Jonathan Jackson

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chair, I rise today to speak on my amendment, amendment No. 12 to H.R. 5961, the No Funds for Iranian Terrorism Act. My amendment is simple. It adds a 5-year sunset provision. My amendment is in line with the majority leader's floor protocols for the 118th Congress. Specifically, the majority leader's floor protocols on legislation call for sunset requirements to advance the policies ``originally outlined in the Pledge to America to adopt a requirement that programs end or `sunset' by a date certain.'' That should include new sanction authorities, as well. It is important for Congress to maintain its Article I powers over foreign policy, and it does that by including a sunset provision. If we are going to be consistent with the floor protocols that the majority has established for new programs, if we want to reclaim our Article I powers, this act should not go into force without a sunset provision. Mr. Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, it is with great honor that I rise today to coanchor this CBC Special Order hour. I thank my distinguished colleague, Congresswoman Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick of Florida. For the next 60 minutes we have a chance to speak directly to the American people on issues of great importance to the Congressional Black Caucus, Congress, the constituents we represent, and all Americans. Our Special Order hour today will focus on a very urgent and pressing issue for our community, and that is the recognition of November as National Diabetes Month. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Brown), my colleague from the city of Cleveland.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous materials on the subject of this Special Order.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank our distinguished colleague, Congresswoman Shontel Brown from Ohio's 11th Congressional District, for her leadership within the Congressional Black Caucus and for highlighting and focusing our attention and, indeed, the Nation's attention on this critical issue of diabetes. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the honorable Congressman Payne from the great State of New Jersey for his remarks. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Horsford), who is the honorable chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank our chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, Chairman Steven Horsford, for those powerful words. Again, I thank our esteemed colleague, Congresswoman Shontel Brown of Ohio, for having led this effort. Mr. Speaker, I now yield to my colleague from the great State of Louisiana, the distinguished Congressman, Mr. Troy Carter.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman from the great State of Louisiana, Congressman Troy Carter, for his participation. Mr. Speaker, I yield to my colleague, the Honorable Sheila Cherfilus- McCormick from the great State of Florida.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank Mrs. Cherfilus- McCormick for her statement. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to bring vaunted and valuable attention to one of the greatest health challenges plaguing the American people and to declare that this body needs to do more to alleviate the pain. The month of November has been designated as being National Diabetes Month and the goal of this designation is to highlight the disproportionate impact diabetes continues to have on the communities I represent. Never before has one chronic disease so diabolically focused its fury on Black and Brown people, which, of course, begs the question as to whether or not the proliferation of this silent killer is connected to the quality of food and economic choices of those very same communities. The physiology of Black and Brown people is not in any way predisposed to be more vulnerable to this disease than any other group of people, and yet diabetes continues to destroy Black and Brown lives at a rate that is more than disproportional but diabolic as well. Since 2001, the proliferation of Type 2 diabetes among Black and Brown youth has increased at a rate of 95 percent, Mr. Speaker. According to the National Health Institute, young people between the ages of 10 and 19 years of age have seen instances of Type 2 diabetes double among them. Two out of every 100 Black and indigenous American youth now suffer from this disease, and it is accelerating at an alarming pace. As I stand before you here, I shudder to think about the implications associated with the level of increase, what that will mean for the quality of life of families of young people currently sinking into this chronic abyss. Whether we are willing to acknowledge it or not, the way we currently treat, talk about, and address this disease will leave this country vulnerable to a medical tsunami the likes of which no one on this planet has ever seen. We cannot be silent about this because if we do nothing, African Americans are twice as likely as any other group to die from this disease. If we do nothing, African-American adults are twice as likely to be hospitalized because of diabetes and suffer long-term complications more than any other group. If we do nothing, Black people in this country are three times more likely to be diagnosed with renal disease which, of course, is a portal that leads to a whole host of other debilitating morbidities. If we just sit around and dither, Black people will be 60 percent more likely to be diagnosed with a disease that has the power to