be standing here today. I believe these tariffs are bad for Alabama and bad for America. Senator Alexander, who is a strong supporter of the President on many issues, agrees that these tariffs represent a very real threat to the hundreds of thousands of jobs in the automotive industry. No region in the country would be hit harder than the Southeast, where textiles used to be king but where automobiles now reign supreme. That is why I am here today, to stand up for my constituents and to do what I think is right. It is why, last month, Senator Alexander and I wrote to Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, urging him to reconsider the auto tariff tax proposal before it damages the automotive sector, which contributes more than 200,000 jobs to our two States. It is why I have reached out to the Commerce Department and the U.S. Trade Representatives on behalf of a number of Alabama businesses, from textiles to heating and air conditioning companies, to businesses in the energy sector, each facing their own unique crisis because of the proposed tariffs. In fact, since I was sworn in, I have invited representatives from a number of impacted industries to come to my office to share their stores, to offer suggestions on what we can do, and to be honest about outcomes if we fail to act. I did not come to this body to simply sit by and watch and do nothing, especially when I see a need and I need to step up. I said I would follow my conscience and do the right thing to make Alabama and America a better place. In that spirit, a short time earlier today, Senator Alexander and I followed up on our letter to Secretary Ross--to which, quite frankly, we have not yet received a response--by introducing the Automotive Jobs Act of 2018. It is a bipartisan effort to halt President Trump's proposed tax on imported cars, trucks, and auto parts, which would raise the price of every automobile produced in the United States. Our legislation would require the International Trade Commission to conduct a comprehensive study of the well-being, health, and vitality of the U.S. automotive industry. The ITC will be required to deliver the report to Congress before these tariffs could be applied. Tariffs should be used to protect American jobs, not hurt them. In the coming weeks, I will be looking at other legislative solutions to help other sectors impacted by the President's tariffs, but the President can save our auto industry today by simply calling off the 232 investigation. If we are not vigilant, hard-working Alabamians are going to be the losers in this game of chicken with China, the European Union, and others. The small family farmers, the line workers at our auto plants, the truckdrivers who transport Alabama-made products to market, and our port, all stand to lose the gains that we have made in the last couple of decades. It is my hope that through this legislation we can demonstrate beyond any doubt the positive benefits the auto industry brings to Alabama, Tennessee, and many other States across the country. Instead of pursuing these tariffs, we should be partnering with our allies who have also been treated unfairly by countries like China and present a united front against bad actors and their harmful trade practices. I believe in the great potential of our Nation's automobile industry, and I want to empower both the American and foreign automakers who have already invested significantly in this country. This is a thriving industry and one supported by the greatest workforce in the world. Let's help it to continue to grow and support good-paying jobs in our communities. We need to stand united against these proposed tariffs. President Trump, Alabamians are counting on you to do the right thing by those who stood with you. I hope you will do so. I yield for my friend, the senior Senator from Tennessee, Mr. Alexander.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise today with deep sadness, but also with reverence to remember Jack Powell, who died on May 12, 2018. Jack Powell was a beloved coach and educator in Alabama. He was revered by his students and players and often regarded as a second father to many. Until his 95th birthday, regular reunions were held by former high school players to honor Coach Powell and reminisce with former teammates. His accomplishments on and off the course touched thousands of lives. Coach Powell was born on March 20, 1922, in Andalusia. He was one of 10 children born to George Bennie and Lilla Lawson Powell. He played basketball in the State tournament for 3 years as a student at Pleasant Home High School. They went undefeated during the regular season of his senior year. Coach Powell went on to Auburn University to play for coaches Bob Evans, Ralph ``Shug'' Jordan, and V.J. Edney. While at Auburn, he was a letterman 2 years in a row and cocaptain of the team in 1946. After his college career, he served as an educator for approximately 40 years. He worked at Lockhart and Eufaula high schools from 1947 to 1966, then Livingston University, now the University of West Alabama, from 1966 to 1972, and finally at Sparks State Technical College in Eufaula until his retirement. During his time as a high school coach, he received several Coach of the Year Awards and won district, area, regional, and State championships. He coached three Alabama All-Star Games, including the inaugural game in 1963. He served as coach to 11 All-State players. While at Eufaula High School, his team went to the State tournament nine times, finishing in the top four positions. During his 20-year tenure, he amassed an impressive winning record of 406-193. When he entered the college coaching scene in 1966, he led Livingston University to its first Alabama Collegiate Conference championship and two consecutive ACC Tournament Championships. In 1969, he was named ACC Coach of the Year and in 1971 was again named ACC Coach of the Year, in addition to Alabama Small Colleges Coach of the Year and NAIA District 27 Coach of the Year. In 1992, after decades of hard work and commitment to teams, he became one of the first inductees in the Alabama High School Sports Hall of Fame. One of his greatest honors was having a gymnasium named after him in Eufaula, where it served as the home to Eufaula's youth basketball leagues for many years. He also established a Tri-State basketball tryout clinic where players came from Alabama, Florida, Georgia, and Tennessee. As a result, more than 60 young athletes earned scholarships to play in college. Aside from teaching and coaching, Coach Powell was an avid outdoorsmen who loved to fish, hunt, and garden. He also served in his churches in both Eufaula and Livingston. He was a Sunday school teacher for more than 50 years in addition to serving as a deacon and chairman of the board for more than 12 years. My wife, Louise, and I extend our sincerest condolences to Coach Powell's two sons, five grandchildren, seven great-grandchildren, and the entire extended community of athletes and fans on whom he made a positive impact. His legacy lives on in each of us.