Jonathan Jackson

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the honorable chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, Congressman Steven Horsford, from the great State of Nevada. It is now my privilege to yield to the Honorable Congresswoman Joyce Beatty from the great State of Ohio.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congresswoman Joyce Beatty for her remarks. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Kelly).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I rise today with a heart burdened by the weight of history and a spirit ignited by the promise of the future. We gather here in these hallowed halls of power, where words bear the weight of action, and action shapes the destiny of our Nation. But the words uttered by our fellow Congressman--and I have waited for a sufficient response for him to apologize to the Honorable Congresswoman Joyce Beatty and to other Members that seek truth and justice--but he has remained silent, and he says he has misspoken. Misspoken means to also not have been made clear, so if he could clarify his remarks on who is a colored person--as the grandson of two soldiers that fought in U.S. wars, I would like to know what he was speaking about for colored. When my grandparents could not go on the first-class car after returning from Europe, at the Union Station had to go sit in the second-class car for colored people, behind Nazi POWs that were allowed to go in the first-class car, we are trying to overcome a horrid racial past. Mr. Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity to share with you a little history. When we hear, as African Americans, our brothers and sisters referred to as colored people in the year of 2023, it doesn't just make us uncomfortable, it transports us back through centuries of struggle, resilience, and a pursuit of justice often denied. I stand here before you today, not just as a Member of Congress, but a freedom fighter. Our fight as Americans started before the country was even born. It has been over 400 years when the first persons that were imported from Africa had been enslaved. Nearly two centuries after, in 1787, our Nation held a Constitutional Convention. It was there that the infamous Three-Fifths Compromise was struck. Three out of five Americans that had been enslaved were counted as representation for taxation, not for votes. The humanity of a person was whittled down to a fraction. Can you imagine the audacity, the horror? Just 2 years later, in 1789, we stand witness to a profound paradox that happened; the same 1789 that gave birth to this illustrious institution, the United States of House Representatives, founded in 1789. On the one hand, we celebrate the inauguration of our first President, President George Washington--his picture stands proudly in this Chamber--a milestone in our Nation's narrative. Yet, let us not overlook the uncomfortable truth that this esteemed leader was himself a holder of Americans enslaved; a chilling reminder that our Nation's foundation was laid with the sweat and blood of those in chains. In the years that followed, from 1740 to 1834, Southern slave States employed another insidious tool to maintain the oppressive status quo, the anti-literacy laws. I have not been able to find any other nation that had instituted or enacted anti-literacy laws. Imagine a system so threatened by the enlightenment of its subjugated people that they made it illegal for the enslaved and free people of color to learn to read and write. In 1850, the Fugitive Slave Act was enacted, transforming ordinary citizens into accomplices for the slavery system. A free territory was no longer a sanctuary. It could transform into a hunting ground for those seeking freedom. Aiding the enslaved, a profound act of humanity was suddenly a criminal act punishable by fine and imprisonment. This Act didn't just target the enslaved. It cast its nefarious shadow over the entire Nation, implicating all in the perpetration of this abhorrent institution. In the wake of this Act, 7 years later, in 1857, the Supreme Court reached a decision in the Dred Scott case that shook the very foundation of freedom and human dignity. The Court ruled that all Black people, regardless of their status as free or enslaved, were not and could never become citizens of the United States. This wasn't just a judicial ruling; it was a heartrending affirmation of the racial prejudice deeply rooted in our society, a prejudice that permeated even our Nation's highest courts. In the year 1863, we saw a light, the Emancipation Proclamation. Freedom--after 246 years, freedom, it seemed, was finally within our grasp. A bloody Civil War, fought over the right to keep human beings in bondage, ended 2 years later, our Nation's deadliest war, and we dared to dream of a new dawn for our people. Yet, as the sun of liberation rose, the shadows of oppression heightened. In a bitter twist of irony, freedom unveiled a new face of subjugation. The Black Codes of 1865 were enacted. Though the iron chains of slavery had been shattered, this new set of manacles were fastened around us, chains woven with legal threads and tightened by the grip of racial bias. They were not as visible as the shackles of old, but they were no less oppressive, no less real. A century later, in 1963, at the foot of the Lincoln Memorial, the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., gave voice to the bitter truth: ``One hundred years later, the colored American is still not free.'' A hundred years after emancipation, the struggle was far from over. We had been unshackled, yet we remained bound by the chains of systemic discrimination, segregation, and marginalization. The term ``Jim Crow law'' surfaced in 1892. Just 4 years later, there was Plessy v. Ferguson. The verdict cemented the doctrine of ``separate but equal,'' which inherently meant being unequal. Despite these oppressive circumstances, our ancestors fought with courage and determination. They fought for the Civil Rights Act in 1866, and fought in 1964, 1965, and 1966. Our ancestors fought for the 13th Amendment to abolish slavery. Our ancestors fought for the 14th Amendment to have equal protection under the law and guaranteeing citizenship. They fought for the 15th Amendment so that we could have the right to vote for African-American men. These victories did not come easy. They were bought with blood, sweat, and tears of our forebears. Today, we find ourselves in 2023, but the echoes of our past are loud. Our colleague, Mr. Crane, has evoked the ghost of a very painful past by addressing us in this Chamber as colored people. We have served in every war, Mr. Crane. It is a term as archaic as the prejudices it represents. In doing so, he blurs the line between past and present, reminding us of an era we have struggled to move beyond. His words are not just a singular lapse in judgment but a symptom of a much larger disease--a disease that seeped into the highest courts of our land, where the 14th Amendment--the very symbol of our freedom--has been twisted into a weapon against affirmative action. This very amendment, a cornerstone of liberty and equality, has been misused to dismantle a policy intended to level the playing field that has been historically skewed against African Americans. Our attention is then drawn to the targets of this regressive decision: Harvard University, founded in 1636, and the University of North Carolina founded in 1789. The Supreme Court in 2023, cited the 14th Amendment, ratified in 1868, in the name of Make America Great Again. Now, we have our colleague (Mr. Crane) using the words ``colored,'' the words that my mother and father had to see growing up in South Carolina and Florida and Virginia for colored water fountains, colored schools. Can we please move forward? Can we please demand an apology to this great body of distinguished men and women from Mr. Crane? I ask: Is it truly a coincidence that these specific institutions have been targeted as the battlegrounds for the dismantling of affirmative action, or is it an insidious reminder of our painful history, a pointed jab at the very heart of our struggle for equality and access in opportunity? The African American community has been in bondage longer than we have ever been free. Our exclusion has lasted longer than our inclusion. Even half a century after the Civil Rights Act of 1965, we ask ourselves: Are we truly free to meritocratically grow? This timeline, this history is a testament to our resilience. It is a reminder of our past, a measure of our progress, and a marker of the journey ahead. We stand on the shoulders of those who have come before us, those who have struggled, and those who have sacrificed. We owe it to them and to ourselves to keep the flame of justice burning bright. This journey has been long, and it is not over, but we will not falter, we will not tire, we will not rest until we can unequivocally say that we are free--until justice is not just a word in our Pledge of Allegiance but a reality in our lives. Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to the time remaining.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congresswoman Robin Kelly from Illinois for her remarks. Mr. Speaker, I now yield to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick from the great State of Florida for her remarks. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee from the great State of Texas for her comments. I yield to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Kamlager-Dove).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to discuss the echoes of our past resonating deeply in the present, echoing in a way that should give us pause, concern, and impetus to change. Recently, the Supreme Court rendered a decision that threatens the principles of equality and justice we so ardently strive to uphold. By overturning affirmative action, they ruled that the admissions policies of Harvard University, founded in 1636, and the University of North Carolina, founded in 1789, violated the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment, ratified in this Chamber in 1868, an amendment born from the ashes of a divided nation after a Civil War. ``Born or naturalized in the United States'' is what the 14th Amendment tried to ensure that there would be equal protection under the law even for those who had been formerly enslaved. In interpreting this amendment in the case of affirmative action of which we speak, we are brought face to face with an ominous specter of our past: The infamous decision of Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896, a case about a man seven-eighths White, one-eighth African American in Louisiana who had purchased a first-class train ticket who was then removed because of his race. In that case, the Supreme Court decided that, indeed, separate but equal facilities satisfied the 14th Amendment. That decision left a dark legacy falsely equating enforced segregation with equality. Today, we find ourselves in an eerily similar situation, with the dismantling of affirmative action policies echoing the disheartening tones of separate but equal. In both instances, our highest court has interpreted the noble cause of equal protection in a way that undermines the pursuit of real, substantive equality. Mr. Speaker, I assert that just as separate but equal in the Plessy v. Ferguson case was a misnomer hiding the reality of discrimination, the recent overturning of affirmative action similarly threatens to cloak and perpetuate the very disparities it sought to challenge. Affirmative action is more than a policy. It is a pledge, a commitment to an ongoing endeavor toward genuine, substantive equality and opportunity for all. In parallel, another struggle for equality is taking place, not in our courts but in our classrooms. Across our Nation, books are being removed from shelves, banned from curricula, hidden away from young minds eager to explore the world through the written word. This chilling trend is reminiscent of the dark times in our history when we had antiliteracy laws and books were not just banned but also burned. Consider the data: In the first half of the 2022-2023 school year, 874 unique book titles have been banned, a surge of 28 percent compared to the prior 6 months. These are not mere numbers. These are extinguished perspectives, silenced voices, curtailed visions. What we face is a dual assault on opportunity and knowledge, an attack on the principles of equality and intellectual freedom