kill them. Let us not forget that African Americans currently make up 13 percent of the American population. When 95 percent of the young people that make up 13 percent of your entire population are currently slipping down the slippery slope of diabetes, someone has to sound the alarm. This is why every American should be glad that President Biden has declared November to be National Diabetes Month, and all of us should be glad because this is a conversation we need to have. The time for us to act as if this is not a national emergency is over. Diabetes in the American population has crossed the Rubicon. We are well beyond the point of no return, and if we do not decide that the health and healthcare of every American, particularly African Americans, is a priority equal in its importance to national security, then we will rue the day we buried our heads in the sand and preoccupied ourselves with the seasonal foolishness of partisan politics. This is not a red State or blue State issue. The American people are dying. The American people are suffering. The American people are looking to the government they elected to do something in its power to help, help them fight and ward off the devastating effects of this debilitating disease. Last year, millions of Americans reported hoarding insulin because of shortages. The overwhelming need is manifesting itself nationwide. Who would have thought that people who live in the world's greatest country in the history of the world would have to hoard medication? Could any of us have ever imagined that the need for insulin would be so expansive that hoarding the medication would be a necessity or even an option, but this is where we find ourselves. This is the reality millions of Americans have to live with every day. This is the minute-to-minute struggle for countless American families trying not to lose hope amid a sea of chronic and cataclysmic medical consequences. To those of you, I say hold on and don't give up. If we are determined to do something about it here in this Congress, we can say that elections have consequences because, indeed, they do. One of the positive outcomes of the last Presidential election is the fact that President Joseph R. Biden, Jr., is the duly elected President of the United States, and he helped pass the Inflation Reduction Act to help us deal with the runaway cost of insulin. Now insulin is $35 a month. That is very much a welcome relief in my neighborhood. As an American, not only as a Democrat, I am glad that we have someone in the Oval Office who cares about what this disease is doing to our country. It says a lot about the character and integrity of the President that he would go out of his way to address this issue when so many other problems have been vying for his attention over the last 3 years. However, I also say to you, we can do more. We simply cannot avoid the connection between the systemic inequities of America and the incredible racial disparities by which diabetes continues to proliferate in the Black community. In fact, in a recent study conducted at Emory University, it was suggested, if not directly implied, that structural racism is accelerating the diabetes crisis in the United States of America. Therefore, potentially what we have here is not just a medical crisis, what we have happening in America is also a social and a cultural crisis. When it comes to diabetes and the Black community, it would appear that our current crisis is the result of a strange confluence of issues. Nutritional opportunities, access to fruit and vegetables, and the inability to afford healthy nutritional options have all come together to make an already terrible situation worse. More and more researchers are discovering that the race, geography, and economy of a community can be an overwhelming determining factor for understanding the impact of this debilitating and chronic disease. This is why I have been a major proponent of the Gus Schumacher Nutrition Incentive Program, the GusNIP. I am a major supporter of this program because it allows the Secretary of Agriculture to provide funding opportunities to conduct and evaluate projects providing incentives to increase the purchase of fruits and vegetables for low- income consumers. For many years, the other party has wanted us to believe that government is the problem, but what they forget to tell you is that sometimes national problems require national solutions; and there is a role, indeed, for government. In this program, it is critical for us to also understand that we cannot retreat on SNAP. There are too many Americans who need the supplemental nutritional assistance. Let us be clear, the same way we incentivize big corporations and wealthy individuals with tax breaks, we should have the moral courage to incentivize healthy choices for low-income Americans. What is good for the goose is also good for the gander. If incentives work for rich people, then let them also work to save the lives of working-class and low-income Americans. As I stand here tonight, I am actively working to see this program is fully funded this year. This is something we must do. We owe it to the American people to do everything we can to help them save lives. Let me simply say that it is about time we start incentivizing things that keep people alive and not just behaviors that make people more money. It is my great hope and expectation that the expansion of GusNIP will allow the program to run more efficiently and increase cooperation between recipients and the Federal Government. I also believe that a greater emphasis