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise to discuss an issue that is of great importance to my constituents in Alabama and to many other people across the country. At issue is the health of our automotive industry. Unfortunately, the health of my State's automobile industry is being threatened not by unfair competition or illegal practices but by significant tariffs proposed by the President. According to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, more than a half a million Alabama jobs are supported by global trade, meaning more than one in every four Alabama jobs is tied to trade. One of the key reasons Alabama has such a robust trade posture is due to our automotive manufacturing industry. I am old enough to remember what it was like before auto companies came to Alabama in the 1990s, starting with Mercedes. At the time that Mercedes came, many of Alabama's manufacturing facilities were closing down and moving to other countries. Yet, one by one--from Mercedes, to Honda, to Hyundai, and now to Toyota and Mazda, which are breaking ground on a new plant very soon--these automakers came to Alabama and breathed new life into our State's economy. They support, today, some 57,000 Alabama jobs, and our auto exports topped $11 billion in 2017. That doesn't even include the new Toyota-Mazda plant in Huntsville, which is going to add another 4,000 jobs and $1.6 billion in economic development. After having no automobile industry 30 years ago, Alabama has become the third largest exporter of automobiles in this country. In only the past 15 months, every major automobile manufacturer in Alabama has announced an expansion to total 5,400 jobs and $3.3 billion in investments. This industry has been a phenomenal success in Alabama and, more importantly, for the men and women who rely on these very good-paying jobs to support their families and to build better lives. That is why it is a priority for me and colleagues like my friend, Senator Alexander from Tennessee, to keep our States' automotive industry thriving. Yet, recently, this industry has come under attack. In May, President Trump threatened a 25-percent tariff on imported cars, trucks, and auto parts under the pretext that these products somehow threaten our national security. Let me be clear. While the United States faces any number of threats from adversaries on any number of fronts, foreign automobiles and auto parts are not threats to our national security. Do you know what is a threat? It is a 25-percent tax on the prices of these imported goods. The President's proposed auto tariffs have the potential to inflict serious damage on a booming industry in my State and in other leading auto-producing States, like Tennessee. We might call it a tariff, but we all know exactly what it is--a tax. By definition, a tariff is a tax on a particular class of imports or exports. Any tariffs placed on products that come into the United States are taxes that increase the cost of those goods to American consumers. When other countries place additional tariffs, or new taxes, on American goods, it raises the purchase prices of American products overseas and hurts our ability to sustain competitive markets in those countries. So it is deeply troubling that the recent proposal from the President will threaten tens of thousands of jobs in Alabama and increase costs for American consumers. Shortly after this tariff threat was issued, Senator Alexander joined me in writing to Commerce Secretary Wilbur Ross, and we urged him to reconsider the auto tariff tax proposal. Between our two States, the automotive sector contributes more than 200,000 jobs to our economies. Numbers of autoworkers from our States are in town this week to tell their stories, firsthand, to the Commerce Department, and I commend them for their efforts in doing so. Senator Alexander and I understand the devastating blow these tariffs will represent to an industry that has literally rebuilt our respective States' economies from the ground up. Automakers and their suppliers can be found in every corner and in nearly every county of each of our States. We have found common cause in fighting these tariffs and protecting our constituents from the devastating impacts they will have. There are already a few legislative solutions out there, including Senator Corker's solution regarding tariffs. I know Senator Portman is also doing a lot of good work in this space. Senator Alexander and I are working together to propose a solution of our own as a complementary measure to halt these tariffs. We hope to introduce that proposal as early as next week after consulting with our automotive manufacturers and working with our colleagues to grow bipartisan support for this legislation. I realize that folks who have been affected by these proposed tariffs are looking for a silver bullet to stop them dead in their tracks. Right now, the only silver bullet in this case is for the President to change his mind and recognize how many jobs are at risk because of these proposed tariffs. Until that happens, we are going to fight to protect what our States and our workers have earned. I want to thank my colleague Senator Alexander, who is here today, for his continued partnership in this effort. I look forward to working with more of our colleagues to stop the urgent threat to American jobs. Thank you. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Mr. JONES. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise to speak on a matter of both personal and national importance. As many folks know by now, a defining moment in my career as a prosecutor was bringing to justice two former Ku Klux Klansmen for the bombing of Birmingham's 16th Street Baptist Church in 1963. That act of domestic terrorism, and that is exactly what it was, killed four innocent, beautiful little girls. As one of their mothers, Miss Alpha Robertson, described, ``It sounded like the whole world was shaking.'' There is no doubt it did. The whole world shook as people asked: How could this happen in America, the land of the free and the home of the brave? Despite the feeling that the whole world shook--and indeed the horrific crime did add momentum to the civil rights movement--the criminals responsible for the murder of those four little girls were not brought to justice for decades. The first came in 1977, 14 years after the fact, by my friend and former Alabama attorney general, Bill Baxley. It would be 24 and 25 years later, in 2001 and 2002, that my team of Robert Posey, Jeff Wallace, Don Cochran, Bill Fleming, Ben Herren, and I completed that journey. The bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church was but one of many civil rights-era crimes that have gone unsolved. Solving and successfully prosecuting an almost 40-year-old case was no easy task, and the effort involved a team of both Federal and State law enforcement. Media coverage also contributed to some key breaks in that case. In fact, it was through the dedicated efforts of my friend Jerry Mitchell, an award-winning journalist at the Jackson, MS, Clarion Ledger, that these unsolved civil rights cases even got a second look. It was when the State of Mississippi opened closed files of a Jim Crow- era State commission that Jerry discovered it might be possible to reopen several unsolved cases, including the cases of Medgar Evers and Vernon Dahmer. When those cases resulted in convictions, law enforcement officers and communities around the South began to reexamine so many of the unsolved crimes, including the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church. Today there are more than 100 unsolved civil rights criminal cases out there. Many of them are 50 years old or older. Some were investigated a little, some were investigated a lot, but because these were State not Federal crimes most were never really investigated at all. While it is certainly never too late for justice, years of delays can create serious and sometimes insurmountable obstacles: Memories fade or are lost to death, evidence disappears. Potential defendants also die, taking the details of their crimes to their graves. Justice can take many forms. It doesn't always have to be a criminal conviction. One measure of justice--not a full measure but a measure nonetheless--can be achieved through a public examination of the facts and determination of the truth about what happened and why, but because these were criminal cases, the records and files relating to these unsolved cases are often classified or shielded from public view, and sometimes they are literally scattered among various agencies and hard to find. Yet the victims of these crimes and their families have no less right to justice than they did at the time the crimes were committed, and the American people have a right to know this part of our Nation's history. As has often been said, if we do not learn from the mistakes of the past, we are doomed to repeat them. In today's climate, I believe we need to be more than ever vigilant and knowledgeable about the mistakes of the crimes of the civil rights era. Eleven years ago, nearly to the day, I testified as a lawyer before the House Judiciary Committee in support of the Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crimes Act. That act created the Department of Justice's Civil Rights Cold Case Division to focus exclusively on solving these unsolved civil rights cases. Since the bill's passage, the Civil Rights Division has reexamined a number of these cases. I certainly applaud their efforts in doing so, but often, as was my experience, these cases end up being solved with the help of journalists, historians, private investigators, and local law enforcement, but that requires having access to the files. It is not an easy task getting access to these kinds of files. However, by ensuring public access to the files and records relating to these cases, we can expand the universe of people who can help these victims receive the justice they have long since been denied. If we are going to find the truth, it has to start with transparency. That is why today I am introducing the Civil Rights Cold Case Records Collection Act of 2018, which will require the assembly, collection, and public disclosure of government cold case records about unsolved civil rights cases. This legislation would not have been possible without the dedicated efforts of students at Hightstown High School in Hightstown, NJ, and their teacher Stuart Wexler, who have joined me in the Gallery today. It was a couple of years ago, long before becoming a U.S. Senator was really on my radar, that I received a call from Mr. Wexler explaining that he and his students had been stymied in efforts to obtain documents through the Freedom of Information Act about some of these cases. They wanted my support and others for legislation they were drafting to open these files to the public. Since I had already made that suggestion to folks at the Justice Department and others, I enthusiastically endorsed their project. Who would have imagined that 2 or 3 years ago we would be here today? I thank them for reminding me of our conversations and our shared commitment and for working with me and my staff to make the introduction of this legislation possible today. It means a lot that these young people from New Jersey, who were not even born when these crimes were committed, care so much about this issue. I also thank a few other folks. I thank John Hamilton and Jay Bosanko at the National Archives for working with the staff, and Professor Hank Klibanoff, who is also with us in the Gallery today, a former journalist and Pulitzer Prize winner for the book ``The Race Beat'' that examined the role of the journalist during the civil rights movement. I thank them for their help in drafting this legislation and others who dedicated their lives to working on these cold cases--people like Andrew Sheldon in Atlanta and Alvin Sykes, who worked so hard on the Emmett Till bill and the Emmett Till case; Margaret Burnham, a law professor from Northeast Eastern University Law School; and Paula Johnson from Syracuse University Law School have all done remarkable work in trying to