Jonathan Jackson

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Bonnie Watson Coleman, Congresswoman from the great State of New Jersey in the 12th District, for her remarks. Mr. Speaker, it is now my privilege to yield to the gentleman from the great State of Nevada, the honorable chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, Steven Horsford of the Fourth Congressional District.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Steven Horsford from the Fourth Congressional District of the great State of Nevada. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Bowman).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congressman Jamaal Bowman for those insightful words. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Amo).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congressman from the great State of Rhode Island, Congressman Gabe Amo, for his remarks. Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight because in the midst of the sound and fury of our current political climate, there remains a profoundly unaddressed and underestimated crisis raging in the hearts and homes of this country's African-American citizens. It is a melancholy truth that too often what ails the hearts and minds of Black people in this Nation goes unnoticed. Thankfully, May is Mental Health Awareness Month, and we are therefore afforded the rare opportunity to acknowledge and address the mental health of African Americans as we would any other health crisis that threatens our quality of life. While it is true that the mental health of any community must be of grave importance, since none of this Nation's social or economic benefits can truly be appreciated apart from peace of mind, in the case of African Americans, however, the effects of the long history of systemic and outright political terror must be of singular importance. It must be of singular importance because life has become more complicated, alienation has become more common, and political violence has become more threatening. The times in which we live necessitate a greater emphasis and consideration of the mental health of this country's most vulnerable citizens. At a time when social media proliferates our lives with doomscrolling and mean world syndrome, we would be foolish to underestimate the impact and influence of what living in the digital age happens to be doing to our minds. I rise tonight because it is time for us to raise greater awareness about the confluence of mental health issues stalking two generations of African Americans like never before. I rise tonight because we must henceforth remove the stigma of openly dealing with a public health issue we cannot avoid. The time for our accommodating silence must come to an end. The time for us to assign shame is over. The time for us to portray Black people as super-human protagonists who move through the American drama unbothered and unaffected must be challenged in every way. Black people are as human as everybody else. We suffer from death, dread, disease, and despair like every other community. We may be strong and we may be resilient, but we are not without the scars and stripes that any community with our history would have to bear. Perhaps there was a time when we were unaware of what the effects of mental health were doing to our very lives and our bodies, but now we know that one out of every five American adults are now suffering from some mental health crisis or concern. We know that in the United States of America, 21 percent of African Americans reported struggling with mental illness, and we also know that just 39 percent of them received the mental health services that they deserve. Subsequently, it should not surprise us that in recent years the suicide rate among African-American young people has increased faster than other racial or ethnic groups. It should not surprise us that young people across racial lines are suffering with anxiety, various forms of dysmorphia, and other issues at rates never seen before in the long history of this great country. According to the Department of Health and Human Services minority office, African-American adults are more likely than White adults to report persistent symptoms of emotional distress, such as sadness and feeling like everything is an effort. In fact, according to the same findings, Black adults living below the poverty line are more than twice as likely to report serious psychological distress than those with more financial security. What this shows us is that the negative mental health of Black people in this country is often the result of a devious and devastating confluence of issues. That is to say, members of the Black community, in addition to dealing with social media, the human predicament, and a history of repression, must also face the kind of structural racism that creates barriers to being able to access the care and treatment they both need and deserve. It is no wonder, then, that only one of every three African Americans living with a mental illness receive any kind of treatment at all. Only one in three. Additionally, in 2020, it was reported that 10 percent of African Americans still do not have health insurance and are among the chronically uninsured. Even with the Affordable Care Act firmly in place--and thank God that we have it--we must do more to get members of the Black community insured. They need both access and the affordability of care. It should not be the case that just a little over 10 percent of the Black community still cannot get the medical services they require. The overall survival of Black people in this country is far too contingent and tenuous for them not to have this one area of certainty in their life, access to care and mental health care. Needless to say, without insurance, treatment for mental illness is as unlikely as it is statistically uncommon. These are some of the unique challenges Black people face in an effort to live beyond the choking grip of mental illness, and that is why this month of awareness is so important. The victims of mental illness should not have to fight this battle alone. They should not have to struggle in the shadows of American life, and Black people in this country who struggle with mental illness should not have to bear this cross with crowns of thorns while all the world goes free. If every community is susceptible to the vicissitudes of mental illness, then certainly every community should have equal access to the things that make for peace. The current disparity in access to care is as unacceptable as it is un-American. I say to every African American suffering from mental illness, you have nothing to be ashamed of. You have done nothing wrong. You are not guilty of anything, and you need not be shamed into greater levels of unnecessary suffering. Let the word go forth from this moment forward, mental illness is a health concern compounded by social factors and not the result of a deficiency in character or personal responsibility. People are not suffering from mental illness because they are bad people. And to be sure, people are not suffering from mental illness because they are somehow ethically weak or deficient in their capacity to try harder, as it were. We have to stop assigning responsibility to the victim when it comes to mental illness the way we used to do with drug addiction and the like. Mental illness could care less about how emotionally strong or morally consistent you are. There is a reason why we call it an illness, and we call it an illness because all of us are potentially susceptible to falling victim to it under the right set of tragic conditions and circumstances. To the millions of people in America, and particularly to the millions of African Americans, who are suffering from mental illness, I see you, I hear you, I honor your courage, I value your life. Perhaps, most of all, I stand in solidarity with the possibility of your healing. You are not alone in this time. Your struggle and your sacrifices have not gone unnoticed, and we stand in this solemn place to affirm the dignity of your persistent efforts to be heard and recognized by your government. I want you to know that your labor has not been in vain. Today, we ask faith leaders in the Black community to help us remove the stigma that prevents people from getting therapy and treatment. Church leaders, mosque leaders, and synagogue leaders are essential elements for the successful recovery of someone getting the help they need. Prayer and spirituality can help in the effort to eradicate isolation and give victims access to communities of healing, but these benefits must be supported by proven treatments. There is no reason the Black church and Black mental health professionals cannot work together to bring relief and restoration to the millions of Black people who need it. Today we call upon the formation of a broad and interdisciplinary approach to mental illness that will not only address the problem but also leave the dignity of the person intact because struggling people are still people, citizens of this country. Men and women who, in spite of the difficulties they face, are no less worthy of our love and our devotion because this country is only as strong as the weakest among us. A country that cannot secure the health and well-being of the weak will never be able to protect and sustain the longevity of the strong. I am convinced that we must do everything in our power to support the expansion of culturally competent care. In fact, this government should incentivize the practice of creating an army of Black mental health professionals who work on the front lines in this emerging war because whether we know it or not, the future of this Nation and our communities might well depend upon it. This is not a crisis in the making. This is a crisis already amongst us, and what we do about this issue might well determine the direction of this meandering Republic in days and years to come. Let us gather the best of the American spirit to accomplish this work. Let us summon the proverbial angels of our better nature. Let us join hands and lock arms and dedicate our resources so we might preserve all notions of domestic tranquility and let the oppressed go free. Mr. Speaker, you have heard from my distinguished colleagues about the topic of mental health and all issues of great importance to the Congressional Black Caucus, our constituents, Congress, and all Americans tonight. Mr. Speaker, I thank you for your kindness, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I was not present due to the mistake of rushing to the 2 p.m. HFAC hearing. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yea'' on rollcall No. 109. Stated against:

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Stacey Plaskett for her leadership, and I thank my colleague, the Honorable Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick, for yielding. Much of the world today has their attention focused on Gaza, and it seems as if Haiti has been ignored. Mr. Speaker, when you consider the long and difficult journey of the Haitian people from bondage to freedom and all that has been done to destabilize and punish Haitian independence, I say to you that Haiti cannot be ignored. It would be easy to blame the Haitian people for the overwhelming violence being committed on the streets of Port-au-Prince, in Jacmel, and in the countryside, but such thinking would be the result of a tragic reductionism more so intended to manipulate the facts than to teach them. What is happening in Haiti today is the result of what happens when empires and colonial powers conspire to make it economically impossible for liberated countries to flourish and survive. To think that Haiti had to pay France the equivalent of what would be today $21 billion in 1804 after Dessalines had declared independence-- King Charles X of France, a slaver and a colonial power, had the American Government, after its independence, enforce a payment to American, French, and German bankers and put a tax on the Haitian people for 150 years. Haitians did not stop paying French bankers until 1947. Yes, a 150-year tax was put on the first freed African group of people to resist slavery and colonialism. How is it even possible for the world to stand by and allow France to put a tax on the people of Haiti because they dared to do what Americans had done just 20 years prior to the Haitian Revolution? Mr. Speaker, can you imagine the outcry in this country if Great Britain had required America to pay a freedom tax after the Revolutionary War to make up for lost wages and profits? Americans would still be angry. Americans would be resentful. More importantly, Americans would still be recovering from having to dedicate most of its GDP to paying an unconscionable tax for the subsequent loans and interest needed to resolve it. How did it happen that for 150 years the nation of Haiti was trapped in a vicious cycle of economic extortion and exploitation while the rest of the so-called civilized world acted as if making the victim pay the brutalizer was not a crime against humanity and the complete inversion of common sense? This is what has happened to Haiti. This is the root cause and the base behind the bottomless music of chaos and violence happening in Haiti right now. The Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., said that violence is the language of the unheard, a point to which I shall add that criminality is the syntax and verbiage of the poor. People who have neither the means nor the opportunity to participate and benefit from the wealth of their own country will, in the end, act against the national interest because the politics of bread is unrelenting. I stand with all of my colleagues who condemn the violence going on in Haiti because violence is never the answer. More than that, I call on all the Western powers to, once and for all, take their knees off of the neck of the Haitian economy. The world owes the Haitian people an apology and the real support Haiti has never received. America should celebrate our longest and greatest democratic ally in the Western Hemisphere, Haiti. The Haitian Army fought with America in the American Revolution in Savannah, Georgia. We can end this violence not with soldiers but with real economic investment. If the manifest destiny of America is to be concerned about the quality of life in our hemisphere, then the investment we make in Haiti is, in effect, an investment in the future stability of the neighborhood we live in. Charity begins at home, our Scriptures teach us. It is about time the Nation and the world support Haitians' self- determination.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I thank my honorable colleague from the great State of Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick). I thank the Honorable Frederica Wilson for her outstanding work. I thank my honorable friend from the great State of New Jersey (Mr. Payne) for his consistency and caring for this truly significant cause. Madam Speaker, tonight, as we gather to discuss what is, for me, a most important area of concern, I am reminded of how overdue and necessary the concern for Black men in this Chamber happens to be. If it is true that Black women are the most marginalized, overlooked, and economically oppressed group in America, then it is the case that Black men are, without question, the most criminalized and misunderstood. No other community in America has had to deal with the detrimental effects of the prison industrial complex as Black men have. Let me remind my colleagues that one in three African-American children, boys born after the year 2001, will spend time in prison over the course of their lifetime in America. It is still the case that 1 in 230 Black boys are detained in juvenile facilities across this country. It is still the case that 1 in 1,000 Black boys will die at the hands of the police in our country. It is still the case that one in three Black children live in poverty. The vulnerabilities abound. The misunderstandings amalgamate. The suffering continues. There is simply no other group in America more commodified and policed than the bodies and souls of young Black men. Yet, compared to almost any other group, Black men have been some of the most dedicated devotees to the principles of America. Black men have fought and died in every war this country has ever had. From the Revolutionary War in 1776 to the war in Afghanistan, Black men have stood up for what it means to be an American. Black men have died on the beaches of Normandy and in the killing fields of Vietnam. Black men gave their lives in Korea and in both World War I and II. Let us not forget the recent deaths of three U.S. Army Reserve soldiers, men and women who were killed in Jordan near the Syrian border. Most of the time, when Black men were dying for America, America was about the business of denying them both their humanity and their rights. For most of the 248 years of this country, the relationship between Black men and America has been one of unrequited love. When Black men stood up for American independence, America persisted in keeping Black men in slavery and counted them as three-fifths of a person. When Black men fought for the western expansion of this country, America rewarded Black men by then denying them 40 acres and a mule and access to the homestead grants. When America went off to war in Europe to fight for liberation of England and France against the demonic assault of Hitler and the Nazis, Black men fought for the liberation of other people--and then came home to segregation, Jim Crow, and second-class citizenship. America rebuilt Europe but did nothing for Black communities. America rebuilt Japan and left Black men and boys suffering without a national agenda. America defended South Korea but left Black men completely defenseless in the face of unregulated racial violence and Jim Crow economics. After the Holocaust, America rightly supported the creation of Israel and a homeland for persecuted Jewish people but left the South Side of Chicago, Harlem, parts of Detroit, and all throughout the South, all the places where Black men seek refuge and live, without proper political and economic consideration. The single greatest factor in the creation of the middle class in this country was the GI Bill, but even after Black men fought in the same war that made White men eligible for the GI Bill, Black soldiers were consistently denied and impeded from receiving what they deserved as a result of their sacrifice. This is the unbroken chain of disappointing events. This predictable pattern of historical contradictions of unrequited devotion has peppered and persecuted the humanity of Black men unjustly. Today, Black men and boys stand as the lone group in America still waiting for the Nation to understand their development to be an indispensable part of the future of this Nation. As I stand here tonight, I ask my colleagues: Where is the national development plan for Black men and boys? If the Nation made a concerted effort to lock up two generations of Black men and boys in the criminal industrial complex, then surely this Nation should dedicate intentional efforts to the restoration of Black men from that kind of brokenness. It is unnatural. I think it is about time that the Federal Government intentionally put Black men on the agenda. How is it that the Nation can have a plan for everyone else, but it is completely bereft of ideas when it comes to the restoration of Black boys? Black children are the only people in America who live in a country that has second-class schools, first-class prisons, and third-class water infrastructure. We need a legislative agenda that will enhance the lives and future of Black men and boys. We need to set aside resources and enact policies that will facilitate the uplifting of a community, the community of Black men. We need to enforce an agenda that will prosecute those who use their power, status, and influence to harm and criminalize those without justification or cause and one that will recognize the dignity and safety of Black men as a national priority. We can start by passing the John Lewis Voting Rights Act. We can start by passing the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act of 2020. I call on every Member of the United States Senate to stop playing with the future of Black men because Black men are not pawns to be played with on the battlefield of identity politics but are, rather, the children of God, just like everyone else in this country. Thankfully, because of President Biden's stewardship of the economy, Black unemployment is the lowest it has ever been, but more needs to be done. Madam Speaker, one out of three Black families still has negative wealth--or no money, meaning they are in debt, living paycheck to paycheck. One out of every four Black children born in 1990 will experience the incarceration of their fathers in their lifetimes. One out of every six Black boys is suspended from school. It is still the case that one in nine Black children will enter the foster care system and have to live with the devastation that comes along with that. This should not be done at the expense of any other community but should happen in concert with how we address the needs of the disinherited and marginalized amongst us. We have already seen what Black men can do when the game is fair and the rules are made public. Black men can excel at sports, not merely because we are physically gifted but, rather, because the game cannot be rigged. When the rules are clear and everyone has the opportunity to play by the same standards, we can win. When the playing field is even and nobody gets to tilt the game in their favor, Black men can thrive. Madam Speaker, I say to my friends today that we need Black men to thrive in America. We need all the genius and creativity that Black men have to offer. This Nation would be unlivable without the genius of Frederick Douglass and the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. What would America be without the literary power of James Baldwin and Ralph Ellison? This Nation would be an incomplete project without what Black men have given to this country. Let us recommit ourselves to the expanding future of Black men and boys. In doing so, let us reaffirm our commitment to one another.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the subject of the Special Order.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, it is with great honor that I rise today to coanchor this Congressional Black Caucus Special Order hour along with my distinguished colleague, the Honorable Representative Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick. For the next 60 minutes, Members of the Congressional Black Caucus have an opportunity to speak directly to the American people on women's history, an issue of great importance to the Congressional Black Caucus, Congress, the constituents that we represent, and all America. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Amo).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I thank the Honorable Gabe Amo from the great State of Rhode Island for his remarks. Madam Speaker, it is my pleasure to yield to the gentlewoman from Florida, the Honorable Congresswoman Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, you have heard from my distinguished colleagues about women's history and the many great contributions they have made. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Horsford), the Congressional Black Caucus chairman.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I thank the Honorable Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick from the great State of Florida for her remarks. Madam Speaker, it is now my privilege to yield to the gentlewoman from Ohio, the Honorable Congresswoman Joyce Beatty.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I thank the former Congressional Black Caucus Chairwoman, the Honorable Congresswoman Joyce Beatty from the great State of Ohio for her remarks. Madam Speaker, it is now my privilege to yield to the gentleman from New Jersey, the Honorable Congressman Payne.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congressman Donald Payne, Jr. from the great State of New Jersey. It has been a pleasure of mine to have worked with his father and to see his honorable son continue on in his tradition. Tonight, in this great Chamber, we gather to honor and remember the contributions of women to the indispensable future of the American experiment with democracy. In particular, I rise to give special commendation to the role that Black women have played in the formation of American possibilities. It is not such a stretch to suggest that America would be unlivable for a great many of its citizens were it not for the indelible work and prophetic imagination of women in this country. Where would this country be without Eleanor Roosevelt, Ella Baker, Fannie Lou Hamer, Shirley Chisholm, Diane Nash, Nancy D'Alesandro Pelosi, the Honorable Congresswoman Maxine Waters, Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee? Black women, and all women really, are the fabric that holds this Nation together because when men have followed their egos and ambition into war and repression, it was the women of this country who stood up to the madness, demanding ever more forcefully that the center must hold. On this side of the aisle, we still believe that every woman should have the right to vote, the right to equal pay for equal work, the right for every opportunity and resources available to any man. We believe that when at all possible no woman should ever lose her life giving birth to a child in the United States of America. We believe that the maternal mortality rates of Black women are a moral indictment against the persistence of bigotry and discrimination in America. On this side of the aisle, we believe in the right of every woman to control what happens to her body as a matter of reproductive justice, personal autonomy, and self-determination. How dare any man tell a woman what she can do with her body? How dare any government come in between a woman and her medical decisions? How dare any political party use a woman's body as an opportunity to get elected rather than respecting the fact that every woman is made in the image of God? That is the difference between this side of the aisle and, I must say, the other side of the aisle. This side of the aisle gave the Nation Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson to be the first African-American woman to sit on the Supreme Court. The other side of the aisle has spent the last 50 years trying to destroy Roe v. Wade. Even after they facilitated that disaster, they even are now trying to undermine in vitro fertilization, because that is the difference between this side of the aisle and the other side when it comes to issues that matter. This side of the aisle produced the Honorable Nancy Pelosi, who was principally responsible for passing the Affordable Care Act that has allowed millions of people to come out of the suffering shadows and receive the healthcare coverage they deserve. On the other side of the aisle, leaders of that party facilitated a racist lie regarding the birth certificate of the former President of the United States, President Barack Obama. This side of the aisle facilitated the passage of Title IX. Many people are excited to see women playing basketball now, but that was part of the civil rights legislation that we hold dear. Title IX is a law that prohibits sex-based discrimination in schools or any educational programs. Some have said that this law has single-handedly been the reason little girls all over America enjoy opportunities that their grandmothers never had. On this side of the aisle, we believe that every child is precious and that every little girl is a gift from God, and on this side of the aisle we don't want our sons to have any more opportunities than our daughters get to enjoy. On this side of the aisle, we fight to expand freedom, opportunity, and the securities of justice to every American regardless of race, class, gender, or sexual orientation. I can't speak for anyone else, but on this side of the aisle, we believe the Bible when it says your sons and your daughters shall prophesy. Let me remind you today that, as a son of the civil rights movement, I am keenly aware of the fact that the movement that made my election possible would have been improbable were it not for Black women. I stand on the shoulders of many of these remarkable Black women who through their insight, their grit and generosity support the weight of generations yet unborn. I see them all over my home district in Chicago and the greater part of Illinois. I have encountered them in the churches on the south side. They raised me. My mother is one of them, as are my sisters. They say hi to me in the supermarket. They meet me all over the district to talk to me about our Nation, their needs, and their lives. They are the daughters of thunder and the children of light. Today, I am honored to recognize them. Today, I proverbially tip my hat and genuflect in the presence of such unusual greatness. I am grateful today for the women in this Chamber who are my colleagues. I am grateful for what they do and for what they represent. Let us never forget that at the founding of this great institution, at the founding of this great country in 1776, and at the ratification of our Constitution in 1787, it was never in the imagination of the Founders that a woman would sit in these Chambers or cast votes as a Member of this body. However, look at what determination and faith can do. Look at what hard work and love for justice can do. I celebrate each of the honorable women who serve in this Congress, and I pray that this country will continue to provide greater room and greater opportunities for the genius of this Nation's women so that they can flourish and we can live up to our highest potential. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I thank the tireless fighter, our leader, the chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, Chairman Steven Horsford, from the great State of Nevada. I also thank my coanchor, the Honorable Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick, from the great State of Florida. Madam Speaker, you have heard from my distinguished colleagues about African-American contributions to American history and Women's History Month, all issues of great importance to the Congressional Black Caucus, our constituents, Congress, and all Americans tonight. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, today I rise to discuss why this body needs to pass the JUST Act of 2023. This bill will strengthen civil rights accountability at the United States Department of Agriculture. Some may question why this bill is necessary. The USDA has a long and checkered history of racial policies and discrimination against Black and other minority farmers. In the 20th century, the USDA farm lending programs undermined African-American farmers' ability to continue their operations, and the numbers don't lie. At the beginning of the 1900s, there were more than 925,000 Black farm operators who owned more than 16 million acres of land. The most recent numbers from 2017 paint a bleak picture. There are only 48,000 Black family farm operators left. So let's strengthen civil rights accountability at the USDA by passing the JUST Act.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of legislation that would posthumously award the Congressional Gold Medal to honor Marshall Walter ``Major'' Taylor and would finally recognize him as America's first international sports champion. Marshall Taylor was affectionately known as Major Taylor, and he remains in death as he was in life; namely, America's first sports superhero, a feat that took place in the late 1800s and makes what he accomplished all the more extraordinary and astounding. Consider, if you will, the fact that here is an African-American man born in 1878 amid the sound and fury of post-Civil War America. For those who missed the significance of this, it means that Major Taylor came into being at a time when the old resentments of the defeated Confederacy were beginning to push the Nation back into the clutches of a desperate and cynical racial antipathy. Major Taylor did not come of age at a moment in American history when it was easy to be African American. In fact, he dared to be great at a time when the color of his skin was a crime; that is to suggest a punishable offense for which millions of Black people were persecuted without justification or cause. Yet, in spite of the indignities assigned to him because of his race, in 1899, Mr. Taylor went on to become the fastest man in the world on a bike and an international world champion in the sport of cycling. Yet oddly, Mr. Speaker, very few people in this country know anything about him. Very few people know the biggest sport in the latter half of the 19th century was cycling and that an African American was the first great international champion in this country and in this sport. One wonders today: How is such a thing even possible that Mr. Taylor can be forgotten? Why has it taken so long to honor a man who never should have been forgotten in the first place? How can it be the case that most people know little or nothing about the extraordinary contributions of this man to the American experience, to say nothing of his quantifiable greatness with respect to American sports? Let me put a final point on this. Before there was a Jack Johnson, before there was a Jackie Robinson, before there was a Joe Louis, before there was a Jesse Owens, there was a Marshall Taylor, the son of an enslaved family, the son of a veteran of the American Civil War, our first international superstar, the first Black athlete to have a corporate sponsorship, the fastest man in the world at his time. He was a man so committed to his faith that he would not race on Sundays, so subsequently the governing body of the international cycling community changed racing day to Saturday in order to accommodate the discipline and dedication of his faith. Major Taylor was the first African-American world champion of any sport, and yet most people don't even know who he is because he has been conveniently erased. That is to say, he has been rendered invisible and, therefore, condemned to exist on the peripheries and in the margins of the historical memories of what he was and soon to be forgotten and was not of any note. He had no value in our history, tragically insignificant and unimportant, but nothing could be further from the truth. With the heel of an entire nation pressing down upon his neck, after 280 years of enslavement in America, here arose Mr. Marshall ``Major'' Taylor. He had no one to look up to. He had to set a precedent. He had to exemplify greatness and carry that great burden of the race on his shoulders, and he did so magnificently. The recriminations of an entire culture withholding him from the support he deserved, when he won in America, they played ``Dixie.'' When he won abroad, internationally, they played ``The Star-Spangled Banner.'' Marshall ``Major'' Taylor said that made him so proud to be an American. Marshall Taylor strived in spite of it all. He didn't just win. He won in spite of the facts. He didn't just succeed. He succeeded against the odds. He didn't just achieve, but impressively, he achieved with one hand tied behind his back, and he would not be stopped. Frederick Douglass said that a man should not be judged by how high he climbs but rather he should be judged by the depths from which he has had to climb from. Marshall ``Major'' Taylor is a quintessential example of the American spirit and African American capacity for resistance and excellence in the midst of it all. I rise today in support of legislation that would posthumously award the Congressional Gold Medal to Marshall Walter ``Major'' Taylor. And would finally recognize him as the first American international champion. Marshall Taylor was affectionately known as Major Taylor, and he remains in death as he was in life, namely, America's first sports hero--a feat that took place in the late 1800s and makes what he accomplished all the more extraordinary and astounding. Consider, if you will, the fact that here is an African-American man born in 1878 amid the sound and fury of post-Civil War America. And for those who miss the significance of this, it means that Major Taylor came into being at a time when the old resentments of the defeated Confederacy were beginning to push the nation back into the clutches of a desperate and cynical racial antipathy. Major Taylor did not come of age at a moment in American history when it was easy to be black. In fact, he dared to be great at a time when the color of his skin was a crime. That is to suggest a punishable offense for which millions of black people were persecuted without justification or cause. And yet, in spite of the indignities assigned to him because of his race, in 1899, Mr. Taylor went on to become the fastest man on a bike and an international world champion in the sport of cycling. And yet, oddly, Mr. Speaker, very few people in this country know anything about him. Very few people know that the biggest sport in the latter half of the 19th century was cycling, and that an African-American man was the first great international champion in that sport. One wonders today: how is such a thing even possible? Why has it taken so long to honor a man who should've never been forgotten in the first place. How can it be the case that most people know little to nothing about the extraordinary contribution of this man to the American experience-- to say nothing of his quantifiable greatness with respect to American sports? Let me put a finer point on it . . . Before there was Jack Johnson, Before there was Joe Louis, Before there was Jesse Owens, Before there was Jackie Robinson, There was Marshall Taylor. The Son of an enslaved family The son of a veteran of the civil war. The first international superstar. The first black athlete to have a corporate sponsorship . . . The fastest man in the world . . . A man so committed to his faith that he would not race on Sundays, so subsequently, the governing body of the international cycling community changed racing day to Saturday in order to accommodate the discipline and dedication of his faith. Major Taylor was the first African-American world champion of any sport. And yet most people don't even know who he is because he has been conveniently erased. That is to say, rendered invisible, And therefore, condemned to exist on the peripheries and in the margins of historical memory as if what he accomplished was not of any note. Not valuable. Tragically insignificant and unimportant. But nothing could be further from the truth. With the heel of an entire nation pressing down upon his neck--and with the recriminations of an entire culture withholding from him the support he deserved . . . Marshal Major Taylor did it anyway. He didn't just win; rather, he won in spite of the facts. He didn't just succeed; he succeeded against the odds. He didn't just achieve, but impressively, he achieved with one hand tied behind his back. And he would not be stopped. Frederick Douglass said that a man should not be judged by how high he climbs, but should rather be judged by the depths from which she has had to climb from. Marshall Major Taylor is the quintessential example of the American spirit, and the African-American capacity for resistance and excellence in the midst of it all. I rise today in support of this legislation because the awarding of this medal is an act long over due. To bestow this honor is the least a grateful nation can do for someone denied the recognition and respect he deserved. And so . . . . it is all together fitting that we memorialize the achievements and legacy of this extraordinary American. And each of us should take pride in knowing that the time has finally come for this nation to honor one of its most accomplished sons. A Trailblazer, A Pioneer, A man of dignity, An American, An African-American, A Champion. And perhaps most of all, a man of remarkable faith. The first great African-American world champion in any sport should not be relegated to the ash-heap of history--and today, with this legislation, we endeavor to put Major Taylor back where he belongs. In the winner circle. And alongside the best of what this nation has to offer. I yield back the remainder of my time.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to give special recognition to the members of the Democratic Caucus who have been able to accomplish many things in spite of the sound and fury of the dysfunctional politics in a small and vocal part of the House Republican Conference. As I stand here in the people's House I am struck by how much congressional leadership matters and how divided the 118th Congress has been. We have been here, without question, living in perilous times. In times like these what we do in this Chamber matters in the lives of American people. The people of our district did not send us here to perform theatrical acts. They did not send us here to posture for the cameras. None of us were elected here so that we could increase the status and the stature of our personal media profiles. Yet that seems to be the total measure of what this Congress has amounted to. The 118th Congress and the year of 2023 have been unprecedented. Earlier this year, leader Hakeem Jeffries made history as the first man of African descent to be elected the leader of a major political party. Nevertheless, almost immediately chaos erupted. The Speaker's vote was a mess. Speaker Emeritus McCarthy was elected after 15 rounds of votes, 15 rounds. It was the first time in a century that election of a House Speaker took multiple ballots to complete, and it was the longest vote in the United States' history since 1855 lasting 133 rounds just over 2 months. I will say, though, that our honorable leader, Hakeem Jeffries, did receive 3,179 votes for Speaker across 15 rounds. The hits just kept coming as we rolled into the spring. At the end of March, we reached a new milestone, the People of the State of New York v. Donald J. Trump marked the first time--after four indictments against President Trump--that we have ever seen in our country's history a former President indicted on criminal charges. As the weather got warmer, temperatures flared. Some wanted to take our national debt hostage. To be clear, this is money the Congress had already appropriated, and with a bipartisan coalition we managed to avert an economic calamity and an economic shutdown. Fast-forward to the fall, and many of the same issues arose again. Then Speaker McCarthy was confronted with an unruly small group who were willing to shut down the government after the debt ceiling debate. For keeping the government open, Speaker McCarthy became the first Speaker in the House to ever be removed. The chaos that ensued was brutal. The House went without a Speaker for 23 days, the longest since 1961. A marathon 10-week session that tested everyone's patience produced only frustration and anger. There is a reason we have had a record number of retirements from the Members of Congress at every level that we have not seen in a decade. Thirteen Senators and Representatives have already announced they are not seeking reelection in just the month of November. This is the highest number of retirements we have seen in this body in more than a decade. This should not surprise us because dysfunction is a bitter pill to swallow, and I say that broadly because that dysfunction is not limited to this Chamber or to the House of Representatives. Over in the Senate, Senator Tuberville stood in the way of over 400 senior military officers that deserved promotion and the dignity of all of their ranks and their compensation. He held up 400 officers, putting our Nation's security at risk. One United States Senator thought his understanding of what was right should supersede the will of 99 other United States Senators. More than that, this one Senator spent most of the year subjecting the United States military and members of the armed services to the detrimental effects of his personal whims and wishes. He had no regard for the families he put in jeopardy who risk their lives every day for our citizenry. He showed no concern for the hard work and dedication of these military officers who have focused their careers on protecting and serving our Nation. Perhaps most of all, this United States Senator tried to impose his morality on 1.4 million active military personnel in the armed services without their consent and without the advice of their commanding officers. Senator Tuberville's story is instructive of what happens when we come together and do the right thing. Just last week, he folded. As a man of faith, I pray that the second part of the 118th Congress is more productive than the first. With only 21 bills that have been passed into law at the halfway point of this Congress, it is on pace to be the most sluggish Congress since our predecessors met in 1931 and 1932, but let's stay positive and hopeful. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from the great State of Louisiana, Congressman Troy Carter.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, as I stand on this floor tonight, I do so as someone painfully aware of the serious times we are living in. Let the word go forth in this time and place that this Nation and, indeed, this entire world stands on the precipice of unregulated conflict. From Civil War in the Congo, to the war in Ukraine, to Israel's war with Hamas in the Middle East, the Earth is saturated with violence and recrimination and as in the case of all wars, people are dying. Tens of thousands of innocent people have lost their lives. People who have nothing to do with governmental policies that send men and women into battle are no less the victims of those momentous decisions. Israeli babies, Palestinian babies, Congolese babies, and Ukrainian children all deserve to live in a world where they are, not judged by the details of their religion or the color of their skin. Yet, this is not the world that they were born into. I stand here tonight concerned about the state of our civilization. I stand here tonight concerned about the role this country plays in being promoters of peace. I come here to this well bothered by the rise and the almost unfettered proliferation of anti-Semitism. It should never be the case that a Jewish person in this country feels like their lives are under threat because they are Jewish. We cannot allow the children of Einstein, Oppenheimer, and Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel to feel as if they have no place in this country. There can be no moral equivocation when it comes to anti- Semitism in the way that this could be a moral equivocation when it comes to racism. Racism and anti-Semitism travel together because they are two sides of the same coin. History is repeat with the evidence to prove that societies that begin with one will evidently end up with the other. Where there is anti-Semitism, racism is sure to follow. Where there is racism, there will ultimately be anti-Semitism as well. We know this is the case because hatred knows no bounds, bigotry respects no limits, and ironically prejudice does not discriminate. The moment you release one into the universe of our consciousness, the other will invariably come knocking at the door. That is why those of us who are leaders in this country must be clear about where we stand with respect to anti-Semitism. Whatever challenges people may have with policies conducted by the government of Israel, those concerns must not be used to avoid the absolute rejection of anti- Semitism as a plausible, cultural, or political solution. I say this as a Black man living in America who has had a multiplicity of concerns about the policies of my own government. Black people in America have had 400 years of learning how to separate policies from people. While it is intelligent to question all governments, it is not, however, acceptable to allow corrosive influences to convince us that anti-Semitism is a liberating political project because it is not, nor has it ever been, and neither will it ever be. I don't care what anyone says: Black lives matter, Jewish lives are sacred, and Palestinian lives are important because all life comes from God. Anti-Semitism is a vile and repulsive preoccupation with hatred that has more than once manifested itself with horrific consequences. I stand here today doubly concerned because influences and, in some cases, influencers have provided the permission and the structure for people who are themselves the object of hate to participate in the hatred of our Jewish brothers and sisters. We simply cannot allow this to happen. We must declare in no uncertain terms that right is right and wrong is wrong, and that it is wrong to hate people. It is wrong to treat people like they are beneath you. It is wrong to act like people are outside of the human family because they pray differently. We here tonight must be highly resolved that this country is to be the oasis of tolerance amid a vast desert of discrimination. We say no to anti-Semitism, we say no to anti-Black racism, and we say no to anything that would subject any human being to dehumanizing language in treatment. I encourage the people of this country to hold fast to the principles of this Christmas season in which we find ourselves. Whether you are Christian or not, the principles of this season are enduring and a great degree universal. The idea that peace should be the function of our politics is something all of us should embrace. The notion that the birth of love is the only thing that can save us is something that no one should be willing to reject. In the words of Reverend Martin Luther King, he called us a ``beloved community,'' I submit to you tonight that it is this very thing that compels me to be a Member of this body. I still believe that what self-centered men have torn down, men and women who are other-centered can build up again. I still believe that truth crush down to Earth can still rise again, and I still believe that if we stand up for one another, that is the only way we can have our salvation. None of us would be brutalized when we learn to love. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Horsford), the honorable and distinguished Congressional Black Caucus Chairman.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I give a very special thank you to the Honorable Congressman Steven Horsford, the chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus. I thank him for his leadership and his outstanding voice. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include any extraneous material on the subject of this Special Order.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise to introduce the bipartisan Marshall ``Major'' Taylor Congressional Gold Medal Act, the highest honor this body can bestow upon an American. Major Taylor was the greatest athlete of his era, America's first sports superstar, and a world champion, but he has been left out of our history books. We need to bring him out of the shadows and recognize his greatness both on and off the track. Not only did Taylor set world records and dominate his sport, but he did so while facing down racists and bigots in the Jim Crow era. Race organizers would try to exclude him from events. Other cyclists would viciously insult him and even did physical harm. Despite it all, the son of a Union soldier rose above it, setting record after record and becoming a world champion. Even when compared to today's athletes, Major Taylor is among the greatest cyclists of all time. It is time that Congress recognizes his greatness and award him a Congressional Gold Medal.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, today, I rise to introduce my first piece of legislation, the JUST Act. When the United States Department of Agriculture was established by President Lincoln in 1862, it reflected a recognition of the strategic importance of agriculture in the Nation's development. It aimed to address the needs of farmers, promote scientific advancements in agriculture, and contribute to rural development. However, racism perpetuated by the rules and the laws of Jim Crow remained strong. This was in the early years of the Civil War. Sixty-one years later, we remember in 1923 the massacre, the removal of Black, prosperous farmers in Rosewood, Florida, where Black farmers were taken off of their land. In the 1920s, 30 percent of America's families lived in rural America on farmlands. The USDA was created to provide a safety net for America's farmers, ranchers, and growers, which included assistance for struggling industries, disaster assistance, crop insurance, technical assistance, access to credit, and help for producers to implement conservation practices. For decades, the USDA has had an unfortunate and checkered history regarding civil rights, manifesting most notably in discriminatory lending practices, unequal program access, civil rights violations, land loss, and limited representation. Reports dating back to the 1960s have found discrimination at the USDA in both program delivery and the treatment of its employees of African-American descent. Today, USDA continues to be the subject of a number of lawsuits brought by minority farmers and ranchers alleging discrimination. This reputation is so pervasive that the USDA has been called the last plantation on numerous occasions. When Secretary Tom Vilsack began his tenure as Secretary of Agriculture in 2009, he promised a new era of civil rights at the USDA. I applaud him for his recognition, honesty, candor, and willingness to confront a very hard truth, not fixing the blame but trying to fix the problem to make sure that America's agricultural access, resources, and industry would be open to all. At that time, there were over 14,000 unresolved discrimination complaints in the Department of Agriculture. The discrimination perpetuated through USDA's farm lending programs, undermining Black farmers' ability to continue their operations during the 20th century, resulting in over 900,000 Black farmers losing their lands from the people who were originally the custodians of this land, African Americans who had been kidnapped, captured, and enslaved and who made cotton king. When they had the opportunity to farm, the USDA had turned their back on these family farmers. Between 1920 and 1997, African-American farmers had declined by 98 percent because of government policy. Right here, down Pennsylvania Avenue, in 1925, we remember when the Ku Klux Klan was a mainstream organization. We remember that when President Harding died in Indiana, there was a Klan rally at the fairgrounds commemorating his death. That ghost still lingered on. Contemporary data shows that African Americans still account for only 1.4 percent of the country's 3.4 million producers. Equity issues remain in program delivery to this very day. An NPR analysis most recently found that, in 2022, only 36 percent of Black farmers received direct loans from USDA while their White counterparts received 72 percent loan acceptance. Perhaps some of the biggest gaps in the loan demographics can also be seen in the rejection numbers, where 16 percent of Black farmers are rejected. The highest corresponding figure for White farmers was 4 percent. Forty-eight percent of Black farmers withdrew their applications in frustration, and that number corresponds with Asian Americans, compared to only 24 percent of those identifying as Caucasian. While efforts are underway to address this current crisis through the Inflation Reduction Act, and other measures, there must be a process in place to clarify and bolster civil rights protections at the USDA. The Just USDA Standards and Transparency Act of 2023, 100 years after Rosewood, would correct this.