needs to be placed on the Healthy Food Financing Initiative, created back in the Obama administration to provide grants and technical assistance to empower families to have access to fresh, healthy, and affordable foods in rural and urban communities that are underserved. Most people fail to realize that the overwhelming instances of hunger in America are not happening in American cities. It is, rather, taking place in rural communities. This is why I am pleased that the Department of Agriculture partnered with the Reinvestment Fund to invest $22.6 million to improve access to healthy foods in underserved communities. We have an obligation to do all that we can do to empower ordinary, everyday American citizens to make choices that will sustain their lives. As a government, we cannot make the choice for them, but we can create a better set of options for them to make lifesaving decisions for themselves. What good is balancing the budget if the American people are sick and dying from chronic disease? What good is having a strong military or defense if the American people are withering away from diabetes and other morbidities that slowly eat away the health of the Nation? A coherent and stringent immigration policy will mean absolutely nothing if the people who are already citizens of this country are dying from diseases that we can avoid. Everything that America is and everything we hope it to be depends on the health and safety of our citizens. In the absence of being healthy, there is no American Dream. I say to my colleagues, let us do everything that we can to empower people to have greater health, longer life, and what every American deserves; namely, three meals a day for their bodies, education and culture for their minds, and, yes, freedom and dignity for their souls. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the Honorable Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, these are the issues of the Congressional Black Caucus. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I rise today to stand in solidarity with our United Auto Workers brothers and sisters. Only 2 weeks before his assassination, Reverend Martin Luther King was in Memphis and supported the city sanitation workers' strike. To the crowd, he proclaimed that ``now is the time.'' I echo Reverend Martin Luther King's words from the people's Chamber and say unto UAW auto workers: Now is the time. Number one, now is the time for a cost-of-living adjustment. In real terms, worker wages are more than 10 percent less than they were in 2019, despite rising costs. Now is the time for an end to tiered employment in the automotive industry. Workers are making different wages doing equal work. This is simply unacceptable. The only difference between them is which labor contract was in force on the day that they started. Now is the time for job security. As we transition away from combustion engines, these jobs need to stay in America and remain good- paying union jobs. Now is the time for a cost-of-living adjustment. Now is the time to end tiered employment pay. Now is the time for job security. I stand in solidarity with the UAW.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I yield to the honorable gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick). General Leave

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Nevada (Mr. Horsford).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cherfilus-McCormick).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Georgia (Mrs. McBath).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congresswoman McBath from the great State of Georgia for her comments. It is now my privilege to yield to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Carter).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Madam Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congressman Carter from the great State of Louisiana for those remarks. Madam Speaker, today I stand in solidarity with my colleagues in this Chamber and with citizens across this Nation in condemning the pervasive violence that has taken root in America. The scourge of violence has become an epidemic. Regrettably, the depth of its impact and its implications for our society's fabric remain inadequately grasped. We must recognize that violence is not solely defined as the act of wielding a gun. The violence that engulfs our Nation goes beyond the confines of weaponry. By the time hands are raised in aggression, the cultural and judicial strains have already transformed fellow citizens into adversaries. The staggering reality of 400 million guns in a Nation with 300 million citizens underscores a deep-seated issue. It is hardly shocking then, in such an environment, that individuals increasingly view one another as foes rather than fellow countrymen. The prevailing political and cultural mood of our Nation is manipulated by the insidious use of fear. Some of the most profound acts of violence in this country have been executed not just by those with firearms but by those exploiting fear to amplify their privilege and magnify their influence. Is it not an act of violence to belittle 400 years of African- American resilience? A battle we should never have had to fight, a battle no one should be forced to endure. Yet, in a single afternoon, the Supreme Court chose to undercut what took 400 years for the Black community to establish, comprehensive policies that recognize and affirm our place against practices that they aimed to dismiss. Isn't this violence too? How can it not be considered violence when Harvard University