reexamine these cases. While prosecuting the church bombing cases, I learned how deeply important this work is to anyone who lost a loved one just because someone else hated the color of their skin. It is also important to the communities where these crimes occurred. It is impossible to express the emotion and satisfaction our team felt at the conclusion of those trials and the guilty verdicts we obtained. It was a privilege to work on cases that meant so much to so many. We have come a long way since 1963, but justice delayed does not have to mean justice denied. When I testified at the House Judiciary Committee 11 years ago, I noted that we could never prosecute all of these cases but that as a country of compassion, we should find other ways to heal these old wounds. Reconciliation can be the most potent medicine for healing. After all this time, we might not solve every one of these cold cases, but my hope is, our efforts today will, at the very least, help us find some long overdue healing and understanding of the truth. Each civil rights crime, each victim of that era deserves as much attention and effort as Carol Robertson, Denise McNair, Addie Mae Collins, and Cynthia Morris Wesley, the young girls who lost their lives that Sunday morning in 1963. Thank you.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise to speak on a matter of both personal and national importance. As many folks know by now, a defining moment in my career as a prosecutor was bringing to justice two former Ku Klux Klansmen for the bombing of Birmingham's 16th Street Baptist Church in 1963. That act of domestic terrorism, and that is exactly what it was, killed four innocent, beautiful little girls. As one of their mothers, Miss Alpha Robertson, described, ``It sounded like the whole world was shaking.'' There is no doubt it did. The whole world shook as people asked: How could this happen in America, the land of the free and the home of the brave? Despite the feeling that the whole world shook--and indeed the horrific crime did add momentum to the civil rights movement--the criminals responsible for the murder of those four little girls were not brought to justice for decades. The first came in 1977, 14 years after the fact, by my friend and former Alabama attorney general, Bill Baxley. It would be 24 and 25 years later, in 2001 and 2002, that my team of Robert Posey, Jeff Wallace, Don Cochran, Bill Fleming, Ben Herren, and I completed that journey. The bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church was but one of many civil rights-era crimes that have gone unsolved. Solving and successfully prosecuting an almost 40-year-old case was no easy task, and the effort involved a team of both Federal and State law enforcement. Media coverage also contributed to some key breaks in that case. In fact, it was through the dedicated efforts of my friend Jerry Mitchell, an award-winning journalist at the Jackson, MS, Clarion Ledger, that these unsolved civil rights cases even got a second look. It was when the State of Mississippi opened closed files of a Jim Crow- era State commission that Jerry discovered it might be possible to reopen several unsolved cases, including the cases of Medgar Evers and Vernon Dahmer. When those cases resulted in convictions, law enforcement officers and communities around the South began to reexamine so many of the unsolved crimes, including the bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church. Today there are more than 100 unsolved civil rights criminal cases out there. Many of them are 50 years old or older. Some were investigated a little, some were investigated a lot, but because these were State not Federal crimes most were never really investigated at all. While it is certainly never too late for justice, years of delays can create serious and sometimes insurmountable obstacles: Memories fade or are lost to death, evidence disappears. Potential defendants also die, taking the details of their crimes to their graves. Justice can take many forms. It doesn't always have to be a criminal conviction. One measure of justice--not a full measure but a measure nonetheless--can be achieved through a public examination of the facts and determination of the truth about what happened and why, but because these were criminal cases, the records and files relating to these unsolved cases are often classified or shielded from public view, and sometimes they are literally scattered among various agencies and hard to find. Yet the victims of these crimes and their families have no less right to justice than they did at the time the crimes were committed, and the American people have a right to know this part of our Nation's history. As has often been said, if we do not learn from the mistakes of the past, we are doomed to repeat them. In today's climate, I believe we need to be more than ever vigilant and knowledgeable about the mistakes of the crimes of the civil rights era. Eleven years ago, nearly to the day, I testified as a lawyer before the House Judiciary Committee in support of the Emmett Till Unsolved Civil Rights Crimes Act. That act created the Department of Justice's Civil Rights Cold Case Division to focus exclusively on solving these unsolved civil rights cases. Since the bill's passage, the Civil Rights Division has reexamined a number of these cases. I certainly applaud their efforts in doing so, but often, as was my experience, these cases end up being solved with the help of journalists, historians, private investigators, and local law enforcement, but that requires having access to the files. It is not an easy task getting access to these kinds of files. However, by ensuring public access to the files and records relating to these cases, we can expand the universe of people who can help these victims receive the justice they have long since been denied. If we are going to find the truth, it has to start with transparency. That is why today I am introducing the Civil Rights Cold Case Records Collection Act of 2018, which will require the assembly, collection, and public disclosure of government cold case records about unsolved civil rights cases. This legislation would not have been possible without the dedicated efforts of students at Hightstown High School in Hightstown, NJ, and their teacher Stuart Wexler, who have joined me in the Gallery today. It was a couple of years ago, long before becoming a U.S. Senator was really on my radar, that I received a call from Mr. Wexler explaining that he and his students had been stymied in efforts to obtain documents through the Freedom of Information Act about some of these cases. They wanted my support and others for legislation they were drafting to open these files to the public. Since I had already made that suggestion to folks at the Justice Department and others, I enthusiastically endorsed their project. Who would have imagined that 2 or 3 years ago we would be here today? I thank them for reminding me of our conversations and our shared commitment and for working with me and my staff to make the introduction of this legislation possible today. It means a lot that these young people from New Jersey, who were not even born when these crimes were committed, care so much about this issue. I also thank a few other folks. I thank John Hamilton and Jay Bosanko at the National Archives for working with the staff, and Professor Hank Klibanoff, who is also with us in the Gallery today, a former journalist and Pulitzer Prize winner for the book ``The Race Beat'' that examined the role of the journalist during the civil rights movement. I thank them for their help in drafting this legislation and others who dedicated their lives to working on these cold cases--people like Andrew Sheldon in Atlanta and Alvin Sykes, who worked so hard on the Emmett Till bill and the Emmett Till case; Margaret Burnham, a law professor from Northeast Eastern University Law School; and Paula Johnson from Syracuse University Law School have all done remarkable work in trying to reexamine these cases. While prosecuting the church bombing cases, I learned how deeply important this work is to anyone who lost a loved one just because someone else hated the color of their skin. It is also important to the communities where these crimes occurred. It is impossible to express the emotion and satisfaction our team felt at the conclusion of those trials and the guilty verdicts we obtained. It was a privilege to work on cases that meant so much to so many. We have come a long way since 1963, but justice delayed does not have to mean justice denied. When I testified at the House Judiciary Committee 11 years ago, I noted that we could never prosecute all of these cases but that as a country of compassion, we should find other ways to heal these old wounds. Reconciliation can be the most potent medicine for healing. After all this time, we might not solve every one of these cold cases, but my hope is, our efforts today will, at the very least, help us find some long overdue healing and understanding of the truth. Each civil rights crime, each victim of that era deserves as much attention and effort as Carol Robertson, Denise McNair, Addie Mae Collins, and Cynthia Morris Wesley, the young girls who lost their lives that Sunday morning in 1963. Thank you.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, today with deep sadness, but also with reverence, I wish to remember Charles Martin ``C.M.'' Newton, who died on Monday, June 4, 2018. C.M. Newton was one of the most influential coaches in college sports, whose skills I was fortunate to witness firsthand during my time as an undergraduate student at the University of Alabama. Coach Newton integrated the Alabama Crimson Tide men's basketball team in 1969 and led them to three Southeastern Conference, SEC, titles from 1974-1976. He also led the Vanderbilt University Commodores to the Sweet Sixteen in the 1988 NCAA Tournament before leaving to lead the athletic department at the University of Kentucky, his alma mater. At Kentucky, he not only continued the Wildcat tradition of winning NCAA men's basketball championships, he once again broke down barriers by hiring the first Black women's and men's coaches in UK history. C.M. Newton was born in Rockwood, TN, on February 2, 1930. As a student at the University of Kentucky, he played on the baseball team, as well as the 1951 championship-winning men's basketball team. He began his coaching career at Transylvania University before moving to Alabama and, later, Vanderbilt. In addition to coaching, he served as an assistant SEC commissioner. After leading Alabama to three conference titles and six postseason visits, he headed to Vanderbilt in 1981, before returning to Kentucky in 1989. His success as a basketball coach and as an athletic director led him to oversee the 1992 and 1996 Olympic men's basketball team rosters, which included the famous 1992 ``Dream Team'' led by Michael Jordan, Larry Bird, Magic Johnson, as well as Charles Barkley, an Alabama native. On a personal note, I have looked up to Coach Newton since before I ever set foot on campus at the University of Alabama. In May 1972, he spoke at a Birmingham Kiwanis Club luncheon where I received the Youth of the Year Award during my senior year of high school. He spoke of leadership, of integrity, and of the need to fulfill the promise of America. He challenged all of the students in attendance that day to be the best we could be for ourselves, our families, and our communities. Forty-six years later, I can remember his advice just as clearly as the day he gave it. I hope, in some way, we have each lived up to his challenge. Years later, Coach Newton went on to receive the John Bunn Lifetime Achievement Award in 1997, an annual award given to an individual who has contributed significantly to the sport of basketball, and was inducted to the Naismith Memorial Basketball Hall of Fame in 2000. My wife, Louise, and I extend our sincerest condolences to Coach Newton's wife, Nancy, his three children, and the entire extended community of athletes and fans on whom he made a positive impact. His legacy lives on in each of us.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, I rise today to talk about an issue of deep importance to our country and my fellow Alabamians, and I follow my colleague, Senator Lankford, who spoke with such eloquence on national security. This week, we are debating the National Defense Authorization Act, which funds our Nation's defense programs for the coming year. Like Senator Lankford, I want to thank Chairman McCain and Ranking Member Reed for their work on this incredible and important legislation, as well as Senator Inhofe. He has done such yeoman's work in Senator McCain's absence. This bill has tremendous implications for our country, both abroad and here at home. In Alabama, we know all too well about the need for national security and a good economy. From Redstone Arsenal in Huntsville to Fort Rucker, from Maxwell Air Force Base to the Anniston Army Depot and all of our Reserve and National Guard men and women in the State of Alabama--they are on the frontlines. In addition to the tens of thousands of civilians who support their work--Alabama is home to a first-class workforce that supports our national security mission every single day. So it only makes sense that this legislation continues to support the work of Alabamians and includes a well- deserved 2.6-percent pay raise for our troops. Just as important, it also includes funds for the Missile Defense Agency at Redstone Arsenal in Huntsville. It increases space defense funding, which is so important to our Air Force. It authorizes 75 F-35 Joint Strike Fighter aircraft, some of which will be stationed at Maxwell Air Force Base in Montgomery. It provides what Senator Lankford talked about a moment ago--14 KC-46 refueling aircraft. I hope the Air Force will put a few of those in Birmingham for our fantastic Alabama Air National Guard, which supports so many missions around the world. There are many more resources to ensure that our Nation's defenders are always mission-ready, and we could go on and on. I am pleased that this legislation takes care of so many of the priorities for our military, our defense, and Alabama. I certainly plan to vote for this bill, and I commend all of those who have worked so hard to make it happen. That doesn't mean there aren't still ways we can improve this bill. As some may know, Alabama is also home to thousands of talented welders, mechanics, and other trades men and women who build the helicopters and ships that carry our troops around the world to defend the United States and our interests. Not only are these vehicles important for an effective and responsive military, but they also support good American jobs. One of those ships is the littoral combat ship, many of which are built in Mobile, AL, including the USS Manchester, which was delivered to the Navy just last month. The LCS continues to prove its value to our Nation's defense and our military, which is why I am a little disappointed that the bill we are debating this week includes only a single LCS, which is pictured here behind me. Many of them are made in Mobile, AL. Not only did the President reiterate just last week at the Naval Academy his goal of growing our Navy to 355 ships, this program also puts to work about 1,000 different suppliers across 41 States. That translates into countless American jobs. I have seen these ships being built firsthand, and it is a tremendous production, state-of-the-art. During my first recess State work period back home in February, I went aboard the Manchester just before its commission, and I saw firsthand how these ships are being made and the incredible opportunities down there. To build ships like the Manchester, it takes 4,000 skilled workers to support the effort each day. That is 4,000 American jobs. Right now, back home in Mobile, they are hard at work on the production lines to build littoral combat ships and the expeditionary fast transport ships, such as the USNS Trenton, which recently gave assistance to mariners in distress in the Mediterranean. By not recognizing the importance of the LCS to our Nation's security, we hurt the long-term viability of the workforce in Alabama and all of the suppliers across 41 other States. To some extent, we don't recognize their importance to our national security, and we are not doing all we can as a Congress to support our national security efforts. The Navy's future frigate, which Alabama stands ready to support, won't come online for a few more years, so those 4,000 workers in South Alabama need to keep working, not just sit tight and wait to be employed again in 2021. They need to work now. They need to continue the lines to make sure we have seamless transition. Alabama, American jobs, national security--these are just a few of the reasons I sponsored an amendment to add a single LCS ship to this extremely important piece of legislation. I would strongly urge my colleagues who will be in conference on this bill to increase the resources for the LCS program in the final package that will come before this body. The House version actually contains three LCS ships. So, as I have said so many times on this floor and in other places throughout this city and in these offices, I hope we can find common ground to build at least one, maybe two, more ships that are so important to our security and the Navy. Let me be clear. This isn't just about ships; this needs to be considered in terms of long-term goals for our military. We need to build the ships that the Navy needs to do its job, we need to keep our production lines ready to go for future products, and we need to maintain the American jobs that make these efforts possible. This really isn't rocket science. Our national security strategy and the economic stability of our country go hand in hand. Alabamians are proof-positive of that, given our long history of supplying military personnel and other aspects of our national security to help our military throughout the years. I urge my colleagues to support my amendment and maintain a robust LCS production posture that supports our national security and economic interests. I thank the Presiding Officer. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, it is with deep sadness that I rise today to remember Chief Justice Clement Clay ``Bo'' Torbert, Jr., who died on Saturday, June 2, 2018. Bo Torbert was a good friend and a wise and thoughtful jurist whose leadership in the bench and bar will not soon be equaled or forgotten. Indeed, the significance of Justice Torbert's legacy was apparent way back in 1994 when the Alabama Judicial Building in Montgomery was named in honor of Justice Torbert and Senator and former Chief Justice Howell Heflin, another friend, mentor, and Alabama legal icon. Justice Torbert was born on August 31, 1929, and he was proud to call Opelika home. An active member of the First United Methodist Church, he was also a lifelong hunter, conservationist, historian, and outdoorsman. Educated in the public schools of Opelika, after high school, he attended the U.S. Naval Academy and graduated from Auburn University in 1951, where he was a collegiate swimmer. He served in the U.S. Air Force, attaining the rank of captain. Following his graduation from the University of Alabama Law School in 1954, Justice Torbert began practicing law in Opelika, first with Bill Dickinson, who later became an Alabama Congressman, and later with Yetta Samford. In 1958, he was elected to represent Lee County in the State legislature. Only 30 years old in 1959, Torbert was voted ``Outstanding Freshman'' in the Alabama State House. In 1966, he was elected to the Alabama Senate, where he proposed a number of legislative initiatives that would set the stage for significant reforms to Alabama's courts and legal system. After his return to private practice in 1970, Torbert continued to support then-Chief Justice Howell Heflin's efforts to effect court reform through constitutional amendment 328, which was finally ratified in December of 1973. Returning to the State senate in 1974, Torbert shepherded through the legislature the bills necessary to implement the reforms mandated in the amendment, and after he was elected chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court in 1976, Justice Torbert oversaw the transition to the streamlined system, which was subsequently ranked as one of the best court systems in the Nation. During his tenure as chief justice, Torbert was also active in national and international judicial organizations, serving as president of the Conference of Chief Justices, chairman of the National Center for State Courts, and chairman of the State Justice Institute. In 1979, he was elected to the Alabama Academy of Honor. After leaving the court, Justice Torbert taught at both the University of Alabama School of Law and Cumberland School of Law before joining the law firm of Maynard, Cooper & Gale, P.C., where he practiced until his retirement several years ago. My wife Louise and I extend our sincere condolences to Bo's wife, Gene Hurt Torbert and to his three children, my longtime friend Dixie Alton and her husband, Mitch; Shealy Cook and her husband, Penn; and Clay Torbert and his wife, Cindy, as well as his five grandchildren, Rebecca Cook Davis and her husband, William; Elizabeth Cook; Clay Cook; Bo Torbert IV; James Torbert; and two great-grandchildren, Penton Davis and Celia Davis. Justice Torbert was a great Christian, husband, father, lawyer, statesman, and judge, and while Alabama will surely miss him, his legacy will live on for generations.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I come to the floor today and rise to speak on a challenge that our rural health communities face both in Alabama and across the country. People living in rural areas often face difficulty in finding healthcare providers. The challenges of consistent, quality healthcare for rural America are exponentially more difficult than in any other area in the country. These persistent gaps in healthcare inevitably lead to poor health outcomes. As a result, life expectancy for rural Alabamans is approximately 6 months lower than for those who reside in urban areas and 3\1/2\ years lower than for people living in the rest of the country. In some parts of my State, the outlook is even worse. In Wilcox County, for example, life expectancy is 9 years lower than the national average. That is unacceptable. The county of your birth or where you choose to live should not dictate the quality of your life, much less your life expectancy. Despite the prosperity some pockets of the country feel today, outcomes don't seem to be improving in many areas in rural America. Alabama's rural hospitals are at risk, and many are in immediate danger of closing. Sadly, some already have. Just last week, yet another hospital--this one in Jacksonville, AL--announced that they would close; it is about the 12th, I think, since 2011. It has become an all- too-familiar pattern in Alabama and in other rural areas in America. That means the quality and number of treatment options in these rural areas and in Alabama continue to decline. Fifty-two of Alabama's rural counties are facing primary care shortages, and those numbers get worse for specialty practitioners like dentistry and obstetrics. Having spent nearly my entire life in Alabama--the only exception being 1 year in Washington, DC, working for this body on the Senate Judiciary Committee--I am acutely aware of the unique difficulties we face in keeping folks healthy. As I have traveled across Alabama over the last year, I have heard from folks who struggle to access medical care. I have heard from expectant mothers who didn't know if they would be able to make it to a hospital in time for delivery because the closest one was more than an hour away. I have heard from people who are impacted by the growing opioid epidemic and the lack of substance abuse and mental health treatment options in their communities. When I came to the Senate, I knew I needed and wanted to make increasing access to quality, affordable healthcare one of my first priorities. I also knew that finding the Holy Grail of true healthcare reform in today's world of partisan politics is a difficult and complex task. I am proud to say that we have made some progress since I got here in January. For instance, through bipartisan efforts, the expired Children's Health Insurance Program, CHIP, which provides coverage to 150,000 Alabama kids as well as community health centers that serve 350,000 Alabamans, was funded for an additional 10 years in the future. I am proud that we secured an additional 3 years of funding for community health centers in that bill, which provides the primary source of healthcare in many underserved communities. I was also a cosponsor of the Training the Next Generation of Primary Care Doctors Act, which was signed into law as part of the bipartisan budget deal. That legislation is critical for folks in my State, both in the training it provides to doctors in community health centers and in rural health clinics, but also because it ensures that talented individuals who choose to stay in the healthcare professions stay and practice in their community. Bipartisan legislation like that bill is one of the many ways that we can improve how folks receive healthcare in the United States. There is, of course, another option, which leaders in Alabama have failed to take, and that is to expand Medicaid. By failing to expand Medicaid, many of Alabama's most vulnerable citizens have been denied access to basic care, and we turned away literally billions of our own taxpayer dollars in the process. That decision just doesn't make sense. While I remain hopeful that my State's leadership will reconsider the shortsighted decision made solely for political reasons, I am going to continue to work to find ways to help. For example, I will continue to advocate for changes in the Medicaid wage index, which has been unfairly hurting Alabama healthcare providers and has been doing so for years. For my part, today, taking one additional step, I am proud to say that my very first piece of original legislation will focus on improving rural healthcare through making government more efficient. Today, along with my colleagues Senators Mike Rounds and Tina Smith, I am introducing the Rural Health Liaison Act. I wish to thank and acknowledge Congresswoman Cheri Bustos for her leadership on this issue in the House and her offer to partner in this important effort. The bipartisan Rural Health Liaison Act will streamline Federal investment in rural healthcare and improve coordination between Federal agencies and other healthcare stakeholders by creating a Rural Health Liaison within the U.S. Department of Agriculture. I believe the USDA is an appropriate spot for such a position because the Department plays a major role in rural development efforts. For instance, the USDA has the capability to finance the construction of hospitals, to implement telemedicine programs, and to carry out health education initiatives. We want to make sure that these efforts are fully coordinated and leveraged with the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and other Federal agencies, as well as other important healthcare stakeholders. Among other things, the Rural Health Liaison would consult with HHS on rural health issues and improve communication with all Federal agencies. It will provide expertise on rural healthcare issues. It will lead and coordinate strategic planning on rural health activities within the USDA, and it would advocate on behalf of the healthcare and relevant infrastructure needs in rural areas. I thank Senators Rounds and Smith for their support on this important legislation, and I look forward to working together with them and other colleagues to move this bill forward. This is a great example of how Senators from both sides of the aisle can come together to propose commonsense legislation to make government work better and more efficiently. It is exactly the kind of work that I hoped to do when I arrived here just a few months ago. But this is just another step in a very complicated process. In the months ahead, I hope to have the opportunity to continue to work with colleagues on both sides of the aisle in this body to lower healthcare costs, to increase access to quality healthcare, and to improve the health and well-being of people living in rural Alabama, in rural America, and, in fact, for people all across this great Nation. Thank you, Mr. President.

Mr. JONES. Absolutely, yes.

Mr. JONES. I say thank you to Senator Nelson. I appreciate that. Although our numbers are not as staggering in our State of Alabama, they are still significant for the State of Alabama with regard to Medicaid. So I will state that I appreciate the Senators comments very much, and I look forward to working with him on this bill and helping to move it forward. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, today I wish to honor the life and legacy of Jim Manasco, who passed away at his home on Smith Lake in Alabama on April 12, 2018. Jim was a self-taught artist and sign painter who entered the trade as an apprentice when he was just 16 years old. He was a successful commercial artist for 65 years and possessed the rare ability to letter and paint freehand. He was also a gifted creative artist in multiple mediums, from carving to pottery to painting. In the early 1970s, Jim, his wife, Ruth, and a small group of naturalists were leaders in the fight to preserve and protect the land along the Sipsey fork of the Black Warrior River in northwest Alabama. Because of his dedication, Jim was chosen to testify before Congress in support of the Eastern Wilderness Act, which was signed into law in 1975, and the Sipsey Wilderness, in the Bankhead National Forest, became the first wilderness designated in the act. Thanks to Jim and that determined group, generations to come will continue to enjoy pristine, undeveloped lands east of the Mississippi River. Since passage of the act, more than 140 Wilderness Areas and nearly 1.5 million acres have been protected in the eastern United States. Like FDR, who, following in the footsteps of his ``uncle'' Teddy Roosevelt, left a great conservation legacy, Jim saw ``an America whose rivers and valleys and lakes--hills and streams and plains--the mountains over our land and nature's wealth deep under the earth--are protected as the rightful heritage of all the people.'' Thanks to men like Jim Manasco, more than half of the people who live in Alabama enjoy outdoor recreation every year in the most biologically diverse State east of the Mississippi River and one of the most biologically diverse States in the entire country. Alabama boasts forests, woodlands, wetlands, caves, glades, beaches, and prairies, not to mention more than 4,500 documented species. The importance of protecting and wisely managing this natural wealth cannot be overstated. In Alabama, outdoor recreation generates 135,000 direct jobs--that is more than twice the number of auto manufacturing jobs--it generates $3.9 billion in wages and salaries and $857 million in State and local taxes. I would be remiss if I did not mention Jim Manasco's other important legacy, that of Cherokee wisdomkeeper. The Cherokee played a significant role in the history of Alabama, and many Alabamians proudly claim Cherokee ancestry. Jim was long honored as a Tribal elder for his teachings about carvings on beech trees, native symbols, ceremonial knowledge, and Tribal history and for his intimate knowledge of the plants and animals that inhabit the landscape of the South. Some of this wisdom was captured in his popular book, ``Walking Sipsey,'' published in 1992. Jim always downplayed his accomplishments, often saying, ``Raw talent's got nothing over dogged determination.'' Well, Jim Manasco was right, and America needs more men with dogged determination to do the right thing. I hope to be one of them.