that echo some of the most challenging times in our Nation's history. Yet, it is within these echoes that we find our call to action. We must advocate for the continued need for policies like affirmative action that aim to level the playing field, to fight against the systemic biases that for too long have marginalized certain communities. We must stand against the banning of books, ensuring that the world of ideas remain open, vibrant, and accessible to all, that we resist the impulse to limit our collective intellectual growth. Mr. Speaker, as we reflect on the interconnectedness of these issues, let us remember the words of our 16th President from the State of Illinois, President Abraham Lincoln: ``The philosophy of the schoolroom in one generation will be the philosophy of government in the next.'' Let us ensure that philosophy promotes inclusivity, celebrates diversity, fosters critical thinking, and upholds the spirit of equality that is at the heart of our great Nation. Mr. Speaker, I thank you for the opportunity to address and express my concerns today.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congresswoman Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick from Florida for yielding. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to lend my voice to the chorus of those who are mortified and offended by the recent and misguided Supreme Court decision striking down affirmative action in college admissions. Today, I stand in unity with the thousands of Black and Brown families I represent in the First Congressional District of Illinois and the millions across this Nation who have personally endured the harsh realities of racism in America and deserve to be respectfully heard on this significant matter. What the Supreme Court has done flies in the face of what African Americans have been working to achieve in this country for over 250 years. Black people in America have never asked this country for special treatment, but what we have rightly asked for and demanded is that there be policies put in place that do not intentionally and unrepentantly exclude us from participating in the benefits of the American Dream. Affirmative action was not a way for Black people to be given special privileges but was rather a very conservative solution to attempt to atone for the legacy of generational bigotry and systemic injustice. I dare anybody to justify the logic that would compel someone to believe that giving people who have been excluded from the game an opportunity to get on the field is somehow racist or an affront to White people. If the game were fair, we wouldn't need affirmative action in America. If the rules were transparent, we would not need affirmative action in America. And if the playing field was even, and everybody was judged by their character and merit, we would not need affirmative action in America. But when has this ever been the case? And it is not the case today. There has never been a time in this Nation when favoritism didn't tip the scales at the expense of other equally deserving individuals. You see, this formation of the middle class in the United States is not a tale of self-made success alone, but a story profoundly influenced by government policy. It is a narrative indelibly marked by historical reality: The U.S. Government, through a combination of Federal programs, played a pivotal role in creating an exclusively White middle class. Beginning with the Homestead Act, followed by the G.I. Bill, and the provisions of the Federal Housing Administration and VA loans, a triad of Federal programs was established. These programs were instrumental in allowing Whites to extricate themselves from poverty and achieve a modicum of the American Dream. It is crucial to understand that middle class White Americans did not solely pull themselves up by their bootstraps. The G.I. Bill emerged as an historic opportunity for wealth creation, unprecedented in world history. Homeownership, once an elusive dream for many, became a reachable goal. Car financing expanded its reach. Higher education became a feasible ambition for a broader population. The government acknowledged that empowering people to be self-reliant is not the same as bestowing unearned advantages. These programs systematically excluded African Americans from reaping the legal benefits that they had rightfully earned through their military service and their ancestors' enslavement. Thus, while these programs shaped a burgeoning White middle class, they simultaneously perpetuated an insidious racial wealth gap. During our previous Memorial Day commemoration, I stood here and recounted the stark reality of how earlier administrations diligently undermined the legal rights of Black veterans. The number of Black individuals granted land or qualifying for the Homestead Act was woefully low, even though their ancestors were promised 40 acres and a mule--a promise explicitly made, endorsed by the full faith and credit of the United States of America, yet a promise unfulfilled. While Black Americans descended deeper into poverty, the White middle class began to flourish. Now the Supreme Court would like us to believe that after 50 years of trying to level the playing field, that somehow miraculously and fundamentally our Nation has been transformed. The Supreme Court would like for us to believe that what took 300 years to destroy has now been completely resurrected in 50 years. Show me a single instance where reconstruction outpaces destruction. To make matters worse, the Supreme Court used the 14th Amendment, an amendment that was designed to ensure equality, to strike down a Federal program that permitted race as an acceptable consideration for admission opportunities. Does anyone else perceive the irony? The very amendment utilized to reach this flawed decision was designed to incorporate race as a lasting constitutional consideration at every level of American life. How can one justify using a law created to safeguard a certain race as the basis for undermining fundamental aspects of their protection? But what this decision shows us is that conservative members of the Supreme Court are not strict constructionists, as they would like us to believe. What this decision shows us is that the Supreme Court doesn't actually believe in the furtherance of a meritocracy in America. We know this because while the Court eliminated race as a viable consideration, it did not, however, do anything about legacy admissions. According to Forbes Magazine, approximately 42 percent of the applicants accepted into Harvard University, our Nation's oldest private institution, founded in 1636, were donor-related applicants, while another 34 percent of the admissions were legacy. Mr. Speaker, I would ask my colleagues on the other side to explain to me how this qualifies as meritocracy. Plainly stated, it does not. If you are wealthy, if your family has a legacy of attending a certain school, you will be given favorable attention with respect to the consideration of your application. What the Supreme Court has told us is that money and nepotism are completely acceptable for choosing who should be educated at the selective enrollment universities. The Supreme Court would have us believe that racism has ended, and everybody is equal. However, if you are fortunate to come from wealth and your family has a tradition of attending a specific school, you can receive preferential treatment. This was not a decision based upon precedent. This was not a decision based upon history. Nor was this decision rooted in the current realities of America. Yet, we will not be deterred by this setback. We will not quietly allow the victories of our past to fade into the obscurity of the night or let the spark of our conviction be extinguished. We refuse to watch helplessly as the new America, the America that Dr. Martin Luther dreamed of and indeed gave his life to birth, becomes threatened. The scales of justice have tipped in favor of those with privilege for too long. It is high time we redress this imbalance. Mr. Speaker, I implore my colleagues: Let us rise to the occasion. It is not enough to express outrage; we must challenge it into action. Let us wield the power vested in us by the people to enact legislation that ensures liberty, justice, and equal access to education for all. This is not an insurmountable task, but a duty we owe to our constituents, and indeed, to the generations to come after us. Let us strive to create an America that truly stands as a beacon of justice and equality, an America that fulfills its promise to all of its citizens, not just a privileged few. Only then can we truly say that we have honored the legacy of those who fought for equality and justice before us. Only then can we ensure that their struggle was not in vain. Only then can we look into the eyes of our children and promise them a brighter and fairer future. This is about the kind of Nation we want to be and the kind of future we want to leave for those who come after us. Mr. Speaker, I rise today as both a representative of the people and a humble servant in the enduring journey toward equality, justice, and civil rights. Today, I stand in this chamber, in the aftermath of the Supreme Court's decision on overturning affirmative action, a fundamental pillar of our relentless pursuit of racial equity. Over a century ago, on this very day in 1905, an assembly took place near the precipice of Niagara Falls, Ontario. But it wasn't convened to marvel at the natural wonder of Niagara Falls. Instead, it was driven by the pressing issue of civil rights for all, irrespective of skin color. This assembly was led by none other than W.E.B. Du Bois and the esteemed journalist William Monroe Trotter. The group of more than 50 African American men gathered on the Canadian side of the falls after a white hotel proprietor refused them lodging. Their meeting birthed the Niagara Movement, the precursor to the enduring organization we know today as the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, or the NAACP. The members of the Niagara Movement developed a Declaration of Principles. This declaration called for ``every single right that belongs to a freeborn American, political, civil and social,'' and they vowed that ``until we get these rights we will never cease to protest and assail the ears of America.'' Today, the words in the Declaration of Principles resonate with even more urgency in the wake of the Supreme Court's recent decision on affirmative action. Three principles outlined in the declaration particularly underline the issue at hand: First, Economic Opportunity: The Niagara Movement members decried the denial of equal opportunities, particularly in economic life. They understood as we do today, that systemic discrimination in the economic sphere can amount to a form of modern peonage, crushing the aspirations and potentials of minority communities. Second, Education: The Niagara Movement championed universal and compulsory common school education, and access to high school training for all, and opposed the monopolization of college training by any class or race. They pushed for federal education aid, particularly in the South, and an increase in public high school facilities. They advocated for trade and technical schools for training artisans, emphasizing the necessity of higher education. These principles echo the aims of affirmative action--to level the playing field, ensuring that every American, regardless of race or, class, has access to the same opportunities. Third, the Courts: The Niagara Movement called for upright judges in courts, the abolition of color-based jury selection, equal punishment, and equal reform efforts for both black and white offenders. Now, we find ourselves in a moment when these principles seem to reverberate with even more urgency, as our Supreme Court appears to have lost its compass with a conservative-leaning and recent scandals of corruption. This decision on affirmative action serves as a sobering reminder of our Nation's ongoing struggle for racial justice and equality, and the urgent need for our institutions to uphold the very principles our Nation was built upon. Rather than surrender to this setback, we must draw strength from our past and press forward. We must reaffirm our commitment to equality, continue our struggle for justice, and remember that the purpose of affirmative action always has been, and must remain, to mitigate the disadvantages that systemic discrimination imposes on our citizens. The quest for equal opportunities for everyone, regardless of their race, is a battle that we must not abandon. Indeed, our fight is formidable, and the road to equality can often seem daunting. But as we stand here today, honoring our past, we must remember--we are not the first to undertake this mission, and we certainly won't be the last. The struggle for civil rights, equality, and justice, represents our collective pursuit to form a more perfect union. Let us find fortitude in our history and the legacy of movements and individuals that fought before us. From the courageous voices of the Niagara Movement and the NAACP to pioneers like W.E.B. DuBois and William Monroe Trotter, we find our inspiration. Armed with their legacy, let's continue their work, imbued with hope and resilience, to ensure our journey toward justice remains unyielding.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, today. I am privileged to rise in this esteemed chamber to speak about a man of incredible faith, resilience, and dedication, the Reverend Dr. Paulson Raj Sangala. Born on March 7, 1973, in the humble village of Bheemaram, Telangana State, India, Dr. Sangala's life is a testament to overcoming adversities and committing oneself to a life of service. The son of a mason and a school attendant, Dr. Sangala grew up amidst financial challenges after his family lost their wealth due to his grandfather's alcohol addiction. Despite these hardships, his spiritual zeal led him to regular Bible study and prayer. His faith would be tested further when he lost his father at a young age, taking on the family burden as the eldest son. When a mysterious illness left him bedridden, Dr. Sangala found solace in his faith, and it was this faith that carried him through his healing and ultimately led him to his calling. In 1991, Dr. Sangala began his ministry in a small hut following a vision he received during prayer and fasting. Starting with one woman receiving healing from cancer, the ministry steadily grew, bringing the Gospel and the healing power of Jesus Christ to many. This was the beginning of a remarkable journey that would see Dr. Sangala overcome opposition and adversity to serve his community and beyond. Mr. Speaker, the culmination of Dr. Sangala's journey is the Christ Jyoti Church, inaugurated recently in a grand ceremony attended by pastors and devotees from all over the world. Built on 11 acres of land and capable of hosting an impressive 40,000 people, the Church, with its vast prayer hall and four towers named Moses, David, Peter, and Dr. Paul, is a testament to Dr. Sangala's vision, faith, and years of dedication. Beyond the grandeur of the Church, Dr. Sangala's work in his community is truly astounding. His organization runs a Bible College and operates 500 churches in different cities and villages. It has commissioned over a thousand pastors for the ministry, prepared a thousand prayer warriors for continuous offering of prayers, and provides spiritual comfort and guidance to thousands through various prayer services, gospel meetings, and media outreach. Dr. Sangala's life journey serves as a poignant reminder of the transformative power of faith and service. His story shines brightly as a beacon of hope and a source of inspiration, demonstrating how adversities can be converted into opportunities for serving others. His extraordinary path from a small village in India to the founding of a Church that serves thousands testifies to his unwavering faith, unyielding dedication, and his steadfast commitment to his divine calling. As we stand here in this chamber, dedicated to service and leadership, let the story of Dr. Sangala remind us of the profound impact that unwavering faith, resilience, and dedication to service can have on our communities. Mr. Speaker, may we carry his spirit of service, resilience, and dedication in our hearts as we continue to serve our constituents and our great Nation.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include any extraneous materials on the subject of this Special Order.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, it is with great honor that I rise today to coanchor this Congressional Black Caucus Special Order hour, along with my distinguished colleague, Representative Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick. As we commence this CBC Special Order hour, we will dedicate the next 60 minutes to National Reunification Month, focusing on a deeply concerning issue, the disproportionate separation of Black families by foster care and welfare services. This critical issue is not just of concern to the Congressional Black Caucus or Congress but a matter of significance for all Americans. Let us shed light on these unsettling realities and provide solutions and champion the reunification of families across our Nation. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus- McCormick).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mrs. Cherfilus- McCormick for her great words. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Wisconsin (Ms. Moore).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Gwen Moore from Wisconsin, who so eloquently and passionately articulated the plight of reunification and the challenges that lie before us. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Donald Payne, Jr., from the State of New Jersey for those eloquent words. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus- McCormick).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, June is National Reunification Month, an important designation that remains unknown to many, but one that warrants wider understanding and greater attention. In the grand tapestry of life, one universal truth weaves its thread throughout-- that none of us can journey far or aim high without some form of familial structure to ground us. Family, in its various forms and definitions, provides the anchors we all need. As we turn our attention to the realities underscored by the data from fiscal year 2021, a stark and uncomfortable picture emerges that further emphasizes the urgency of the matter at hand. Over the year, investigations of maltreatment involved a staggering 587,330 children in the United States. Each of these represents a unique story, a child who has faced abuse or neglect severe enough that allegations of maltreatment were substantiated, and a life irrevocably scarred by these experiences. Moreover, this vast number doesn't tell the complete story. Over 200,000 children were placed into the foster care system in that same year, a heartrending reflection of the urgency and complexity of the issues that we confront. While these numbers are staggering on their own, the statistics take on an even darker shade when viewed through the lens of racial disparities. The overrepresentation of African-American children in the foster care system is a disturbing trend that we can no longer ignore. Despite representing only 14 percent of the general population, African-American children accounted for 20 percent of the children entering the foster care system in fiscal year 2021. This disproportionate representation extends to multiracial children as well, revealing a systemic bias that must be addressed. In certain States, this disproportionality is even more pronounced, spotlighting a deeply rooted racial bias that is pervasive and detrimental. The repercussions of these disparities stretch far beyond the immediate impact, creating a ripple effect that touches every aspect of these children's lives, from their education and mental health to their future economic opportunities. Taking a broader perspective, if we look back over the span from 2005 to 2021, the data paints an even more troubling picture. During this period, an alarming one out of every 125 children identifying as Black or African American found themselves in foster care at any given point in time. This points to a deep-seated systemic issue that transcends temporal and geographical boundaries, further underscoring the urgent need for reform. Mr. Speaker, I stand before you today not just as an elected Representative, but as a living testament to this profound truth. I am an embodiment of the power of familial support and a witness to the transformative impact it can have on a child's life. It is within the secure confines of a loving family that a child can break free from the constraints of financial, existential, and emotional insecurity, daring to dream bigger, reach higher, and grow more fully. A grim reality, however, casts a long shadow over our Nation--the practice of unnecessary family separations. This is not a side issue or a minor concern, but a grave matter that demands serious attention and conscious action from each of us. The current system as it stands is marred by prejudice and arbitrariness, permitting the removal of children from their families without the absolute justification of immediate harm. This is a practice that we must challenge, question, and ultimately transform. The era must come to an end when social workers and others were permitted to pass judgment on a family's worthiness based on race, economic status, or cultural and religious beliefs. A family's integrity should not be a matter for prejudiced scrutiny but respected as the bedrock of our society. It is crucial to emphatically state that Black children, like all children, need the nurturing care of their parents. They need to experience life's joys and challenges within the safety net of their own families, enriching their identity and strengthening their roots. There exists a blatant contradiction when some claim to champion the cause of families while simultaneously supporting policies that splinter their very familial structures. How can one profess commitment to family values while advocating for policies that fundamentally undermine the very foundation of families? Every family, regardless of their race, ethnicity, or geographical origin, has an undeniable right to raise their children in an environment free from undue governmental interference and unwarranted judgment from uninvested bureaucrats. Be they Black, Hispanic, indigenous, Asian, from the Appalachia, or from the South Side of Chicago, every family deserves this opportunity. Perhaps it is time to look inward and address the root issues that plague our society. If we ensured a living wage for our workers, would we not see a reduction in the number of children entering the foster care system? If we treated the root causes of addiction, would we not see fewer children that would need to be separated from their families? Moreover, if we could cease making assumptions based on racial stereotypes about families different from our very own view, we might prevent the stigmatization of countless children. We might stop reducing them to mere cogs in the machinery of systemic racism and bigotry and instead acknowledge their individuality, their potential, and their dreams. Today, I implore each and every one of us and you to present this to the House and to lend your ears to the voices that often go unheard. Listen to the stories of children and young people in the foster care system, their struggles, their hopes, and their dreams. Remember the dedicated caretakers who selflessly serve these children. Children who have been placed in the foster care system, for reasons reckless or legitimate, must never be rendered invisible or forgotten. We must always remember that their lives matter. Their dreams are of critical importance to the tapestry of our future. Their spiritual, psychological, and emotional well-being is an essential cornerstone of the America we aspire to become. A child living with criticism--we have heard--learns to condemn. A child exposed to hostility learns to fight. A child steeped in shame learns guilt. However, if we raise a child in an environment filled with encouragement, fairness, and approval, then they learn to be confident, just, and to love themselves. Our government's paramount responsibility is to the welfare of our children. This responsibility outweighs any issues of national security or economic superiority. It is the heart and soul of representative government. Our constituents did not elect us to represent their vested interests but to defend and advance policies that secure a brighter and better future for their children. Nobody sent us here to indulge in meaningless squabbles. We were not elected to be rulers of insignificant territories. We were chosen to represent their hopes and dreams and to make the task of raising and keeping families together easier. As we recently celebrated Juneteenth, we remember what formerly enslaved Africans did after their emancipation. History bears witness that they walked great distances in search of family members who had been sold away and taken from them. They traversed the length and breadth of the South, driven by an indomitable spirit and an unwavering resolve to reunite their families. This is the spirit we should embody as we observe National Reunification Month. The Congressional Black Caucus members will not stand by and watch families be torn apart in America again. No child should be thrust into a system unless they are in immediate danger. This is our pledge, and this is our solemn promise. Mr. Speaker, I would like to acknowledge the life of my grandmother, Gertrude Brown, who was a foster child who was orphaned at the age of 14. I represent her indomitable spirit. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the honorable gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick for her remarks. Mr. Speaker, you have heard from my distinguished colleagues about family reunification. I thank the Congressional Black Caucus chairman, Mr. Steve Horsford. I thank the Honorable Gwen Moore. I thank the Honorable Donald Payne, Jr. I thank my honorable colleagues who joined us today on all issues of great importance to the Congressional Black Caucus, our constituents, Congress, and all Americans tonight. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to shine a light on an often-overlooked chapter of our great Nation's history. As we gather here in the heart of our Republic, it is important to announce that the very fabric of our Nation was woven not only with the thread of our own courage and determination, but also with the substantial contributions of our neighbors. In this Special Order hour, I wish to recognize the invaluable contributions of the Caribbean, particularly Haiti, in shaping American history. During the tumultuous years of the American Revolution, while our forefathers were drafting the blueprints of this great Nation, Haiti, known then as French Saint-Domingue, was one of the wealthiest colonies in the world. It was the jewel of the French empire, a beacon of economic prosperity in the region. Their wealth, however, was built on the grim reality of a brutal slave society. This prosperous colony was our silent partner in the fight for independence. The French, in a bid to safeguard Saint-Domingue from British capture, provided considerable support to the American cause, to the tune of better than $9 billion in current U.S. dollars. This financial assistance was a decisive factor in our victory in the Revolutionary War. But it wasn't just monetary aid that the Haitian community provided America and its founding. Over 500 Haitians, free men of color, fought shoulder to shoulder with American colonists and French troops in pivotal battles such as the battle of Savannah in 1779. The colony also served as a vital transit point for arms, gunpowder, and supplies from France, a lifeline that often made the difference between victory and defeat. The irony is palpable. The fight for freedom in our own land was bolstered by a colony built on the brutal enslavement of individuals. These individuals later led a successful revolution of their own, resulting in Haiti becoming the second American nation to declare independence in 1804. Despite the early recognition and support from the United States, the Jefferson administration banned trade with the newly independent Haiti in 1806, a decision that greatly hindered Haiti's economic prospects. In light of recent crises in Haiti, I urge you to remember this intertwined history. Our fight for independence was supported, in part, by Haiti's resources and its people and their courage. We have a historical debt to Haiti, a moral obligation to assist in Haiti's recovery and long-term prosperity. Haiti does not come to us as a debtor. We are, in fact, a debtor to Haiti. Haiti is our creditor, having helped create our independence. As we navigate the labyrinth of our complex relations with the Caribbean, let us not forget the sacrifices made and the solidarity demonstrated by our Haitian brethren. In acknowledging this, we do not merely pay tribute to our shared past, but also set the stage for a future defined by mutual respect and collaboration. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus- McCormick).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include any extraneous material on the subject of my Special Order.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. It is with great honor that I rise today to coanchor this CBC Special Order hour along with my distinguished colleague, Representative Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick. For the next 60 minutes, members of the CBC will spotlight Caribbean American Heritage Month, a celebration of the significant impact Caribbean Americans have made in shaping our Nation. This occasion isn't just important to the CBC, Congress, and our constituents. It resonates deeply with all Americans. It is time to appreciate the enduring spirit of Caribbean Americans, whose influence spans across arts, sciences, politics, and entrepreneurship. We aim to heighten cultural awareness, honor the diverse Caribbean cultures, and acknowledge their ongoing contributions. Ultimately, Caribbean American Heritage Month reflects a vital piece of the American narrative that deserves recognition and understanding for all citizens. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Horsford), the chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the honorable gentlewoman from the State of New York (Ms. Clarke).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congresswoman Yvette Clarke for her remarks. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus- McCormick).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for her remarks. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join with my colleagues in recognizing and giving special commendation to Caribbean-American Heritage Month. From Shirley Chisholm to Malcolm X, from Congresswoman Yvette Clarke to Congresswoman Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick, to the great W.E.B. Du Bois, to CBC chair, Mr. Steven Horsford, and to Sheila Jackson Lee, from the founder of the city of Chicago, Jean Baptiste Du Sable, to the great general in Haiti, Toussaint Louverture, here we are. People who come to this country from the Caribbean have helped to make America more vibrant and successful. This is because Caribbean Americans are some of the most creative and hardworking people in the world. This cannot be debated and most certainly cannot be denied. However, it is really the power of the Caribbean egalitarian spirit that has really helped to make America a better place. People who come from the Caribbean are raised in cultures that believe in family and faith, and they believe that all men and women are truly created equal. Because of the deep moral values at work in Caribbean culture, people who hail from this part of the world fundamentally believe that we are all God's children and that all of us deserve dignity and respect. This drive for excellence and the commitment to human dignity has continually given rise to some of the most extraordinary individuals, each of them adding to the possibilities of America and all of them expanding the reach of freedom and democracy in this remarkable country. This is why I am so glad that in 2005 this body passed legislation to officially make June Caribbean-American Heritage Month. When this body passed that legislation, it gave recognition to people who too long had been overlooked. However, today, we are righting that wrong. We are correcting the account, as it were. This is important because I believe that every community should be celebrated and that every heritage should be venerated and given the dignity that it deserves. Perhaps somebody needs to remind the Governor of Florida that when we celebrate the heritage of other people we are, in fact, celebrating ourselves. Somebody needs to remind the Governor of Florida that this country has relied on the diversity of its citizens in order to become the Nation we are today. Somebody needs to remind him that different does not mean deficient. It took a Caribbean American to lead the U.S. military to victory in the Iraq war by the name of Colin Powell. It was a Caribbean American who created a national banking system in this country by creating the Federal Reserve. It was a Caribbean American who made his home in Harlem and preached with such intensity and integrity that he gave African Americans the courage to be themselves. America is a garden comprised of many flowers. All of them are complicated, and all of them are beautiful in their own way. The texture, the colors, and the sizes may be different, but the radiance remains the same. No matter what white supremacy may try to say, the brightness of America is the consequence of a multiplicity of colors. We may speak different languages, we may come from different places, and we may eat different food, but we are all mortal, we are all dependent upon the benefits clean air and clean water, we all deserve to be loved, and we all want the best for our children. If we do not learn how to live together as brothers and sisters, then we shall surely perish together as fools. When we celebrate Caribbean-American Heritage Month, it is a veneration of the important and ongoing contributions of these significant Americans. It is by no means a denigration of anyone else. While it is true that we are all Americans, it is no less the case, however, that each of us brings something different to America. The capacity for difference is the thing that makes America successful and strong. What would this country be without Earl Graves and the great Harry Belafonte? What would this country be like without Beyonce or Eric Holder, Cicely Tyson, Alicia Keys, Sheryl Lee Ralph, and Mr. Sidney Poitier? All of them are descendants of the people who came to this country from the Caribbean. Caribbean Americans have shaped this Nation's culture and political direction since its founding, and thank God for it. Let us never forget those who live in the U.S. Virgin Islands. We also honor the Honorable Congresswoman Stacey Plaskett. These are citizens of the United States. Yes, those in the Virgin Islands are citizens of America. They are a part of our country, they are a part of who we are, and they are no less helping to shape what we hope to become. They too sing America. They too desire to flourish. They too deserve the benefits of democracy. As much as anybody born in Boston or Atlanta, or as much as anyone living in Dallas or Little Rock, American citizens who live in the Virgin Islands are no less a part of who we are. They are a part of American story. The notes they bring to this concert of opportunity make the music sweet and worthy of our listening ears. I would invite my colleagues and Americans, more generally, to spend time in conversation with Caribbean Americans. When you do, you will discover that the love they have for this country, in spite of its tortured history with the people from the Caribbean, is a remarkable manifestation of both courage and patriotism. In spite of this country's morbid preoccupation with racism and white supremacy, Americans of Caribbean descent have time and time again took their place in the dark shadows of war in order to fight for our Nation's freedom, and today we remember them. We speak well of their names. We give honor to those among them who died to make us free. How dare we not honor them? How dare we not sing their praises? As the Bible says: These are they that have come through the great tribulation, and have washed their robes in the blood of the Lamb. They are as important to the fabric of this country as those who came from Europe and other places around the world. Therefore, it is altogether fitting that we enshrine their greatness and celebrate their heritage without restraint. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus- McCormick).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, you have heard from our distinguished colleagues about our interest in celebrating Caribbean American Heritage Month, all issues of great importance to the Congressional Black Caucus, our constituents, Congress, and all Americans tonight. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.