is told it cannot use race as a criterion for admission, but it sees no restriction placed on legacy or wealth? The Supreme Court seems to suggest that being Black doesn't inherently carry merit, but being affluent certainly does. Perhaps a fellow Member here can enlighten me. When have the wealthy ever been disadvantaged in this Nation, that they needed further benefits because of their wealth? Can anyone refer me to such a time in history? The Supreme Court seemed to believe that in a mere 50 years, we have surpassed the need to factor in race, yet overlooked the fact that privilege has played a larger role in Ivy League admissions than race ever has. Where in the majority decision did the Court address the inherent advantages of unearned privilege? Where is the dedication to meritocracy in such a stance? Yet, it is revealing that many champion the cause of equality if it does not level the playing field much in favor of true equality. In this Nation, uniquely certain demographics perceive true equality as an affront to their status. For countless Black and Brown individuals witnessing the impact of this flawed ruling, the past fortnight has felt like a period of systemic aggression. When discussing violence in America, our focus shouldn't solely be on the acts committed by those who misuse firearms. Florida's Governor didn't need a firearm to ban books and dismiss the educational value of African-American history. The Florida Board of Education didn't wield a gun when they sidelined African-American studies in their advanced placement curriculum. Recently, we were dismayed to learn that Florida's newly approved middle school syllabus had the audacity to suggest that slavery was somehow advantageous for Black individuals. In 2023, it is disheartening to note that in Florida, an educational curriculum was sanctioned by those brazen enough to insinuate that slavery could be deemed beneficial in any manner. There has been silence by so many in this body. This silence is tantamount to violence. Those who sanctioned this content attempted to defend their stance, asserting that slavery taught Black individuals skills like agriculture, painting, carpentry, blacksmithing, tailoring, and transportation. This emphasizes the importance of lawmakers fully understanding the laws they create. Had they read some of the very literature they hastily sought to ban, they would have recognized the sheer absurdity of such claims. Black civilizations were the architects behind the pyramids. The Fertile Crescent of the Nile Valley stands testament to their prowess in civil engineering and agricultural innovation. Timbuktu houses one of the world's earliest and most renowned universities. A full two millennia before Hippocrates, Imhotep was already pioneering medical practices and documenting them. African civilizations were the crucible for philosophy, science, poetry, and monotheistic religions. How could a cadre of ill-informed, unenlightened, narrow-minded, and archaic policymakers in Florida presume to suggest that Black individuals required the shackles of slavery to grasp shoemaking? How deeply misguided must one be to suggest that absent slavery, Black artistry would be nonexistent, when Picasso drew inspiration from modernist art from African masks? To audaciously claim that Black individuals learned about transportation through slavery, ignoring the fact that they navigated the Congo's waters well before Europeans even embarked on their maiden voyages, is pure folly. Slavery served to starkly remind Black individuals how America often fell short of its proclaimed values. It underscored the bitter truth that one could be despised without the slightest effort to understand their history or heritage. To anyone who cannot see the inherent harm in teaching young Black students that slavery was somehow a boon, you are sorely mistaken about the essence of institutional and educational violence. What Governor DeSantis did was educational violence. To shed light on some historical facts, according to records, Governor Ron DeSantis' great-grandmother landed on American shores in February 1917. She arrived in New York, eager to embrace her new identity as an Italian American, and she was fully entitled to. Regardless of her great-grandson's current disposition, she undoubtedly contributed to this Nation, and her contribution was as pivotal as anyone else's. But let me also remind you that the first Africans came to America in 1619, landing in Jamestown, Virginia--298 years separate 1619 from 1917, 298 years. Yet, we have a Governor in Florida, a descendent of those who arrived nearly 3 centuries after my ancestors, presuming to dictate my understanding of the African-American experience in this country. How dare you, Governor DeSantis. You are absolutely a disgrace. No Ron-DeSantis-come-lately will tell Black people the value of our contributions to America. That is why all of us on this side of the aisle are elated to see Madam Vice President of the United States take the fight for Black history directly to Florida. Thank you, Madam Vice President Kamala Harris for speaking out against ridiculous claims being made by the Florida Board of Education. Across this Nation, individuals with a sense of justice commend Vice President Harris for her unwavering stand for truth and righteousness. Yet, this is adversity we face. Firearms merely represent the latest form of hostility directed at Black and Brown communities. Over 400 mass shootings have occurred in 2023, and this year isn't over yet. Discussing the glaring imbalance of having 