Doug Jones

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, I rise today to recognize Alabama Agricultural & Mechanical University, AAMU on their 50th anniversary as a university. As an 1890 land-grant institution and one of Alabama's 14 historically Black colleges and universities, HBCUs, Alabama A&M has long upheld a legacy of impressive scholarship and service. It is an honor to celebrate the achievements of an institution of such importance to my State. Alabama A&M first opened its doors on May 1, 1875, as the Huntsville Normal School following its founding by a former slave, Dr. William Hooper Councill. With just $1,000 in annual appropriations, 61 students, and 2 instructors in its first year, the institution evolved throughout multiple iterations of its 144-year history into what it is today. Due to its success with industrial education and private funding from the Slater and Peabody Funds, the Alabama Legislature authorized a name change to the ``State Normal and Industrial School in Huntsville.'' In 1891, the school became a recipient of the Federal land-grant fund in order to further fund training in agricultural and mechanical arts at the college level. Following several name changes and a location move from Huntsville to Normal, AL, the school became a junior college in 1919 under the name ``The State Agricultural and Mechanical Institute for Negroes.'' Twenty years later, the school was permitted by the State board of education to offer work at a senior college level. In 1941, the first graduation class since 1920 received bachelor degrees. The school became a fully accredited member of the association in 1963, following a ``Class A'' rating by the Southern Association of Colleges and Secondary Schools in 1946. Alabama Agricultural and Mechanical University received its final name on June 26, 1969, per a resolution from the Alabama State Board of Education. The campus, situated on The Hill near downtown Huntsville, has received visits from 19 Nobel laureates. Students at AAMU have access to advanced degree programs including Ph.D. degrees in applied physics, food science, plant and soil science, and reading and literacy. Alabama A&M University is one of the leading producers of African Americans with PhDs in physics. AAMU has also graduated many notable alumni from star athletes, to world class entertainers, to leaders and pioneers in the civil rights movement. Jearl Miles-Clark, an Olympic Gold medalist who competed in the 400 and 800 meter races and the 400 meter relay, graduated from AAMU in 1989. NFL legend, John Stallworth, played football at AAMU and was an All-Southern Intercollegiate Athletic Conference receiver in 1972 and 1973 before joining the NFL as a wide receiver for the Pittsburgh Steelers. Stallworth went on to compete in four Super Bowls and was inducted into the Pro Football Hall of Fame in 2002. American Idol winner and popular R&B artist Ruben Studdard received a football scholarship to attend AAMU, where he majored in music education. Joseph Lowery, a United Methodist minister and leader in the civil rights movement, also attended AAMU. Lowery later succeeded Martin Luther King, Jr, as the third president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Vivian Malone Jones, one of the first two Black students to enroll at the University of Alabama, earned her first bachelor's degree from AAMU in business education. She later went on to receive the first bachelor's degree awarded by the University of Alabama to a Black student, following her study of business management. These are only a handful of the remarkable scholars and activists, AAMU has had a hand in educating and training. Under the leadership of its 11th president, Dr. Andrew Hugine, Jr., the university comprises over 70 buildings on more than 1,000 acres, is home to more than 6,000 students, is a designated ``Gold Military Friendly'' institution and serves as a regional, State, national, and international resource while maintaining its mission of educating the underserved and uplifting the people of Alabama, the Nation, and the world through excellence in education. Please join me in celebrating Alabama A&M on this auspicious occasion and wishing both their students, faculty, and administrators future success in all of their endeavors for another 50 years.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, it is not often in floor remarks we can often hit a trifecta on topics that are uniquely connected, but I am fortunate enough to have that privilege today. They all center around the glorious peanut. I want to honor the National Peanut Festival currently being held in Dothan, AL, which recognizes the importance of the peanut industry to the State of Alabama and to the United States. Every year, Dothan hosts the Nation's largest peanut festival to honor local peanut farmers and to celebrate harvest season. The festival began in 1938 and has been held annually each year, except for the years during the hiatus during World War II. This year's festival is a 10-day-long extravaganza with food, fun, and entertainment. You name it, you can find it in Dothan during the peanut festival. It is one of the most popular events in Alabama each year. In 2017, the festival broke attendance records with over 200,000 people joining the fun. Unfortunately, my schedule has prevented me from being down there this week, but I wish I had been there. I wish I could go for the end of this because it is a glorious time. Last week, I introduced a resolution here in the Senate to pay tribute to the National Peanut Festival and the importance of peanuts in our State and the entire country. Over 400 million pounds of peanuts are produced every year in Alabama alone, and nearly half of all the peanuts in America are grown within a 100-mile radius of Dothan, AL, where most of those peanuts are processed. It is no wonder that the city of Dothan--down in southeast Alabama, right in the corner, just right on the border of Georgia and Florida--is known as the Peanut Capital of the World. The peanut industry is a critical part of Alabama's economy. In 2018 alone, the 400 million pounds of peanuts produced by Alabama farmers was valued at $118 million. The farm value of the Nation's peanut crop is over a billion dollars. And like all farmers, peanut farmers have their share of challenges. But year after year, the peanut farmers in Alabama and across the country persevere, providing a crop whose importance is often simply taken for granted--well, as peanuts, as it pertains to our overall economy. But the peanut is an important staple to the agriculture and food industry, thanks in large part to the amazing and extraordinary work of a scientist, an African-American scientist and adopted son of Alabama, Dr. George Washington Carver, who did his work at one of Alabama's great HBCUs, Tuskegee University. Dr. Carver was born into slavery, but raised by his former master once slavery was abolished. He was forced to attend segregated schools until 1891, when he was accepted as the first Black student at Iowa State University. Only 5 years later, in 1896, Dr. Carver was hired by the great Booker T. Washington to head the Agriculture Department at Tuskegee Institute, now known as Tuskegee University, in Tuskegee, AL. At that point, peanuts were not even recognized as a crop in the United States, but because of a serious threat to the South's cotton crop from boll weevil infestations, Dr. Carver suggested that Alabama farmers start growing peanuts in the alternate years, which he believed would restore and add nutrients to the barren soil so that cotton could grow the next year. It worked. He not only was a leading voice for crop rotation but ended up inventing over 300 products made out of peanuts, including peanut milk, peanut paper, and peanut soap--although, surprisingly, he did not invent my favorite, peanut butter, but 300 different types of products made from peanuts. In 1921, in a highly unusual circumstance in the era of Jim Crow, Dr. Carver testified regarding the value of peanuts before the Ways and Means Committee of the U.S. House of Representatives--an African- American scientist in front of the U.S. House in 1921. In 1938, again during the Jim Crow era in Alabama, Dr. Carver was the featured speaker at the first peanut festival in Dothan, AL. Peanuts became more and more popular, and by 1940, they had become one of the top six crops in the United States--all in large part due to the work of Dr. Carver at Tuskegee University. It is not an overstatement to say that Dr. Carver, Tuskegee University, and the peanut helped save the economy of the South. This is just one example of the extraordinary contributions that HBCUs have made to our country over the years and continue to make today. But, as we have talked about for some time, including with my friend Senator Cardin earlier today, those contributions are threatened because of the expiration of Federal funding that occurred at the end of September. I have been pushing for the passage of my bill, the FUTURE Act, which would renew funding for HBCUs and other minority-serving institutions that expired at the end of September. We need to continue to invest in these institutions and ensure they have consistent funding. We have worked with this bill, the FUTURE Act, to make sure the concerns of others--particularly those who might object to the UC we have asked for on the FUTURE Act--to make sure that this is not some Federal budget gimmick. We have answered those concerns. We have answered all the pay-for concerns. All we are asking for is consistent funding because now planning is as important as the money. Yes, the Department of Education has told HBCUs that the funding would be there through September, but by this spring, those institutions have to plan. They have to start making sure they have the necessary resources for the fall and beyond. If their funding is set to expire at the end of next year, they cannot make those plans, both with teachers and their infrastructure. We need to continue to make sure those HBCUs are funded consistently and appropriately. Let's make sure we put aside any differences and make sure those funds are available so that our great HBCUs and minority-serving institutions across the country can continue to operate and plan. We need to honor the legacy of Dr. Carver, which is one of the reasons I was so proud to introduce a resolution honoring the National Peanut Festival and the peanut industry in the State of Alabama. It is a testament to the importance of the peanut and a time to celebrate its history, our State, and the peanut farming way of life. I am hopeful that with the advancements of peanut allergy research, we can make sure more people have the ability to enjoy what so many of us can. I understand that peanut allergies are a real problem around the country and around the world for a lot of people. But advances in research that is going on right now--right now--can make sure we break through and that all who want to can enjoy the value and the taste of those wonderful peanuts. I am not going to go through specifics. I could name all manner of products. I won't do that here today, but I thank you for this opportunity. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, under the previous order, I call up amendment No. 1141, as modified.

Mr. JONES. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.

Mr. JONES. Madam President, I rise in support of the amendment offered by myself and my friend from Arizona, Senator McSally. This amendment would permanently block an impending $1.2 billion in cuts to the Federal public transportation investment. These cuts will affect every one of our States--every one--including 7 million in my home State of Alabama. Without this legislation to block what is known as the ``Rostenkowski Test,'' every public transit agency will suffer a 12-percent across- the-board cut to transit formula grants this year. For many transit agencies, particularly these smaller transit agencies that serve rural States such as mine, these cuts could be devastating. These cuts would reduce services that are so important to the community, for instance, services for low-income people and services to those who have disabilities. These cuts would reduce funds for important bus and rail efforts to modernize our transportation.

Mr. JONES. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise today on one issue, and I promise, out of deference to my friend, who is the Presiding Officer right now, not to bring up anything about college football this past weekend. That would be for another discussion. I rise today to urge my colleagues to take an important step to correct one of the great injustices in America, an injustice that many in this body may not have a full appreciation for because it just might not affect too many of their particular constituents. I am speaking of the injustices faced by real property owners known as heirs' property owners. These landowners, who are typically African-American farmers and producers in the Deep South, own land that has been informally passed down within families, often for several generations, without any clear title. Sadly, that has often led to costly legal complications, prevented landowners from qualifying for Federal assistance, and, in many cases, resulted in actual loss of land ownership. This issue overwhelmingly impacts African-American land ownership, of which an estimated 60 percent is heirs' property and has created barriers to building generational wealth. It is no coincidence that this has impacted Black landowners when you consider the challenges faced by previous generations of African Americans just to purchase their land, the obstacles they faced to obtain legal services and to have their wills prepared. The heirs' property challenge that is facing these families today is yet another vestige of the Jim Crow era that, with some exceptions, has lasted far too long and that we must seek to correct. These injustices have had long-lasting consequences for the families who have struggled to prove their land claims, including the untold emotional cost for those who have seen their family land taken or sold out from under them. Because a significant portion of minority-owned rural land was passed down through generations as heirs' property, these farmers and ranchers have been unable to obtain farm numbers and, thus, access to a multitude of USDA programs. These programs are vital to these landowners, who already face significant risk and uncertainty in their work. That is why, when I came to the Senate last year, I teamed up with my friend from South Carolina, Senator Scott, to work together to initiate changes that will start to help these farmers gain access to Federal aid and help us better understand the full spectrum of challenges they face as a result of their heirs' property status. I am very proud of the fact that we secured several provisions in the final 2018 farm bill that address heirs' property. I thank Senators Roberts and Stabenow for their assistance. One of the biggest components that was included will allow heirs' property owners, with the appropriate documentation, to obtain USDA farm numbers so that they can gain access to the Department's programs, such as crop insurance and disaster relief. However, that is just one of the obstacles they face today. Another provision focuses on consolidating land ownership. Heirs are often faced with issues of ``fractional'' ownership among relatives. Their own family had the fractional shares of the land that has been passed down for generations, and that increases the chances of one heir partitioning the land or causing the land to be lost due to a tax default. Some States even require the entire property to be sold if the courts find that dividing the land would prejudice one owner. Under these circumstances, it is no wonder that between 1910 and 1997, an estimated 90 percent of land owned by African Americans in this country was lost due to heirs' property issues. That statistic bears repeating and emphasizing. Between 1910 and 1997, an estimated 90 percent of land owned by African Americans in the United States was lost due to heirs' property issues. Last year, together we embarked on the journey to right these wrongs. The 2018 farm bill gave authority to the USDA Secretary to make loans to eligible entities such as cooperatives and credit unions that have experience helping minority farmers so they can relend funds to assist heirs with undivided interests to resolve ownership and succession on farmland. My amendment that we will be voting on shortly will provide $5 million to help get this program off the ground. That is the same amount of money that is included in the House version of the appropriations bill. This is an important next step to fulfill the intent of last year's farm bill and to help these families maintain land that is rightfully theirs. I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this amendment and continuing our efforts together to remove these barriers and right these wrongs. Mr. President, I would like to call up Amendment No. 1067, as provided for under the previous order, and I ask that it be reported by number.

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, this amendment will continue a process that was started last year in the farm bill to correct one of the grave injustices to the African-American population here. This bill deals with heir property--property that has gone down through generations without clear title. These landowners have been denied access to USDA programs and other instances. This amendment deals with heir property. African Americans have long been denied property based on the fact that so much of it has been passed down through the generations without clear title. They have been denied access to the USDA programs and also have lost property. Between 1910 and 1997, an estimated 90 percent of land owned by African Americans in this country was lost due to heir property issues. Last year we began the process in this Senate with the farm bill to correct that, part of which was creating a program at USDA to loan money to help get these folks back on their feet, to get them into the programs they need. This amendment provides $5 million to start that program. It is the same amount of money that is in the House bill. I urge my colleagues to continue this opportunity to correct this wrong and right this injustice. Mr. President, I yield.

Mr. JONES. I ask for the yeas and nays, Mr. President.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, first of all, I want to thank deeply my colleague from Tennessee for the work he has done not just with me on this bill but over the years. This has been such an incredible work in progress, and I am appreciative of all of that work that has gone on. I am honored today to be part of this bill we are introducing that I believe is so important to so many families around the country and particularly in our States of Tennessee and Alabama. Anyone who has applied to college or helped someone through the process is all too familiar with that dreaded FAFSA form. As a father with three kids who have gone off to college, I can tell you it just doesn't get any easier. In fact, the free application for Federal student aid hasn't gotten any easier for nearly the 30 years it has been in existence. Despite the headaches it can cause, it is so important for students to fill out that FAFSA. It is so important for families to have that FAFSA form. It is a key to accessing grants, scholarships, and loans that can put a college education within reach. Far too often, as Senator Alexander said, it can intimidate people from even starting it. Also, once they get the letter asking for an audit, they just stop. Currently, the FAFSA is over 10 pages long. Often when I am back in Alabama, I say it is almost like filling out tax returns for Apple Computer or IBM or one of the big corporations. It has 108 questions. That is why I have been very fortunate and honored to partner with Senator Alexander to simplify this FAFSA form to between 17 to 30 questions. As he said just a moment ago, this has been 5 years in the making, but this is a first great step in this Congress to really have honed this down over the years. We are now going to ease the burden. We are going to reduce the number and ease the burden for verification and make it easier for folks to start looking at it ahead of time. I appreciate Senator Alexander's comments about the fact that this ought to be able to be done this year. This bill is a wonderful first step in a process that hopefully we can get across that finish line by the end of the year. Graduating with debt--especially significant debt--can force graduates to put off other major life steps, like buying a house or a car, having children, getting married, or investing in a business as an entrepreneur. The burden of debt can literally change the course of a young person's life and guide their decisions for decades. Nationwide, only 62 percent of high school seniors completed the FAFSA in 2018. Senator Alexander's State of Tennessee, along with Louisiana, Mississippi, and Delaware, had the highest FAFSA completion rate. Alabama ranked right in the middle, about 26th. The site called NerdWallet--which I find to be a fascinating name for a site--estimates that the high school class of 2018, across this country, left $2.6 billion in Pell grants on the table--that is billion with a B--$2.6 billion that was available to put kids through school, and it was left on the table. Form Your Future reports that students missed out on $24 billion in total aid annually. It also reports that 92 percent of low-income households will receive grants and 85 percent of students have a chance to receive financial aid. The Department of Education's Federal Student Aid staff shared that, from October 1, 2018, through May 31 of 2019, there were nearly half a million fewer total FAFSA submissions--not just high school seniors--in the same timeframe the year before--a half a million fewer. I think there is a reason for that. I think people start, they look at it, they see the cumbersome nature of it, and they just walk away and do something else. In Alabama, high school seniors, according to the information I have, left $57.5 million in grant monies on the table--grant monies, not loan and debt, but grant monies on the table, $57 million, and only 49.9 percent of the State's seniors filled out the form. Alabama students might be surprised to learn that they could be eligible for Federal financial aid, including Pell grants that can provide up to $6,100 a year. Not only does the FAFSA help identify what Federal loans and grants a student could receive, but it can also lead to college specific or Statewide scholarships. The student loan debt that today's graduates face is profound. According to The Institute for College Access and Success, college student seniors who graduated in 2018 in my home State of Alabama's 4- year public and private colleges had an average of just under $30,000 in student loan debt. It also found that more than half of our college seniors are graduating with debt. Simplifying this FAFSA form can get money in their hands. It can get money that is badly needed. As I go around my State, I talk to people all the time, and they know that not every kid is going to college, not every kid needs a 4-year college degree to do well to become part of that middle class. But for those who want to go, for those who have the aptitude to go, for those who desire to go and get that 4-year or even 2-year college degree, college aid and financial aid is often vital. Alabama is a relatively poor State. People want their kids to succeed, and to do so often means a college degree. The bill that Senator Alexander and I have filed today will help do just that. I hope we can get this across the finish line. I believe it is going to help millions and millions of kids, and I know it will help so many families in my State and the great State of Tennessee. I thank Senator Alexander for working with me on this. I look forward to working with colleagues to get this across the finish line. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, first of all, I want to thank deeply my colleague from Tennessee for the work he has done not just with me on this bill but over the years. This has been such an incredible work in progress, and I am appreciative of all of that work that has gone on. I am honored today to be part of this bill we are introducing that I believe is so important to so many families around the country and particularly in our States of Tennessee and Alabama. Anyone who has applied to college or helped someone through the process is all too familiar with that dreaded FAFSA form. As a father with three kids who have gone off to college, I can tell you it just doesn't get any easier. In fact, the free application for Federal student aid hasn't gotten any easier for nearly the 30 years it has been in existence. Despite the headaches it can cause, it is so important for students to fill out that FAFSA. It is so important for families to have that FAFSA form. It is a key to accessing grants, scholarships, and loans that can put a college education within reach. Far too often, as Senator Alexander said, it can intimidate people from even starting it. Also, once they get the letter asking for an audit, they just stop. Currently, the FAFSA is over 10 pages long. Often when I am back in Alabama, I say it is almost like filling out tax returns for Apple Computer or IBM or one of the big corporations. It has 108 questions. That is why I have been very fortunate and honored to partner with Senator Alexander to simplify this FAFSA form to between 17 to 30 questions. As he said just a moment ago, this has been 5 years in the making, but this is a first great step in this Congress to really have honed this down over the years. We are now going to ease the burden. We are going to reduce the number and ease the burden for verification and make it easier for folks to start looking at it ahead of time. I appreciate Senator Alexander's comments about the fact that this ought to be able to be done this year. This bill is a wonderful first step in a process that hopefully we can get across that finish line by the end of the year. Graduating with debt--especially significant debt--can force graduates to put off other major life steps, like buying a house or a car, having children, getting married, or investing in a business as an entrepreneur. The burden of debt can literally change the course of a young person's life and guide their decisions for decades. Nationwide, only 62 percent of high school seniors completed the FAFSA in 2018. Senator Alexander's State of Tennessee, along with Louisiana, Mississippi, and Delaware, had the highest FAFSA completion rate. Alabama ranked right in the middle, about 26th. The site called NerdWallet--which I find to be a fascinating name for a site--estimates that the high school class of 2018, across this country, left $2.6 billion in Pell grants on the table--that is billion with a B--$2.6 billion that was available to put kids through school, and it was left on the table. Form Your Future reports that students missed out on $24 billion in total aid annually. It also reports that 92 percent of low-income households will receive grants and 85 percent of students have a chance to receive financial aid. The Department of Education's Federal Student Aid staff shared that, from October 1, 2018, through May 31 of 2019, there were nearly half a million fewer total FAFSA submissions--not just high school seniors--in the same timeframe the year before--a half a million fewer. I think there is a reason for that. I think people start, they look at it, they see the cumbersome nature of it, and they just walk away and do something else. In Alabama, high school seniors, according to the information I have, left $57.5 million in grant monies on the table--grant monies, not loan and debt, but grant monies on the table, $57 million, and only 49.9 percent of the State's seniors filled out the form. Alabama students might be surprised to learn that they could be eligible for Federal financial aid, including Pell grants that can provide up to $6,100 a year. Not only does the FAFSA help identify what Federal loans and grants a student could receive, but it can also lead to college specific or Statewide scholarships. The student loan debt that today's graduates face is profound. According to The Institute for College Access and Success, college student seniors who graduated in 2018 in my home State of Alabama's 4- year public and private colleges had an average of just under $30,000 in student loan debt. It also found that more than half of our college seniors are graduating with debt. Simplifying this FAFSA form can get money in their hands. It can get money that is badly needed. As I go around my State, I talk to people all the time, and they know that not every kid is going to college, not every kid needs a 4-year college degree to do well to become part of that middle class. But for those who want to go, for those who have the aptitude to go, for those who desire to go and get that 4-year or even 2-year college degree, college aid and financial aid is often vital. Alabama is a relatively poor State. People want their kids to succeed, and to do so often means a college degree. The bill that Senator Alexander and I have filed today will help do just that. I hope we can get this across the finish line. I believe it is going to help millions and millions of kids, and I know it will help so many families in my State and the great State of Tennessee. I thank Senator Alexander for working with me on this. I look forward to working with colleagues to get this across the finish line. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I am here once again to urge the Senate to take up the FUTURE Act, to extend funding for our historically Black colleges and universities. I see my great friend, the Senator from Tennessee, across the way, and I know the Senator, as a music fan and a musician himself, understands the term ``broken record.'' A broken record is that record that is an old album and the vinyl has a little bit of a flaw, and it just gets stuck on the same lyric, the same refrain, and keeps going back to it. That is what I feel like today. I also know that with just a little pressure on those old vinyl records, just a little bit of pressure, you can go right through that and get to melody. That is what I was hoping to do today, that we could put just enough pressure on the Senate and others to go right through and fund HBCUs. The deadline for that funding ends September 30. People will say it is not going to turn the lights out in our historically Black colleges and universities, and it is not. I get that. We also know we have to plan. We have to look months in advance. We have to look a year in advance to make sure that funding is there. This bill--a similar bill has passed the House of Representatives unanimously. In this partisan world we are living in, it passed the House unanimously the other day. It has overwhelming bipartisan support in this body. This is something our historically Black colleges and universities need today. They don't need to wait. We don't need to put them in the lurch and uncertainty because in today's world in Washington, DC, there is no certainty. We don't know what will happen tomorrow. We don't know what is going to happen next week with the legislation that will come before this body. Nothing is predictable. We don't see the kind of legislation we should be seeing. We don't deliberate and have the kind of deliberations we have seen this body have in the past. So to say we can put this together as part of a bigger bill and hopefully get this done this year is possible, but it is also just as possible, in today's world, that doesn't get done, that it ends up somewhere buried beneath a whole bunch of other qualified and just as meritorious bills that never see the action of the U.S. Senate or the Congress of the United States. I would urge--urge that we do the right thing by our historically Black colleges and universities. Let's get this bill passed unanimously and sent to the President of the United States for his signature so all of our historically Black colleges and universities and minority- serving institutions can breathe a sigh of relief. I ask unanimous consent the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 212, H.R. 2486; that the bill be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I have to admit that I haven't had a heck of a lot of sleep the last few nights, and I don't think anyone has. If anyone has rested well the last few nights, it is because they are either not paying attention or they are here for the wrong reason. We are in some troubled times. Events of the past 2 weeks have been nothing short of stunning. They have been stunning in the speed in which they have unfolded. They have been stunning and disturbing in the allegations that have been made regarding the conduct of the President of the United States. These are allegations that go to the heart of national security and allegations that go to the heart of whether or not the President is upholding his oath to the Constitution of the United States or abusing the power of the Presidency. We have to remember in this body, and we have to remind our colleagues, we have to remind the media, and we have to remind the public that we are just now beginning this process. The facts have not come out. We are just now beginning to see facts and determining what happened over the course of this past summer--where things were, what happened, what was said, and who said it. We have to determine the allegations and whether or not they have merit based on the facts that come out, not just reports in the media or even the allegations in a complaint. I am a lawyer. Allegations in a complaint are just simply allegations made, but they have to be proven. The reason I rise today is that already we are seeing this becoming political. People are going to their political corners. The partisan tribalism is taking over already, and that is unfortunate. It is a sad commentary when a process that is so rooted in the Constitution of the United States--something so fundamental to our democracy--is almost immediately cast in political terms. My colleague and friend, Senator Sasse from Nebraska, used the term ``partisan tribalism'' in today's world that is ``insta-certain.'' No matter what you see, no matter what you read, it doesn't matter because you are going to take a side, and when we take sides, the American public immediately take sides and no one listens to the facts. We are called as Senators, we are called as Members of the House, and we are called as Members of this body to a much higher duty than that-- a much higher duty. Our duty is to carefully analyze and review the facts--facts, not mere allegations; facts, not reports or leaks; facts, not what some political talking head on the television says their opinion might be. Our duty is so much higher than that. We have seen already some of what appear to be very disturbing facts. We have seen a summary of a telephone call between the President of the United States and the President of Ukraine. Ukraine is a country dependent on countries like the United States. The balance of power between the United States and Ukraine is not balanced at all. We have so much more power, and in the summary of that call, the President of the United States noted that to the President of Ukraine. He said, essentially: You are dependent on us. No one else helps you, but you can count on the United States of America. And, by the way, I need a favor. I need you to do me a personal political favor. In that conversation, he talked about not only having his personal lawyer but also utilizing the Attorney General of the United States to help benefit them politically. Those are initially the facts, and they are very disturbing. For anyone to say that they are not is shirking their responsibility to their constituents, to the public, to the Constitution, and to the very oath that we took when we came into this body. But again, it is but one piece of a puzzle. We have now also seen the contents of the so-called whistleblower complaint. ``Whistleblower'' is a term of art. A whistleblower is just simply somebody who has come forward, but they are given the name whistleblower because they are given legal protections. These people who come forward are concerned citizens of the United States. It is a concerned citizen of the United States who saw something happening that disturbed him so much that he felt compelled to bring it to someone's attention. They are documented fairly well, but again, these facts have not come out. They are just statements in an allegation in a complaint that have to be determined. I have been asked over and over by the media in the last 2 days: Do you support the House doing this? Do you support impeachment? Do you support this or that? My comment is always the same: I want to know the facts. It doesn't matter to me what the House of Representatives, in their prerogative, calls their processes. I want to know the facts. The American people deserve to know the facts. This body deserves to know the facts, whether or not anything comes over from the House of Representatives. We deserve to know whether or not the President is abusing his office. We deserve to know whether or not he is placing our national security at risk because, remember, Ukraine is under threat from Russia every day. Every day they are looking over their shoulder. Every day they are looking over their shoulder. That puts us at risk, as well. We have to make sure that we are deliberate, that we move forward with a process that is deliberate. We owe it to the American people to be deliberate, to be somber, to be making sure that we know the facts before we make our judgments. It doesn't matter what side of the aisle you are on. This is not a Republican process. This is not a Democratic process. And for God's sake, it is not a socialist agenda. That is about the dumbest thing that I have heard people say over the last two days. Good Lord, we are talking about a process that is rooted in the Constitution of the United States. It is rooted in the Constitution of the United States for a purpose--part of the checks and balances that seem to be going out the window these days in our society and in our government and here in Washington, DC. This is an American agenda to make sure that we know the facts and that we understand those facts so people who are around here watching this today know and can be secure in the fact that their Congress is doing their job, that the President is doing his job, that the courts are doing their job. This is not the time to circle the wagons around the President, but, likewise, it is not the time to make a judgment already that this President should be removed from office or even for articles of impeachment voted on by the House. This is not the time to do that. We are beginning a process that we have to take our time on. I say that knowing that when we say ``take our time,'' we just need to be deliberate, but we need to move. This is not something that needs to drag on. This is not something through which the American public needs to be dragged over the course of too long a period of time. This can be determined. If you look at that whistleblower complaint that was filed, this is something that should easily be able to be done in a relatively short period of time if the administration will cooperate and if we get that instead of the stonewalling that we have seen in the past. Cooperate with us. Do your job. Do your duty and let us do ours. That is all that we ask. That is all that anybody should ever ask of anyone in this body or anyone in the House of Representatives. Let us do our job. We are about to leave this place for a couple of weeks. The House is leaving, though they may still do a little work. We are going to be leaving for 2 weeks. We are going back home to our States. We are going to be talking to the media. We are going to be talking to constituents. I guarantee you that when I go back to Alabama, a lot of people will have already made up their minds. When I go to a townhall or whatever, they will have made up their minds without any facts. They make up their mind based on the media. My friends in the media need to pay attention too. Don't ask me whether or not this is going to affect my election in 2020. Don't ask me if it is going to affect Joe Biden or Donald Trump, or ask me if it is going to affect the Presidential race. Ask me about what is going to happen to the Constitution and what is going to happen to the rule of law. Let's talk about the seriousness of what we have and not the politics of it, for goodness' sake. But every time I turn around, when I walk out of these doors, the first thing they are going to ask me is this: How do you think this is going to affect your race? That is not my job. That is not my oath. That is not my duty. If we put our fingers to the political winds with everything we do in this body, we may as well not be here. We should not be able to live with ourselves. Unfortunately, I think so many people do that. I am hoping that in this day, in this time, in these troubled waters we are about to embark on, people will see that higher calling and that they will once again return to that time and that place when this Senate was a deliberative body and not a knee-jerk reaction to a particular program or nomination or whatever that comes before it. We will return to the days of yesteryear where we actually deliberate and we talk amongst ourselves and we have a civil discussion about the important issues that we are faced with. I remember those days. I was here. I was sitting back there as a Senate staffer, watching those great debates and watching people change their minds on the floor of the Senate because of the debate that someone gave and someone persuaded him. We don't have those any more. Look around right now. We are all gone, except those people around here listening to me, and I have staff here. But we don't have those debates any more. We don't have those deliberations any more. We are going to have to now. We are going to have to because the Republic depends on it. The fate of this country will depend on it. We are so divided in this country right now. We are living in what Arthur Brooks has called that ``culture of contempt,'' where we don't necessarily just disagree with each other. We hold each other in contempt if we disagree with each other. We have to change that, folks. We have to get back. We have to change that. We have to make sure people understand their roles and their duties. We have to make sure that for this country to progress and for this country to survive, we have to work together. We have to be one America. We can't be so divided. That is exactly what our enemies have been trying to do to us for centuries. For two centuries or more, they have wanted to divide us, and they came close during the Civil War. They are going to come close now if we are not careful. If we don't stop folks on both sides of the aisle from continuing to pull us into our corners but rather start pulling people back to where we can have these discussions, we will be in trouble. As we go forward and as we go into this recess, I hope all of my colleagues will remember their oaths. I hope people will remember what they said when they stood right over there and the Vice President of the United States asked them to raise their right hands and say: ``I do solemnly swear that I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic.'' We took an oath to support the Constitution. We didn't take an oath to support the President of the United States. We didn't take an oath to support the Republican Party. We didn't take an oath to support the Democratic Party. We took an oath to defend the Constitution of the United States against all enemies, foreign and domestic. That is an important part that our Framers put in the Constitution, ``foreign and domestic.'' We said we would take this obligation freely without any mental reservation or purpose of evasion. We cannot evade. We took an oath not to evade while we were here--that is not what we do--and to well and faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which we entered. Our duties to this office are to be fair, to be impartial, and to be deliberative, not political. Our duties to this office are to our constituents and to do the very best we can to make sure we analyze whatever is in front of us because history will judge us. It will determine whether or not we acted with courage and conviction or whether we just simply tested the political winds as some people are already doing. Often in my talks around the country and in some even here, I like to quote one of my favorite characters from literature, Atticus Finch. Atticus Finch gave an impassioned closing argument to a jury he knew was not likely to give him the verdict he sought. He laid out a case in defense of Tom Robinson, a Black man who was accused of raping a White woman. In that defense, he went through the facts. Everybody who has ever read the book and everybody who has ever watched the movie knows Tom Robinson was innocent, but Atticus Finch knew that the likelihood of the jury's finding that man innocent was slim and none. At the end of that closing argument, he talked about the solemn duty, the solemn obligation, that the jurors had to the system. He talked about the justice system and the courts and the jurors being the great levelers of society, where the pauper and the rich man were the same in the eyes of the law. He talked about the duty they had to fairly and impartially judge the facts. Just before he sat down--and you could see it and feel it, and if you were to read the book, you could feel that Atticus knew what was going to happen--he looked that jury in the eye and said: ``[Gentlemen], in the name of God, do your duty.'' Ladies and gentlemen and colleagues, in the name of God, we have to do our duty. We have to do our duty. We have to make sure we fulfill our oaths and not be concerned about how many votes it might get us or how many votes we might lose. Whether we know the outcome or not, whether we get pressure from Assad or not, whether or not there are millions of dollars spent on TV and in radio so as to tell us to vote a certain way, we have to fulfill that solemn obligation. In the name of God, we should do our duty and nothing less. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Colleagues, today we are about to vote on a resolution that will correct a long-held injustice--one that has been on the books for decades; one that has caused significant pain to military spouses who have given so much for our country. It is an elimination of the military widow's tax. It has been voted on in this body for over 18 years and has never gotten across the finish line. Now is the time. This is our time to make sure that we tell our veterans that we are supportive but we show it with our actions, not just with our words. I urge everyone to please vote to instruct the conferees to eliminate the military widow's tax. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, thank you. I appreciate your comment, ``The Senator for Alabama.'' That is exactly how I like to be recognized, so thank you very much. Unanimous Consent Request--H.R. 2486 Mr. President, I rise today to appeal to my colleagues to support the renewal of vital funding for historically Black colleges and universities and all minority-serving institutions. I have risen in this body on more than one occasion to talk about the importance of HBCUs and minority-serving institutions. Alabama is home to 14 HBCUs--more than any other State in the country. They are part of the fabric of our economy in Alabama and a part of the fabric of our society. They are the pride of their communities. They are the pride of those folks who went there and had relatives who went there and even those individuals who are not alums or relatives of alums. Our HBCUs are a source of enduring pride in our State and across this country. They serve an incredibly important function. They educate those from underserved communities more than any other college or university. It is important that we continue funding them because their challenges with funding are great. They do not have the endowments that other colleges and universities have. They don't have the source of funding. It is only through our efforts in Congress and across the country that we can continue the great work of these HBCUs. Recently, the House passed what is known as the FUTURE Act, which is H.R. 2486. My colleague Senator Scott and I have a similar bill that has been introduced in the Senate because, at the end of September, all funding for HBCUs is set to end. Our act would extend that. We need to make sure that we fund all of our HBCUs, that they are not left in the lurch and not left with any uncertainty about their future funding. I truly believe this is such a bipartisan effort that we can get this across the finish line. I have urged Senator McConnell to put this on the floor because it is quite urgent. As in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of H.R. 2486, which is at the desk; that the bill be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise today with deep sadness, but also with reverence to remember Dr. Ravindra Behari ``Ravi'' Lal, who died on July 23, 2019. Dr. Lal was an esteemed educator and innovator in the field of physics. His impact on Alabama A&M University and the Huntsville area is incalculable. Dr. Lal was born on October 5, 1935, in Agra, India. He was one of three children born to Avadh Behari and Radhapyari Lal Mathur. Dr. Lal earned his Ph.D. in solid state physics from Agra University in 1962 and married his wife Usha in the same year. In 1964, Dr. Lal and Usha moved to Huntsville, where they raised their son Amit. That same year, Dr. Lal began his teaching and research career for the National Academy of Sciences as a resident research associate at NASA/Marshall Space Flight Center. It was there that Dr. Lal conducted groundbreaking work on the effects of radiation on thermal control coatings for Apollo and other spacecrafts. Through a special recommendation from famed aerospace engineer, Dr. Wernher von Braun, Dr. Lal earned a rare extension of his postdoctoral associate position with NASA. Following his time at Marshall Space Flight Center, Dr. Lal worked for 2 years as a senior scientist and assistant professor at the Indian Institute of Technology in Delhi, India. He returned to the United States in 1970 as a senior research associate for the University of Alabama in Huntsville, leaving in 1973 to become an associate professor of physics at Paine College in Augusta, GA. Dr. Lal made his return to Huntsville in 1975 to begin his long and impressive career at Alabama A&M University--AAMU--rising from associate professor of physics to department chair to university eminent scholar. In 1978, during his tenure at AAMU, he was chosen by NASA as a principal investigator for a space shuttle experiment on the maiden flight of the Spacelab-3 Mission in 1985, making Dr. Lal one of the first university professors to be selected for an experiment on space shuttle and the first from AAMU. During this project, he worked as one of the pioneers in crystal growth experiments in microgravity. Dr. Lal later served for 7 years as the principal investigator for a project from NASA's Commercialization of Space program. Dr. Lal was deeply committed to bettering the AAMU and Huntsville communities during his tenure as an educator and beyond. In 1997, Dr. Lal launched the popular Annual Nobel Laureate Lecture Series, which has since brought 20 Nobel Prize winners to Huntsville. He was instrumental in establishing AAMU's masters and doctorate programs in physics. AAMU celebrated his commitment to his field and students in 2005, naming Dr. Lal an AAMU eminent scholar. Recognized as one of the first Indian couples in Huntsville, Dr. Lal and his wife Usha mentored and advised Indian families new to their city and were actively involved in helping to build a temple, the Hindu Cultural Center of North Alabama, for the local Indian community. Dr. Lal also served on the board for AshaKiran, an organization that provides assistance to individuals from multicultural backgrounds that are experiencing crises. Dr. Lal was highly respected and celebrated in his field, earning recognition from the Alabama House of Representatives in 1985 for his achievements on NASA's Spacelab-3 experiment. He was also awarded NASA's Public Service Achievement award for those same achievements by NASA Administrator James C. Fletcher. Dr. Lal was selected for the Professional of the Year award by the Huntsville Association of Technical Societies, the Noble prize in Science by the National Association for Equal opportunity in Higher Education, and the Lifetime Achievement Award from AAMU Research Institute. Dr. Lal will be dearly missed by all whose lives he touched, both through his work as a brilliant educator and scientist and as a pillar in the Huntsville community. Both Alabama and the United States have benefited immeasurably from his contributions to the field of physics and space research.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I rise today in recognition of High Street Church of Christ in Tuscumbia, AL. For over a century, this church has been a source of hope and inspiration to the city of Tuscumbia and the State of Alabama. Through their ministry and outreach, they have transformed the lives of so many Alabamians. Last year, on September 28-30, High Street Church of Christ hosted their centennial celebration with 2 days of events commemorating 100 years of tireless work and dedication. The speakers for the event included Brothers Michael S. Robert, Mansel Long, and Stanley Hubbard, many of whom who have been longstanding members of the church. I am proud to be able to honor the High Street Church here on the U.S. Senate floor and to let the congregants of this church know that they have my support and good wishes. In is written, ``Upon this rock I will build my church.'' High Street Church of Christ has proven to be a rock--a pillar of the local community in Northwest Alabama--since its inception in 1918. High Street Church has been a trailblazer as one of the first minority congregations in north Alabama. Under the current leadership of Brothers Eddie Goodloe, William Long, Roderick Metcalf, and Thomas Sledge, the church's good work continues. As they approach their 101st celebration, I congratulate the church on its first 100 years, and I look forward its continued growth and watching its positive impact on Tuscumbia and Alabama for years to come.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, before I get into the substance of what I want to talk about, I am going to take my own personal opportunity to remember those whom we lost 18 years ago today. Like everyone else, I remember the events. I was at home with my family and young children, not knowing what was going to happen and seeing things happen. I can remember taking one of my kids to daycare when the second tower collapsed and the radio announcer simply saying, ``They are both gone,'' and the emptiness we felt. We remember today, we honor today, and we honor not only those whom we lost but honor those responders who were there and who still suffer the pain from having to deal with all of that.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Mr. President, today I rise in absolute awe--remain in awe--of what happened in this country and in this world 50 years ago this week, and I am still inspired by the events of our space program 50 years ago. Fifty years ago today, Americans of all ages, in every corner of this great Nation and, in fact, all over the world, stopped what they were doing to watch in complete awe as Apollo 11 launched from Cape Kennedy, headed toward the Moon. It is unbelievable what we saw, what we witnessed, that entire week. It would be the first time that humans would set foot on a celestial body other than the Earth. We would step foot on the Moon, which had captured the imagination of the world since time began, trying to reach that big, round object in the sky. It was a remarkable feat, made possible by the sheer determination and grit of the American space program and all of those who participated in it. I was just a kid growing up in Alabama at the time. I lived just 2 or 3 hours south of what was known as Rocket City in Huntsville, AL. It is still known as Rocket City because of all of the work at NASA and in our space program today. It was a thriving metropolis then and even more so today. That is where all of the rockets were built. That is where the engines, the powerful engines that drove the rockets into space, were built. They were tested in Huntsville, AL. If you go there today, most of those stands are still there. Some of them are about to be used again. Those Saturn V rockets, the most powerful rocket engines man had ever created, were built in Huntsville, AL. They were the engines that would propel man to the Moon. I was absolutely mesmerized--absolutely mesmerized--by all things involving the space program. I still am. I can remember so many times when my maternal grandfather, Oliver Wesson, whom I called Paw-Paw, and I would just sit for hours and watch and listen to the commentaries. We would watch the liftoffs. We would watch the splashdowns. Some of my best memories as a kid were literally sitting in front of a TV set with my granddad, watching the heroes I saw, the heroes I wanted to be, and the heroes America wrapped their arms around. At the time, there was nothing--nothing--and maybe to some extent today--more that I wanted to do than to be an astronaut and to go into space. It sounds corny for an old man like me to say that, but it is absolutely true. Those astronauts, the original Mercury Seven astronauts, were heroes in every sense of the word. I admire their courage, not having a clue when they blasted off from Florida whether they would return safely. And we did lose astronauts along the way. I did so many things. I read. I studied. I watched. I read papers. A lot of papers in my grammar, junior high, and high schools were all written about the space program. I am a memorabilia collector, as many of you may know, including of autographed baseballs. I have a few autographed baseballs by some of the astronauts, but the ones I like most are the newspapers. From that time, I could see that everybody could sense something was special. From the time Apollo 11 took off from Cape Kennedy, and the headlines in the Birmingham News read ``Man Sets Foot in Heavens,'' to the time they splashed down, I collected and saved every one of those newspapers. They are still at home, and they are prized possessions. We watched every single launch. We knew every single name of every astronaut. We stood there with intense, mesmerizing attention to every moment of those launches. It was something that captivated this entire country. It was a unifying time. It was a unifying force at a time when America needed it--the 1960s. For Apollo 11 in 1969, it was a time when we needed that sense of collective pride. We needed that sense of unification. We had gone through tough times during the civil rights era. We had gone through and we were still in the midst of the Vietnam war and all that tore this country asunder. We saw all that happened in 1968. We saw the deaths of John Kennedy, Robert Kennedy, and Martin Luther King, but the space program was that one sense of pride. It didn't take a tragedy to unify America at that time. It took success. It took a build of what we do. It took our determination. It took knowing that we were the most patriotic, and, doggone, we were going to beat those Russians to the Moon. It sounds so corny these days, but it is absolutely the case. We were going to do it. It was going to be the United States of America, and, doggone, we did it. A lot has changed. Today, we are building on this legacy. We are still building on this legacy in space. We are building it in Huntsville, AL, and elsewhere with NASA, and we are going to continue to inspire a new generation--and more generations to come--of Alabamans and Americans, people all across this country, to help us reach even loftier heights. Yes, a lot has changed since 1969--50 years ago--but there is a reason that space flight and exploration of other worlds continue to capture our attention and to capture our imagination. It is because, at the end of the day, we are all dreamers. We always dream of those loftier heights. We always want to achieve. We always want to make this country great--consistently make this country great. We always want to reach for the stars, whether it is in our personal lives or whether it is collectively as a country. That is what we do. We are dreamers. Today, 50 years after the launch of Apollo--and on Saturday, we will celebrate 50 years of the actual steps on the lunar surface--we celebrate the achievement of a dream five decades ago, but a dream that started long, long before that, long before President Kennedy challenged America to put a man on the Moon. Looking back, 50 years ago was really just the beginning. It showed us that a true moonshot was possible, and, quite literally, it opened our world to new possibilities. Today, we are reaching for human spaceflight back to the Moon and to Mars. It is not just us; other countries are doing the same. We are looking for a return flight to the Moon for deeper exploration. We are receiving pictures from the farthest reaches of the galaxy, things we have never seen before. We have seen the surface. We have landed rovers on the Moon surface and have seen the pictures and have done the tests. It is just unbelievable. Who would have ever thought of this some 50, 60 years ago when I was a kid? Today, we have a greater understanding of the universe around us and how we apply that knowledge to our own lives. We continue to reach for the stars. Yes, a lot has changed, but a lot hasn't. We still have divisions in this country. We still need that unifying voice. We still need that sense of pride that we can all--everybody--wrap our arms around. Today, we seem to be divided more than we were during the height of the Vietnam war. We seem to be divided over the very issues that my friend Senator Cornyn was talking about a moment ago with regard to immigration. We are divided over politics--a partisan divide. We are divided over gun violence. You name it; we are divided. So we need that unifying voice. We need something positive that we can all wrap our arms around. It is not just a holiday--and sometimes now, in today's world, unfortunately, even our holidays get divided. Even on our holidays, people go to their corners for political reasons, on both sides of the aisle. Make no mistake, folks, I am not casting a stone one way or another. I am casting it across this land. People are divided. We have to honor the visionaries of long ago, as well as the visionaries of today who think big, dream big, and give our Nation a collective sense of purpose and unity--a collective sense of unity and purpose--not a divisive sense of purpose for their own benefit but a collective sense of unity and purpose. We can honor those folks by setting aside all of the differences we see. We can honor those folks by not going to our corners every time a hot-button issue is mentioned either here on the floor of the Senate or in a tweet or in a Facebook post or in the national news. We can set that aside. We can set it aside by setting aside our differences. We honor folks by setting aside our differences today. We can honor those folks by remembering our collective pride and who we are as Americans, by making sure that all men and women are created equal and living up to the creed that we so proudly point to in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. We can do that again. We can honor these visionaries by coming together, reaching across the aisle and also reaching within our aisles to bring people together to talk about those things we can do together and with a sense of pride. We can do it by, once again, being the leader of the world and not trying to do everything alone but bringing our friends and allies to join us in these collective efforts to make us stronger. Yes, we owe those folks a great debt of gratitude for making America a leader in space, a leader in the world, and giving us all something to dream about. Let us now meet that challenge in a different way. Let us continue to explore space. Let us continue to reach for the stars, but let us dedicate ourselves to becoming that unified voice so that something we can all dream about is one America--one America--not a house divided but one America for everyone. Thank you. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, I rise to honor two of Alabama's great citizens. The State misses greatly the late Senator Howell Heflin, who was a Member of this body for 18 years, and my friend and campaign manager, Giles Perkins, who was a lawyer in Birmingham, AL. These two men spent their lives working to improve our great State, and both shaped the future of Alabama in his own way. Following these remarks, we are going to be honoring both of these men in a reception to be held in my office. I last spoke on the floor of my friend and former campaign manager, Giles Perkins, following his death last December. Giles was an accomplished attorney, community leader, brilliant political adviser, and strategist. Although a native of Texas, he moved to Alabama following his marriage to his true love, Hillery Head, and he quickly came to understand how Alabama's complicated and sometimes dark history shaped our State. He had the vision of a brighter future if all Alabamians could have just simply worked together to create one Alabama for everyone. Whether in politics, his legal practice, or with regard to his remarkable community projects--most notably Railroad Park, which helped to transform the city of Birmingham--for anyone who crossed paths with Giles, one saw in him his passion for making Alabama and the entire South better places for us all. Giles' last political effort was my 2017 Senate campaign. As campaign chair, he was nothing short of extraordinary. He challenged me constantly--so much so that I began calling him Yoda. I still often refer to him as Yoda. His ability to see the bigger picture and his ``tough love'' approach with me made me a much better candidate, a better person, and certainly a better U.S. Senator. I will always cherish his friendship. Howell Heflin was, to say the least, a lion of the U.S. Senate and a political mentor of mine. A military hero who hailed from Tuscumbia, AL, Judge Howell Heflin was sometimes described as the ``conscience of the Senate'' as he was widely known for his unshakable integrity. Because of that, he was the chair of the Ethics Committee, I think, for 12 years running--something that, in his final remarks, he described as anything but enjoyable, but he was a man of unshakable integrity. He was part of the ``greatest generation.'' He became a marine at the age of 21, and he served the Nation during World War II. He was awarded the Silver Star for valor in combat, and he received two Purple Hearts for his actions. Even by Members of this body, Howell Heflin was always affectionately referred to as ``Judge.'' If you read back over the day he announced his retirement, which was on March 29, 1995, all of his colleagues referred to him as ``Judge'' because of his extraordinary career. As a one-term chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court, he modernized Alabama's court system and won numerous awards for it as well as for himself personally. He was a known national figure because of his work on the courts. Later, while in this body, he helped to streamline the Federal courts in order to help move the civil courts and the criminal justice system. He always believed that justice delayed was justice denied. He was elected to the Senate in 1978. I was then in my third year of law school. During the summer of 1978, I opted to work full time on his campaign rather than to clerk for a law firm. This was in part because I believed that his election, following a 20-year or more domination of Alabama politics by George Wallace, would be one of the most significant elections in Alabama's history--a turning point for a State whose reputation had sorely suffered throughout the civil rights movement. It turned out I was absolutely right. Howell Heflin's election ushered in a time in Alabama during which politicians in our State began to look beyond the dog whistle politics of race and to do their best to represent all of the citizens of Alabama. He was a champion of the rural farmer, NASA, and businesses throughout Alabama. He was also a champion of the small business leader, teachers, members of the union, and African-American citizens in Alabama, who were still feeling the effects of discrimination and restricted voting rights. By today's standards, Howell Heflin would certainly be considered pretty conservative with his positions that many, including myself, would probably not agree with. Yet, in his heart, Howell Heflin believed in the Constitution of the United States, and he strived to ensure that we lived up to the creed that all people are created equal. During his floor speech in which he announced his retirement, he said, ``Not until we become genuinely one nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all can this country realize its potential for true greatness.'' He worked as a Senator to secure the extension of the Voting Rights Act, which is something we are still arguing about today--23 years after he left the Senate. He appointed the first two African Americans to the Federal bench in Alabama. Sadly, even though the number of Federal judges in Alabama's three Federal districts have grown significantly in number, there are still only two active Federal judges in Alabama who are African American. He supported historically black colleges and universities, and he ensured the passage of the civil rights restoration bill. He helped to pass the fair housing bill and helped to establish a national holiday that honors the late Martin Luther King, Jr. Howell Heflin's commitment to racial justice and his sensitivity to issues of race led him in 1993 to give a remarkable floor speech that opposed an insignia patent bill that contained an image of a Confederate battle flag. This was over 20 years before the tragedy in Charleston, SC, when battle flags across the country came down. It was 20 years or so before that when he opposed an amendment that would have contained an image of the Confederate battle flag. It was truly a remarkable speech, and I referenced it just recently in a speech I gave here on the Equality Act. It was considered by many--his friends, his family, his staff, and all who knew him, especially those in this body--to be his finest hour. It was his finest hour because it was one of those rare occasions on the floor of the Senate during which an impassioned speech by one Senator swayed a vote. There was an amendment and a motion to table on that bill--a motion that had not succeeded. Howell Heflin then took to the floor so as to sway Senators to reconsider. Then, overwhelmingly, by a vote of over 75 to 20-something, the motion was tabled, and the bill died, as it should have. That led Carol Moseley-Braun--the first African-American female Senator in history--to state the following: His integrity, his intelligence, his commitment and faith in the Constitution of these United States, faith in what the American dream has always stood for and can be in the future, has led Judge Heflin in a direction that I think is without peer and without parallel in this body. He has been a force for good. He has been a force for right. There are very few people who have known Howell Heflin and there are very few people in Alabama who remember him who would say otherwise. He was a force for good, and he was a force for right. I am so proud that my first job after law school was working with him as staff counsel on the Senate Judiciary Committee. It was just an amazing experience for a kid who had never been to Washington, DC, before taking the job. It is now my privilege to hold the seat that Judge Heflin had for 18 years. It is my honor. The fact that I walked off this floor with him as a staffer in 1980 and walked back on in 2018 in his seat has been one of the greatest honors of my life. In gratitude for that opportunity the Judge gave me, I have established a fellowship in my office for a recent law school graduate--just like me in 1979--and I look forward to welcoming the first Howell Heflin fellow to my team later this month. Howell Heflin was sworn into the Senate in 1979, 40 years ago this past January. And it was about 40 years ago this time of year that I joined his staff--fresh out of law school, fresh off of taking the bar exam. He was certainly my mentor and role model in many ways, and each day that I am in the Senate, I strive to continue his legacy--not that I always vote as Howell Heflin would, although, frankly, knowing him as I did, I am absolutely convinced that he would have moderated many of his positions with changing times. He was that kind of leader. But I am certainly guided by the principles of public service to his constituents that he described in his retirement announcement, in which he said: I have endeavored to represent Alabama in a studied, impartial, and fair-minded manner. My record certainly indicates at least an independent streak. I hope Alabamians know that my decisions were based on what I thought was in the best interest of my State and Nation. While some may argue or disagree with my decisions, I was convinced that I was right. And I believe most Alabamians felt that nothing more could be expected of me. I agree with him 100 percent. Ironically, Judge Heflin passed away 10 years to the day from the day he gave that speech on March 29. I miss him. Alabama misses him. And I can assure my colleagues who didn't know him, the U.S. Senate misses him as well. The threads that tie Judge Heflin and Giles Perkins together in history are their deeply rooted integrity and their dedication to leaving the State of Alabama better than they found it. Their memories inspire me every day. Today, following these remarks, I am dedicating the conference rooms in my Senate office to these two men who, through leadership and commitment, made a positive difference in the history of the State of Alabama, as well as in my life. I am so happy that I am going to be joined by Judge Heflin's son Tom and his wife Cornelia, as well as numerous former Heflin staffers, including his longtime chief of staff, Mike House, who is the one who made that fateful call to me that summer as I was studying for the bar exam to offer me the job here on the Hill. Also with us will be Drew Perkins and his wife Nelly. Drew is the brother of Giles. They will be here with us as we celebrate both Judge Heflin and Giles Perkins. I would be remiss if I didn't also mention that in the corner of the Giles Perkins Conference Room will be the large Yoda doll that will be kept in his honor. As for me, I will strive to continue the work that they began, to fulfill their vision, and to honor their memories as long as I have the privilege of serving here in the U.S. Senate. I yield the floor.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. JONES

Mr. JONES. Madam President, I approach to say how much I appreciate my colleagues, Senator Merkley and Senator Kaine, for their eloquent thoughts on an important issue of our time. Let me also now rise in total frustration on a completely different issue--but total frustration, bafflement, and, quite frankly, just angry and disappointed in this body. I am angry because we have turned our back for over 40 years on military families. We have turned our backs on the widows of the very men and women who have given their lives to protect this country, to uphold our democratic ideals, and to make possible the very work that we are doing in the Senate and the very work that we, as Members of the Senate and as Members of Congress, are charged to do every day on behalf of the American people and, particularly, on behalf of veterans and their families. I am talking about this body's refusal to bring up the Military Widow's Tax Elimination Act--the refusal to bring it up for a single floor vote--despite the fact that we have 75 cosponsors--75 cosponsors of this bill. It is the most bipartisan legislation, except for the robocall bill, which everybody could agree on. And we can't get that to a vote in this body? Where have we gone wrong? Where have the rules of the body--the rules that the leadership of both parties are operating under--gone off the rails that we can't bring this to a vote, to just get a simple up-or- down vote, on a process that is ripe, and that is the NDAA? In my 17 or 18 months--I forget how many now in this body--I have had some frustrating moments, as I know all of my colleagues who have been here for a long time have had a lot of frustrating moments. We have shut down this government three times since I have been a U.S. Senator--three times. I have seen disaster relief held up for 5 or 6 months, with farmers and others needing that relief, needing that money, needing that help, and we held it up for political reasons so that someone can score a point because everything is seen through the eyes of a political gamesmanship. That is how we are operating today, and it is incredibly frustrating for those of us who want to make sure we go forward with things when we see bipartisan efforts. In this situation, we are talking about military families who are getting ripped off by us. You can call it the government if you want to, but at the end of the day, they are getting ripped off by every single Member of this body and the House of Representatives, and they have had it. It is no wonder that the American people think that Congress and Washington, in general, are just completely broken. If we can't fight for military widows and spouses, who are having their survivor benefits shortchanged, then, for whom are we going to fight? For whom are we going to stand up? We always talk about standing up for the least of these. I have people wanting to stand up for the immigrants coming across the border. I have people wanting to stand up for corporations and to make sure that they are paying their share of the taxes, as opposed to overburden. I have people standing up for people every day, but here we have a chance to stand up for people who have given their lives for this country, and we are not doing it. We are not doing it. If we can't do the right thing on this, with 75 cosponsors, how can we possibly tackle immigration reform? How can we possibly tackle healthcare reform or education in this country if we can't come to some agreement and one simple vote when we have 75 cosponsors? How can we not fight for people like Cathy Milford, a retired schoolteacher from Mobile, AL, whose husband passed away unexpectedly 25 years ago from a service-connected illness just months after his retirement from the Coast Guard? Instead of a long and happy retirement together, Cathy has been fighting to right this wrong for all of the some 65,000 military spouses who are hurt by the current law. During a recent visit here to Capitol Hill, she said: ``Every time I talk about this''--and she is up here a lot talking about elimination of the military widow's tax--``I have to dig up my husband and bury him all over again.'' Just think about that. Let that just sink in a minute: a military widow, one of many of thousands, who had to return to lobby Congress year after year at their own expense, saying she feels like she is digging up and burying her husband all over again when she has to talk about this issue. That is not only sad, it is shameful. We have tried to pass this legislation. The Senate has, in some form, repeatedly over the last almost 20 years. It has been included in the NDAA numerous times only to be stripped out during conference. It has been included without an immediate pay-for to offset the budget issues that everybody kind of falls back on and hangs their hat on. We don't have that immediate pay-for. It has passed before. It has passed before in this body with bipartisan support, but for some reason it just hasn't been able to get across the finish line. For some reason, even though the bill today has historic levels of cosponsorship, we are not allowed to bring it up for a vote as an amendment to this NDAA. Frankly, that is the frustration. It is a frustration that goes beyond just this bill. It is a frustration that we can't debate on the floor of the Senate anymore. We can't bring up amendments. I think we have brought up one amendment in legislation in this Congress because of the rule between the leader and minority leader. There are all these deals going on. You have to have a Republican package; you have to have a Democratic package; you have to play one against the other. We are constantly playing the political games in this body when we should be working for the American people as a whole. That is why today, at this time, I am once again calling for our bill to eliminate the military widow's tax, to pass it or get it voted on and bring it to the floor and pass it on unanimous consent. Every one of my colleagues would do well to remember that we are the ones who should be fighting for these spouses. We are the ones. We are the only people they can turn to. This can't be fixed on the streets. It can't be fixed at the Department of Defense or the Veterans' Administration. The legislature, the Congress of the United States, is the only one that can do it, and we are the ones who should be fighting for these military spouses, the widows and widowers whose loved ones gave their lives for this country, the widows and widowers whose lives are forever changed because of their family's selfless service to this country. Caring for military families has long been part of the foundation of our government. In President Abraham Lincoln's second inaugural address, he spoke in no uncertain terms on this obligation. In the midst of the Civil War, he addressed a nation that had sustained unimaginable loss--unimaginable loss--in order to preserve the Union we so cherish. The country was then more divided than it ever had been, and God help us if it ever gets that divided again, but the values Lincoln asserted during that speech were so fundamental that, even at war with itself, it could agree on the importance. He said this: With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow, and his orphan, to do all which we may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations. Let me repeat that critical phrase today: `` . . . to care for him who shall have borne the battle and for his widow, and his orphan.'' This is the promise we have made to those who raise their hand in service to our Nation. This is the contract, the solemn contract, that we have made to those who have raised their hand in service to this Nation; that we will honor and support them and care for their families if tragedy occurs. President Lincoln was assassinated just over a month after he issued this appeal, but the weight of his words still resonate today. In some ways, on this issue, they resonate more because in those days you could count on the fact that the legislative body, the Congress of the United States, heeded those words and took care of those families. It has been 154 years since President Lincoln spoke those words; yet the Government of the United States, the Members of this body, the Members of the House have yet to fulfill that promise. It has been 154 years, and we still get caught up in the deals that are made as to what gets on the floor and what does not get on the floor, the political deals that have to be jockeyed, where we give and take, and it is one over the other. We need to fix that today. We need to fix it in a broader sense and let this body get back to its real work and be the great deliberative body it is supposed to be. We are not doing that, but that is a different issue for a different time. Let's start today and stand up and exhibit just a fraction, a small fraction--a small, small fraction--of the courage that these military spouses did on our behalf. Let's let our actions speak louder than words simply ever could. Let's put the issue to rest and give these widows some peace. Let us do our duty. It was Atticus Finch, who told the jury in ``To Kill a Mockingbird,'' as he closed out, knowing what the outcome was going to be, as I do here--knowing what the outcome was going to be, it was Atticus Finch, who said: ``In the name of God, do your duty.'' I say that to this body. I say that to the leadership. In the name of God, let's do our duty to these people. Let's get behind the political deals and let's do our duty, once and for all. Unanimous Consent Request--Amendment No. 269 Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that it be in order to set aside the pending amendment; that amendment No. 269 be considered and agreed to; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.