100 million more firearms than we have citizens, while not addressing 25 million American school- age children who can't read is an incomplete picture. The link is apparent. Children lacking literacy skills may become adults more prone to resort to crime, potentially involving guns. If we are going to have a serious debate about violence in America, then we must be willing to talk about this issue at every level. When the Supreme Court said it was legal for a website designer to deny LGBTQ people services, what kind of violence did that do to the LGBTQ community? What kind of psychological, emotional, if not spiritual violence did that decision bring to bear in the lives of Black and Brown people? I firmly stand with those who say that we need a national solution to solve a national problem of gun violence, but I challenge all of us not to view this issue so narrowly. Gun violence stands at the intersection of race, poverty, and class, and needs to be understood in this way. We cannot become so enamored with the effects of the bullet that we forget the economics of the gun. The root of the violence isn't merely in the act of pulling the trigger, but in the lived experiences of those who resort to such extremes. The Biden-Harris administration's success in enacting the first substantial gun laws in nearly three decades is commendable. With executive orders, President Biden has significantly addressed the gun crisis. Yet, even in a scenario where guns are scarce, the ramifications of America's inherent violence will persist as it stems from prejudice and intolerance. This kind of violence, Madam Speaker, of which I speak, is the progeny of fear. It is the direct and lamentable offspring of what happens when people use revenge to play games with the resentment of White, working-class people. This kind of violence cannot be arrested and merely thrown in jail. Regrettably, it cannot be legislated out of the hearts and minds of people who use it to make a name for themselves. Once you allow your politics to become sufficiently murderous, the kind of social evil it produces can never be truly contained. What is today a conversation about the inequities associated with race will tomorrow become the first line of a sad eulogy written about the American Dream. This is what we have tried to get America to see. The willingness to mistreat Black history means that there are people living among us who are more than willing to mishandle American history as a whole. So let us ultimately deal with every form of violence in America. Systemic cruelty, like the violence in the streets, destroys the lives and tears families apart. Judicial roughness is no less a threat to Black children than the specter of gang violence and all illegal guns being used to destroy Black bodies without justification or remorse. Donald Trump openly taught us what political brutality can do to the moral fiber of a Nation that has slowly begun to forget its constitutional ideals. While it is altogether fitting to talk about gang violence in Chicago, murders in Memphis, and mass shootings in Texas, don't forget to talk about the kind of economic violence being visited upon Black families this country sees every day. The members of the Congressional Black Caucus will always mention it. We will always talk about it because our country's future depends upon an honest assessment of who we are and what it is that we owe to one another. To truly end violence in our Nation, it is not enough to just regulate guns; we must also address and rectify America's deep- rooted issues with privilege, power, and hatred. Addressing one issue without the other is tackling an issue that will not be secure. We must render our efforts as effective so that we will be a blessed Nation. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include any extraneous material on the subject of this Special Order.

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Congresswoman Sydney Kamlager-Dove from the great State of California for her remarks. I would like to take a point of privilege and speak to the Record. Mr. Speaker, may I make an inquiry about the time remaining?

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, it is my honor and a privilege to share the podium today with my esteemed colleague, Sheila Cherfilus- McCormick, as we embark on this significant CBC Special Order hour, an hour that has come. We are going to dive deep into understanding how terms like colored people have shaped our racial conversation and histories. This isn't just an exploration of the past, it is about how we forge our future. We will be tackling the importance of diversity, equity, and inclusion. Mr. Speaker, across every field and sector, we are seeing a retreat on this promise, and we are going to stress why it is so vital that our education system is inclusive, recognizing and celebrating our racial diversity, rather than suppressing it. We see a future where understanding our collective past enables us to shape a more equitable society. Remember, this conversation isn't just about us or Congress. It is a conversation for every single American because together we can make a difference. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from the great State of New Jersey (Mr. Payne).

Mr. JACKSON of Illinois. Mr. Speaker, I thank the Honorable Donald Payne, Jr. from the great State of New Jersey for his remarks. Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from the great State of Nevada (Mr. Horsford), who is the honorable chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus.