Ted Kennedy

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, last Thursday the majority leader filed a cloture motion on S. 625, the Bankruptcy Reform Act of 1999. If the Senate adopts cloture, an amendment to increase the minimum wage could not be offered to the bill. Some Senators may support cloture because they believe the minimum wage is not relevant to the bankruptcy debate, but I disagree. Raising the minimum wage is critical to preventing the economic free-fall that often leads to bankruptcy, and many of us have sponsored the Fair Minimum Wage Act of 1999 to begin to right that wrong.

Mr. KENNEDY. I thank the Chair.

Mr. KENNEDY. Then I yield to myself just 4 of the last 5 minutes, please.

Mr. KENNEDY. Is that all 15 minutes?

Mr. KENNEDY. I thank the Chair. Mr. President, invoking cloture would deny us the opportunity, on the floor of the Senate, to offer a minimum wage amendment that will raise the minimum wage 50 cents next January and 50 cents the year after and provide some $2,000 of purchasing power for minimum wage workers. In all, over 11 million Americans will benefit from an increase in the minimum wage. We seek to raise the minimum wage at a time of virtual price stability, at a time of virtual full employment, and at a time when the ink is not even dry on the vote by the Members of the Senate to give themselves a pay increase of over $4,000 this year. I will say, at least the Democrats who voted in support of that increase would also vote in support of an increase in the minimum wage. But why should we be denied that opportunity? Why should we be denied the opportunity to have a vote on this particular issue? It makes such a difference to families that work 40 hours a week, 52 weeks of the year. We believe raising the minimum wage is relevant to the bankruptcy issue. The threat of bankruptcy is related to the availability of resources. The fewer financial resources individuals have, the more difficult it is for them to meet their economic challenges. We do not have the opportunity, at least at this time, to get into all of the reasons so many individual Americans are going into bankruptcy. But we find half of the women are in bankruptcy because their husbands refuse to pay child support. Of workers who are over 55, the greatest percentage of those in bankruptcy are there because they don't have health insurance. Many in bankruptcy are workers dislocated from their jobs because of mergers, who find themselves caught in a downward economic spiral. We should have an opportunity to address those issues. Why does the Republican leadership deny us the chance to have a fair vote on raising the minimum wage, providing hard working Americans with an extra $2,000? That might not seem like a lot to many here, but it is about 7 months' worth of groceries for a family, or 5 months of rent. It will pay for almost two years of tuition for a worker or her son or daughter to attend a community college. It is a lot of money for many hard- working Americans. Finally, the minimum wage is a children's issue because the children of workers who earn minimum wage are impacted by their parents' scarce resources. It is a women's issue, because the majority of minimum wage workers are women. It is a civil rights issue because one-third of minimum wage workers are African-American or Hispanic. It is basically and most fundamentally a fairness issue. At the time of the greatest prosperity in the history of this country, are we going to continue to deny our brothers and sisters, Americans who are working hard, 40 hours a week, 52 weeks of the year, the opportunity to have a livable wage? privilege of the floor Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Kathy Curran, a Labor Department detailee, be granted the privilege of the floor during today's debate.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, for several months, many of us have been concerned about the Senate's continuing delays in acting on President Clinton's nominees to the federal courts. Since the Senate convened in January, we have confirmed only 17 judges and 43 are still waiting for action. These delays can only be described as an abdication of the Senate's constitutional responsibility to work with the President and ensure the integrity of our federal courts. At the current rate it will take years to confirm the remainder of the judicial nominees currently pending before the Judiciary Committee. This kind of partisan, Republican stonewalling is irresponsible and unacceptable. It's hurting the courts and it's hurting the country. It's the worst kind of ``do nothing'' tactic by this ``do nothing'' Senate. The continuing delays are a gross perversion of the confirmation process that has served this country well for more than 200 years. When the Founders wrote the Constitution and gave the Senate the power of advice and consent on Presidential nominations, they never intended the Senate to work against the President, as this Senate is doing, by engaging in a wholesale stall and refusing to act on large numbers of the President's nominees. Currently, there are 61 vacancies in the federal judiciary, and several more are likely to arise in the coming months, as more and more judges retire from the federal bench. Of the 61 current vacancies, 22 have been classified as ``judicial emergencies'' by the Judicial Conference of the United States, which means they have been vacant for 18 months or more. The vast majority of these nominees are clearly well-qualified, and would be confirmed by overwhelming votes of approval. It would be an embarrassment for our Republican colleagues to vote against them. It should be even more embarrassing for the Republican majority in the Senate to abdicate their clear constitutional responsibility to do what they were elected to do. The delay has been especially unfair to nominees who are women and minorities. Last year, two-thirds of the nominees who waited the longest for confirmation were women or minorities. Already, in this Congress, the Senate is on track to repeat last year's dismal performance. Of the 11 nominees who have been waiting more than a year to be confirmed, 7 are women or minorities. On the 50th anniversary of President Truman's appointment of the first African American to the Court of Appeals--Judge William Hastie--the Republican leadership should be ashamed of this record, particularly given the caliber of the distinguished African American, Latino, and female nominees waiting for confirmation. For example, Marsha Berzon, Richard Paez, and Ronnie White have waited too long--far too long--for a vote on the Senate floor. Ms. Berzon is an outstanding attorney with an impressive record. She has written more than 100 briefs and petitions to the Supreme Court, and has argued four cases there. When she was first nominated last year, she received strong recommendations and had a bipartisan list of supporters, including our former colleague, Senator Jim McClure, and Fred Alvarez, a Commissioner on the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission and Assistant Secretary of Labor under President Reagan. Her nomination is also supported by major law enforcement organizations, and by many of those who have opposed her in court. Ms. Berzon was first nominated in January 1998--20 months later, the Senate has still not voted on her nomination. The Senate is also irresponsibly refusing to vote on two other distinguished nominees--Judge Ronnie White, an African American Supreme Court judge in the state of Missouri, and California District Court Judge Richard Paez. Judge White was nominated to serve on the District Court for the Eastern District of Missouri more than two years ago. Judge Paez was first nominated three years ago--three years ago--to serve on the Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit. It is true that some Senators have voiced concerns about these nominations. But that should not prevent a roll call vote which gives every Senator the opportunity to vote ``yes'' or ``no.'' These nominees and their families deserve a decision by the Senate. Parties with cases, waiting to be heard by the federal courts deserve a decision by the Senate. Ms. Berzon, Judge White, and Judge Paez deserve a decision by this Senate. While Republican leaders play politics with the federal judiciary, countless individuals and businesses across the country are forced to endure needless delays in obtaining the justice they deserve. Justice is being delayed and denied in courtrooms across the country because of the unconscionable tactics of the Senate Republican majority. It is long past time to act on these and other nominations. I urge my Republican colleagues to end this partisan stall and allow the President's nominees to have the vote by the Senate that they deserve.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk on the minimum wage and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. I yield myself 10 minutes. Mr. President, I hope our colleagues pay careful attention to the excellent presentation that has been made by my friend and colleague from New Mexico. I think all Members who are fortunate enough to serve on the Education Committee know Senator Bingaman has been tireless in addressing the issue of enhancing the quality of education for the children of this country. This afternoon he outlined very important, thoughtful steps that I think ought to draw strong bipartisan support. He has certainly urged our colleagues to try to find ways in which we can work together in support of those proposals. I join with him in urging our colleagues to do so. For the number of years I have been in the Senate, the issue of education has never been a partisan issue. I think for the first 15 years I was in the Senate on the Education Committee, we never had a single vote that divided Republicans and Democrats on issues of education--not that we always got it right, but we always attempted to find ways of working closely together. We recognize there are limited resources we can provide for education, probably 7 cents out of every $1, but what the American people are looking for is a partnership to try to find ways we can enhance educational opportunities to children. I rise somewhat reluctantly to draw attention to the fact that we are in a very desperate situation as we come to the end of this session in regards to addressing the issues of education. I think many of us remember the early January speeches by our Republican leader. Senator Lott said, ``Education is going to be a central issue this year. The Democrats say it's important and it should be a high priority. Republicans say it's a high priority.'' Many were hoping this was the clarion call for all to come together and work together. We had similar statements by our good friend, the chairman of the Budget Committee, Senator Domenici, who said, ``I'm going to recommend the Republicans say it's time to quit playing around the edges and dramatically increase the amount of money that we put in public education.'' This was enormously encouraging. At the outset, I will say just allocating resources is not always the answer to the challenges we are facing in education. It is a pretty clear indication of what our Nation's priorities are. We heard from the leadership in the Senate the rhetoric that this was going to be the education Congress and the education year. It is appropriate that we look back over this past year and over the past few years to find out exactly what our record has been under this leadership in the areas of education. I can remember right after the 1994 elections with the new leadership elected in the House and the Senate of the United States Congress, one of the first things we had was not an appropriation of additional funding in the areas of education, but we had a recision. What does a recision mean? It means it is the judgment of the House, the Senate, and the President to allocate certain resources in the education programs. In my hand I have the conference report, the 1995 recisions: $1.7 billion in the House of Representatives. Those were programs, for example, such as the Title I program to help some of the neediest children; it was cut back almost a third; the Eisenhower Professional Development Programs, which enhance teacher qualities for math and science in our high schools, cut $100 million; the Safe and Drug Free Schools, cut $472 million. We air a great deal of rhetoric on the floor of the Senate about how we will make our schools more safe and secure. Going back to 1995, we find the attempted recisions in the areas of education. Then in 1996--I have the report on the appropriations, the request from the House appropriations which is $3.9 billion below the 1995 figures. That is under the Republican leadership in the House of Representatives--$3.9 billion below. Does this sound as if it is beginning to be a pattern? Wait just a moment, and we will find out what happened in 1997. I have the committee report on appropriations for 1997. This was $3.1 billion below the President's request. Now we have 1995, we have 1996, we have 1997; we have 1998, $200 million below the President's total; and now, 1999, $2 billion below the President's request. That is a fearsome record in terms of the allocation of scarce education resources. Now we see this happening again this year. That is why Democrats are so concerned. We have seen under the Republican leadership a recommendation of a 17 percent cut in education that would be represented by a $15 billion cut this year in the education programs on an appropriation that we cannot even have sent here to the Senate. We find that somewhat distressing and disturbing. What has happened in the past when the Republican leadership had responsibilities? The education proposal in 1995 came in 7 months after the end of the fiscal year. In 1997, the final agreement was not passed until the final day of the old fiscal year, September 30, 1996. In 1998, it was passed 1 week after the end of the fiscal year. In 1999, it was passed 3 weeks after the end of the fiscal year. There is a pattern here--cutting back on education resources and doing it at the very end, the last business for the Congress. If a political party wants to put education at the top of the American agenda, it doesn't come last, it comes first. It doesn't come with the greatest kinds of cuts we have seen in any appropriations bill in recent times; it comes after due deliberation of these very needs and requirements and then the support for those programs. That is the way we deal with it. That is what we find as we come into the last weeks--the enormous frustration of many in this body who believe very deeply, as the American public does, that if we are going to meet our responsibilities in education, we ought to have the opportunity to debate these issues in a timely way and not have the efforts that have been made on 17 different occasions when we tried to bring up various amendments, to have those amendments either immediately tabled or immediately effectively ignored, virtually denying Members the opportunity of having a full and complete debate on what are our fundamental and basic responsibilities for a national Congress and a President of the United States in education. So I believe the Republican leadership bear grave responsibilities in this area. We will over these next few days point this out in very careful detail, about what these particular cuts and programs are, and how they have really affected and adversely impacted the opportunities for children to move ahead. That is the record. It is one of great discouragement, and it is one I hope our Republican friends will be willing to address.

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, how much time remains?

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. I thank the Senator. Mr. President, the construction trades in particular are quite dangerous. Secretary of Labor Alexis Herman reported recently that ``injuries and illnesses for construction laborers, carpenters, and welders and cutters increased by a total of 8,000 cases.'' Truck drivers, too, suffer more than their share of injuries, incurring approximately 145,000 work-related injuries or illnesses each year. For the average worker, backs take the brunt of the injuries. About 4 out of 10 injuries involve strains and sprains, most of them back- related. Women are more susceptible than men to repetitive motion illnesses from jobs such as keyboarding, data entry, cashier work and scanning. These musculoskeletal disorders, known as MSDs, include carpal-tunnel syndrome and tendinitis. Many are caused by faulty ergonomic conditions in the workplace, such as poorly placed furniture and improper counter heights, say industrial hygiene, IH, professionals, experts in occupational and environmental health and safety. I thank the Senator for yielding.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, it is a privilege to join Senator Durbin in introducing the ``Central American and Haitian Parity Act of 1999. I commend our colleagues in the House, Representatives Chris Smith, Luis Gutierrez, and others, who introduced a companion bill last month. This legislation has the strong support of the Clinton administration, because it is a key component of America's effort to support democracy and stability in Central America and Haiti. Two years ago, Congress enacted the Nicaraguan Adjustment and Central American Relief Act, which protects Nicaraguan and Cuban refugees by enabling them to remain permanently in the United States as immigrants. But many Central Americans and Haitians were unfairly excluded from that bill. At that time, many of us in Congress opposed the unfairness and discrimination involved in treating Nicaraguans and Cubans more favorably than similarly situated Central Americans and Haitians. We believe all of these refugees should be treated equally. It is time for Congress to end this disparity. With this legislation, we are remedying this flagrant omission and adding Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Hondurans, and Haitians to the list of deserving refugees. These Central American and Haitian refugees, like Nicaraguans and Cubans, fled decades of violence, human rights abuses, and economic instability resulting from political repression. They suffered persecution at the hands of successive repressive governments. Central Americans and Haitians supporting democracy have faced torture, extra- judicial killings, imprisonment, and other forms of persecution. These and other gross violations of human rights have been documented by the State Department, and by human rights organizations such as Americas Watch and Amnesty International. Like other political refugees, Central Americans and Haitians have come to this country with a strong love of freedom and a strong commitment to democracy. They have settled in many parts of the United States. They have established deep roots in our communities, and their children, that have been born here, are U.S. citizens. Wherever they have settled, they have made lasting contributions to the economic vitality and diversity of our communities and our nation. Citizens in these countries are now working hard to establish democracy in their nations. President Clinton and Secretary Albright have repeatedly stated that it is America's long-standing foreign policy to ensure the continuing stability and viability of emerging, yet still fragile, democracies in Central America and Haiti. The Central American and Haitian communities in the United States have contributed substantially to this goal, sending hundreds of millions of dollars to their native lands. These funds have played a critical role in stabilizing these countries' economies as they make the transition to democracy, at no cost to the U.S. taxpayer. The State Department has documented the potential adverse consequences of reducing the flow of these funds. From a U.S. foreign policy and humanitarian standpoint, these amounts have taken on added importance. These funds have become a primary source of income for families who lost their jobs as a result of the hurricanes that ravaged these countries last year. Repatriating thousands of Central Americans and Haitians will impose a substantial additional burden on these countries. It will also diminish the ability of Central Americans and Haitians in the U.S. to contribute financially to rebuilding their countries. Allowing Central Americans and Haitians to remain here as legal residents will enable them to continue to provide assistance that will contribute substantially to vital economic recovery and reconstruction. This legislation will provide qualified Salvadorans, Guatemalans, Hondurans and Haitians with the opportunity to become permanent residents of the U.S. To qualify for this relief, they must have lived in this country since December 1995. By approving the Central American and Haitian Parity Act, we can finally bring an end to the shameful decades of disparate treatment that has existed. This is an issue of basic fairness. The United States has a long and noble tradition of providing safe haven to refugees. Over the years, we have enacted legislation to guarantee safe haven for Hungarians, Cubans, Yugoslavs, Vietnamese, Laotians, Cambodians, Poles, Chinese, and many others. This Congress has the opportunity to right the shameful wrongs that Central American and Haitian refugees have suffered. This bill offers the full protection of our laws to these victims of persecution in their fight for democracy. Congress has a duty to offer the same protection to Central Americans and Haitians that we have offered over the years to other refugees fleeing from repressive regimes. This bill does what is fair, what is right, and what is just. We should do all we can to end the current flagrant discrimination under our immigration laws. Central American and Haitian refugees deserve protection too--the same protection we gave to Nicaraguans and Cubans. We need to pay more than lip service to the fundamental principle of equal protection of the laws. Since its introduction in the House of Representatives, the Central American and Haitian Parity Act has received important bipartisan support. I am optimistic that it will receive similar support in the Senate. It deserves to be enacted as soon as possible.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, it is an honor to take this opportunity to recognize a community leader who has given so much to the people of Southeastern Massachusetts. Rosemary Wahlberg has been a Director of the Quincy Community Action Programs for twenty-six years. Under her leadership, these programs have helped large numbers of families on issues ranging from education to healthcare to child care to energy conservation. This year Rosemary is retiring, and her loss will be felt deeply by all of those whose lives she has touched. Rosemary's commitment to public service is extraordinary. Throughout her many years of service, she has helped people to make impressive progress in improving their quality of life. As an advocate and coordinator, she has assisted South Shore communities in the battle to reduce poverty and promote self-sufficiency for low-income families. She has served as a member of the Quincy Housing Authority, on the Quincy College Board of Trustees, and on the Board of Directors for numerous local, state, and regional committees devoted to community service. Rosemary's accomplishments have earned wide recognition. She has received distinguished awards from the City of Quincy, the University of Massachusetts, the South Shore Coalition for Human Rights, the Atlantic Neighborhood Assocation, South Shore Day Care Services, and many other grateful organizations, who recognize the boundless energy, ability and commitment she pours into every project. For all of us who know Rosemary, we are inspired by her dedication to those less fortunate in our society. She has served the people of Quincy and the South Shore with extraordinary distinction, and she is a dear friend to all of us in the Kennedy family. In addition to all of her other activities, she has been devoted to her wonderful family, raising eight children and caring for twenty-one grandchildren. It is with the greatest respect and admiration that I pay tribute to this remarkable leader. Her public service and generosity are a shining example to us all. I know that I speak for all of the people of Massachusetts when I say that she will be missed greatly.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, one of the most important provisions in this bill is its support for the National Endowments for the Arts and Humanities. These agencies provide essential Federal support for cultural activities in communities across America. The arts and humanities are a central part of our democracy, our history and our heritage and they eminently deserve this federal support. It is important for the federal government to create an environment which supports the arts and humanities in our nation. The Endowments have done an outstanding job in providing this needed support. They have provided assistance to theaters, museums, dance companies, and a wide range of cultural activities in communities and neighborhoods in every state. The federal role is not an isolated one. It functions in partnership with local and state governments and the private sector. Across the country, mayors have been among the strongest supporters of the arts, because they know that a strong cultural community attracts families and businesses to our cities. Cultural tourism is a growth industry in states throughout the country. Federal support provides needed assistance to cultural institutions, and it also provides critical support in schools. Today's schools face a broad range of challenges, and a compelling body of research demonstrates a strong correlation between study of the arts and academic achievement. The arts are ``the Fourth R,'' and they deserve to have a significant role in the educational experience of all children. In 1998, students with course work in music scored 52 points higher on the verbal portion and 36 points higher on the math portion of the SAT. With results like these, it is clear that we should find effective ways to integrate arts education into the classroom curriculum so that music, painting, drama and other arts can enrich the educational experience of all students. The Endowments have often been the subject of criticism over the last several years. But Congress has imposed reforms that have virtually eliminated controversy over grant awards. The Arts Endowment has worked hard to improve its operations and to respond to the concerns expressed by members of Congress. Its current chair, Bill Ivey, has proposed a major new initiative, Challenge America, that will emphasize outreach projects for education, including after-school programs involving the arts, historic preservation and measures to develop the arts infrastructure in communities. He has also implemented ``ArtsReach'' which will encourage applications and grants to states that have received few grants in the past. The Humanities Endowment has undertaken a leadership role to improve teacher training using the Internet and other technologies to ensure that new public programs in the humanities reach classrooms in as many communities as possible. These agencies are doing all that they can to expand the scope of cultural activities in America. It is essential that we provide them with the resources necessary to carry out their important mission. I support efforts to increase funding for the agencies, so that they can more fully achieve their important goals. As the statute creating the agencies emphasized, the United States cannot afford to limit its efforts to science and technology alone, but should give fair and full support to the other great branches of scholarly and cultural endeavors in our society, in order to achieve a better understanding of the past, a better analysis of the present, and a better vision of the future. I urge my colleagues to support funding for these agencies, and I hope that at long last we can give them the support that they have earned.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, it is a privilege to join Senator Feingold on this legislation to prohibit assistance to the Government of Indonesia until that nation permits the peaceful implementation of the results of the August 30 referendum, in which the people of East Timor overwhelmingly voted in favor of independence from Indonesia. This bill sends a clear and strong message to the Government of Indonesia that the United States will hold it responsible for the fate of the East Timorese people. Tragically, we are now faced with a crisis of alarming proportions as a result of the Indonesian government's failure to disarm the militias and to guarantee the security of the East Timorese people. The militias, together with Indonesian military and security personnel, are committing gross violations of human rights. Hundreds of East Timorese have been killed and tens of thousands have been forced to flee their homes, seeking refuge in West Timor. Hundreds have sought asylum in the UN compound in the East Timorese capital of Dili. Bishop Belo's home was burned and he was forced to seek asylum in Australia. UN personnel have been attacked and two were killed. Journalists have been threatened and forced to leave East Timor. The militias and the Indonesian military and security personnel perpetrating this violence must be stopped. All of us are deeply concerned over the violence and the likelihood of further bloodshed in the coming days. The Indonesian Government must take responsibility for the actions of its military and security personnel. If the Government of Indonesia cannot or will not stop the violence, it must permit the international community to do so. I strongly support the call for an international peacekeeping force, authorized by the United Nations Security Council, to intervene to restore security in East Timor and to implement the results of the referendum. By stopping all U.S. assistance to Indonesia, this legislation will encourage the Indonesian government to meet its international commitments and to ensure that its military and security forces abide by international law. The United States and the international community must use their economic leverage to encourage the Indonesian government to stop the violence in East Timor and permit a peaceful transition to independence. As long as this crisis continues, international financial institutions must not permit additional resources to flow to the Indonesian government--resources which could be used by military and security forces to continue the violence. In particular, the International Monetary Fund should not approve the disbursement of the remaining $2 billion of an already-approved $12 billion loan. The Indonesian government must know that these sanctions will remain in effect until it ensures the safety of the East Timorese people, permits the United Nations Assistance Mission in East Timor to implement the transition to independence, and ensures that its armed forces abide by the principles of international law. The people of East Timor need our help. Despite grave threats, they demonstrated great courage and great faith in the democratic process by going to the polls and voting overwhelmingly in favor of independence. The Government of Indonesia has an obligation to respect that verdict and see that it is implemented peacefully. The international community should do all it can to stop the violence and facilitate the peaceful transition to independence.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, it is a privilege to join Senator Feingold on this legislation to prohibit assistance to the Government of Indonesia until that nation permits the peaceful implementation of the results of the August 30 referendum, in which the people of East Timor overwhelmingly voted in favor of independence from Indonesia. This bill sends a clear and strong message to the Government of Indonesia that the United States will hold it responsible for the fate of the East Timorese people. Tragically, we are now faced with a crisis of alarming proportions as a result of the Indonesian government's failure to disarm the militias and to guarantee the security of the East Timorese people. The militias, together with Indonesian military and security personnel, are committing gross violations of human rights. Hundreds of East Timorese have been killed and tens of thousands have been forced to flee their homes, seeking refuge in West Timor. Hundreds have sought asylum in the UN compound in the East Timorese capital of Dili. Bishop Belo's home was burned and he was forced to seek asylum in Australia. UN personnel have been attacked and two were killed. Journalists have been threatened and forced to leave East Timor. The militias and the Indonesian military and security personnel perpetrating this violence must be stopped. All of us are deeply concerned over the violence and the likelihood of further bloodshed in the coming days. The Indonesian Government must take responsibility for the actions of its military and security personnel. If the Government of Indonesia cannot or will not stop the violence, it must permit the international community to do so. I strongly support the call for an international peacekeeping force, authorized by the United Nations Security Council, to intervene to restore security in East Timor and to implement the results of the referendum. By stopping all U.S. assistance to Indonesia, this legislation will encourage the Indonesian government to meet its international commitments and to ensure that its military and security forces abide by international law. The United States and the international community must use their economic leverage to encourage the Indonesian government to stop the violence in East Timor and permit a peaceful transition to independence. As long as this crisis continues, international financial institutions must not permit additional resources to flow to the Indonesian government--resources which could be used by military and security forces to continue the violence. In particular, the International Monetary Fund should not approve the disbursement of the remaining $2 billion of an already-approved $12 billion loan. The Indonesian government must know that these sanctions will remain in effect until it ensures the safety of the East Timorese people, permits the United Nations Assistance Mission in East Timor to implement the transition to independence, and ensures that its armed forces abide by the principles of international law. The people of East Timor need our help. Despite grave threats, they demonstrated great courage and great faith in the democratic process by going to the polls and voting overwhelmingly in favor of independence. The Government of Indonesia has an obligation to respect that verdict and see that it is implemented peacefully. The international community should do all it can to stop the violence and facilitate the peaceful transition to independence.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, it is an honor to join my colleagues in commemorating this impressive anniversary of the Wilderness Act of 1964. Thirty-five years ago, Congress passed this benchmark legislation, which has opened the door for extensive new protections of wilderness areas throughout the nation. In 1924, the U.S. Forest Service named the Gila National Forest in New Mexico as the first wilderness area. As years passed, it became increasingly clear that a more comprehensive strategy of protection for these priceless areas was needed. Between 1957 and 1964, nine congressional hearings were held, resulting in sixty-six rewrites of the original bill. This enormous amount of attention can be credited to the strong grassroots support for preserving these magnificent resources. As a result, Congress passed the Wilderness Act. It was signed into law by President Lyndon Johnson on September 3, 1964, and established over nine million acres of wilderness areas throughout the country. The act defined wilderness as ``an area where the earth and its community of life are untrammeled by man, where man himself is a visitor who does not remain.'' Although sharply restricting human activities in these areas, the Act also paid tribute to a piece of our national identity. To Americans, the wilderness is a place to rediscover what it means to be American. As Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas once noted, ``Roadless areas are one pledge of freedom.'' From the time of the first settlers, the nation's wilderness areas have been symbols of freedom and human ingenuity that characterize the American dream. In his classic work, Wilderness and the American Mind, Roderick Nash observed the close relationship between our citizens and such areas, stating ``Take away wilderness and you take away the opportunity to be American.'' The Wilderness Act has protected these priceless undeveloped areas, and it has preserved these magnificent resources for our time and for all time. Since this law was enacted, Congress has created over six hundred wilderness areas, totaling more than one hundred million acres in states across our nation. These are areas that cannot be developed or destroyed, but will retain the original splendor of their natural beauty. It was a special privilege for me to support the Wilderness Act in 1964, as one of the most far-reaching actions by Congress to preserve our environmental heritage. All of us take pride in the many beautiful areas designated under the Act. Finally, I commend all those who have done so much to uphold the great tradition of the Wilderness Act, by working in the agencies that are committed to protecting the nation's wilderness. As the act itself so eloquently states, they continue to ``secure for the American people of present and future generations the benefits of an enduring resource of wilderness.''

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I welcome this opportunity to express my strong support for the Pet Safety and Protection Act of 1999, which will protect pets from unscrupulous animal dealers seeking to sell them to labs for biomedical research. Animals play a critical role in biomedical research, but we must do all we can to ensure that research involving animals is regulated responsibly. Animal dealers and research facilities must be certain that lost or stolen pets do not end up in a research laboratory. This bill will guarantee that only legitimate dealers who can verify the origin of their animals will be authorized to sell to research facilities. The Pet Safety and Protection Act of 1999 reaffirms the nation's commitment to safe and responsible biomedical research, while maintaining high ethical standards in the treatment of animals.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I strongly support this proposal to invest more in rebuilding and modernizing the nation's schools. I commend Senator Harkin for his leadership on this issue, and I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, which is necessary to help the nation meet the critical need to modernize and rebuild crumbling and overcrowded schools. Schools, communities, and governments at every level have to do more to improve student achievement. Schools need smaller classes, particular in the early grades. They need stronger parent involvement. They need well-trained teachers in the classroom who keep up with current developments in their field and the best teaching practices. They need after-school instruction for students who need extra help, and after-school programs to engage students in constructive activities. They need safe, modern facilities with up-to-date technology. But, all of these reforms will be undermined if facilities are inadequate. Sending children to dilapidated, overcrowded facilities sends a message to these children. It tells them they don't matter. No CEO would tolerate a leaky ceiling in the board room, and no teacher should have to tolerate it in the classroom. We need to do all we can to ensure that children are learning in safe, modern buildings. I am also pleased to be a cosponsor of Senator Robb's Public School Modernization and Overcrowding Relief Act, which provides tax incentives to rebuild and modernize schools. Senator Harkin's bill is a necessary complement to that legislation. Although tax incentives are an important way to meet the nation's critical school infrastructure needs, they do not meet the needs of all communities. The neediest communities need our direct support--and they need it now. Senator Harkin's legislation authorizes discretionary funds to help local school districts and states repair, renovate, and rebuild crumbling public schools. It provides targeted discretionary grants to public schools that have major needs. To do so, it creates a revolving loan fund at the state level, which would provide low-interest or no- interest loans to repair existing schools or construct new facilities. The legislation will also provide a grant to help local school districts in the planning and design of new facilities that would include input from parents, teachers, and the community. Nearly one third of all public schools are more than 50 years old. 14 million children in a third of the nation's schools are learning in substandard buildings. Half of all schools have at least one unsatisfactory environmental condition. The problems with ailing school buildings aren't the problems of the inner city alone. They exist in almost every community, urban, rural, or suburban. In addition to modernizing and renovating dilapidated schools, communities need to build new schools in order to keep pace with rising enrollments and to reduce class sizes. Elementary and secondary school enrollment has reached an all-time high again this year of 53 million students, and will continue to grow. The Department of Education estimates that 2,400 new public schools will be needed by 2003 to accommodate rising enrollments. The General Accounting Office estimates that it will cost communities $112 billion to repair and modernize the nation's schools. Congress should lend a helping hand and do all we can to help schools and communities across the country meet this challenge. In Massachusetts, 41 percent of schools report that at least one building needs extensive repairs or should be replaced. 80 percent of schools report at least one unsatisfactory environmental factor. 48 percent have inadequate heating, ventilation, or air conditioning. And 36 percent report inadequate plumbing systems. Last year, I visited Everett Elementary School in Dorchester. The school is experiencing serious overcrowding. The average class size is 28 students. The principal of the school gave up her office and moved into a closet in the hall in order to help accommodate rising enrollment. When the school wants to use the multi-purpose auditorium/ library, the rolling bookcases are moved to the basement, and the library has to close for the rest of the day. Two cafeterias at Bladensburg High School in Prince Georges County, Maryland were recently closed because they were infested with mice and roaches. A teacher commented, ``It's disgusting. It causes chaos when the mice run around the room.'' At an elementary school in Montgomery, Alabama, a ceiling which had been damaged by leaking water collapsed only 40 minutes after the children had left for the day. Most of Los Angeles' school buildings are 30 to 70 years old. Enrollment rose from 539,000 in 1980 to 691,000 in 1998, an increase of 28 percent. District officials expect an additional 50,000 students over the next five years. In Detroit, Michigan, over half--150 of the 263--school buildings were built before 1930. The average age is 61 years old, and some date to the 1800's. Detroit estimates that the city has $5 billion in unmet repair and new construction needs. Detroit voters approved a $1.5 billion, 15-year school construction program, but it's not enough. New York City school enrollment has grown by 100,000 students, to a total of 1,083,000 since 1990. School officials expect up to an additional 90,000 students by 2004. P.S. 7 was built for 530 students, but 1,048 students are now enrolled. P.S. 108 was built for 280 students, however 808 students are now enrolled. New York City education officials have identified $7.5 billion in building needs. Schools across the country are struggling to meet needs such as these, but they can't do it alone. The federal government should join with state and local governments and community organizations to ensure that all children have the opportunity for a good education in a safe and up-to-date school building. Children need and deserve a good education in order to succeed in life. But they cannot obtain that education if school roofs are falling down around them, if sewage is backing up through faulty plumbing, if asbestos is flaking off the walls and ceilings, if schools lack computers and modern technology and classrooms are overcrowded. We need to help states and communities rebuild their crumbling schools, modernize old buildings, and expand facilities to accommodate reduced class sizes. I urge my colleagues to support Senator Harkin's 21st Century Modernization Act. The time is now to do all we can to rebuild and modernize public schools, so that all children can learn in safe, well- equipped facilities.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, it is a privilege to join Senator Abraham as a sponsor of the INS Reform and Border Security Act. This legislation will remedy many of the problems that currently plague the Immigration and Naturalization Service. It will ensure strong enforcement of our immigration laws, and also ensure that immigration and citizenship services are provided expeditiously and with greater respect for dignity of those who benefit from these services. These two missions--enforcement and services--are equally important. Both are suffering under the current INS structure. The services are in especially dire straits. Over two million would-be US citizens are now trapped in an INS backlog. Individuals languish for years waiting for their naturalization and permanent resident applications to be processed. Files are lost. Fingerprints go stale. Courteous behavior is too often the exception, rather than the rule. Application fees continue to increase--yet poor service and long delays continue as well. On the enforcement side, the immigration laws are being applied inconsistently. Detention and parole policies and procedures vary widely from district to district. All too frequently, national priorities and directives are ignored at the district level. Many of these problems are not new. During Commissioner Doris Meissner's impressive tenure, the INS has made significant progress in trying to address the agency's problems. She has done an excellent job under the current structure. But, that structure has proven to be unworkable. The goal of INS Reform and Border Security Act is to put the INS house in order. It will untangle the overlapping and often confusing organizational structure of the agency and replace it with two clear chains of command--one for enforcement and the other for services. These two equally important divisions will report, through their respective directors, to an Associate Attorney General who will head the Immigration Affairs Agency. This shared central authority over the two branches will ensure a uniform and harmonious immigration policy. Coordination of the two branches is imperative for the efficient functioning of the agency, and for maintaining a coherent immigration policy. There is strong bipartisan agreement that the INS must be reformed. But restructuring must be done right. Successful reform must separate the enforcement and service functions while maintaining a strong central authority for uniform policy-making, clear accountability, and fiscal responsibility. The INS Reform and Border Security Act accomplishes these aims. The new immigration will be a major improvement over the current INS. I urge my colleagues to join in supporting the INS Reform and Border Security Act.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I commend Senator Reed for introducing this important legislation. I am proud to co-sponsor this bill to ensure that parents have a stronger role in the education of their children. The first and most important teachers in children's lives are their parents. It is parents who help children begin learning about the world. It is parents who provide motivation and encouragement for academic success. And it is parents who provide indispensable lessons of character. The central role that parents play in the lives of their children requires strong parental involvement in education. Involving parents in education increases the achievement of all students. Research has repeatedly shown that a child with an involved parent is more likely to attend school regularly, is less likely to engage in violence or substance abuse, and will do better academically and on standardized tests. These fundamental principles apply without regard to the economic status or ethnic background of the parents. Parental involvement is also a vital part of a child's literacy. Children excel in reading when reading is a regular part of their early education. Students who have a greater array of reading material in the home have higher reading achievement. We know that increased parental involvement works. In Worcester, the Belmont Community School has instituted a school-wide reading initiative called ``Books and Beyond,'' which is helping children improve their reading skills and encourage their desire to read. Its success is largely due to special workshops and classes for parents, which emphasizes parental involvement, adult literacy training, and strong parent-school partnerships. The Hueco Elementary School in El Paso, Texas, supports parent involvement in a number of ways. It offers parenting classes throughout the year, including training for parents to support learning at home. It works to increase communication with parents through a Parent Communication Council that meets monthly. Hueco has also hired a successful parent coordinator to help teachers involve parents. This effort has paid off. Now parents have a strong role in the school. They participate in classroom instruction, and they are able to improve their own education. Average attendance has risen to 97 percent. Students whose parents attend workshops and participate in other activities have more success in school and fewer disciplinary problems. The federal government has a responsibility to be part of the effort to enhance parental involvement. The legislation we are introducing will help states and school districts to create strong ties with parents. It strengthens parental involvement programs in Title I, and encourages schools to use proven techniques for helping teachers and parents work together. It also provides support for connecting schools and parents through technology, and it increases the role of parents in the Safe and Drug-Free Schools and Communities program. Strong parent involvement will help ensure strong schools. We should do all we can to make sure that federal support for improving public schools provides a strong role for parents. By doing so, we help create the brighter future that all the nation's children deserve.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I strongly support the nomination of Richard Holbrooke to be America's Ambassador to the United Nations, and I am pleased that the Congressional delay in reaching this vote has finally ended. Richard Holbrooke has a long and distinguished record of public service and is an outstanding diplomat. He clearly has the necessary experience, background, and skills to ably represent America's interests at the United Nations. Richard Holbrooke has served with great distinction in many previous capacities, and all of us who know him have great respect for his ability and judgement. He has served as the President's Special Envoy to Cyprus, as Assistant Secretary of State for European and Canadian Affairs, as U.S. Ambassador to Germany, as Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, and as a Peace Corps Director in Morocco. Of his many extraordinary accomplishments, he is best known for his skillful work in presiding over the long and difficult negotiations to achieve the Dayton Peace Accords in 1995, which ended the war in Bosnia. The United Nations is a complex institution involving many international interests, and I'm confident that Richard Holbrooke will represent our country well. Our representative must be an exceptional negotiator. Richard Holbrooke is a skilled negotiator with the ability to articulate clearly our country's ideals and persuade other members of the international community to support these ideals as well. He's an outstanding choice for this very important foreign policy position, and I'm proud to express my strong support.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, it is a privilege to join Senator Abraham as a sponsor of the INS Reform and Border Security Act. This legislation will remedy many of the problems that currently plague the Immigration and Naturalization Service. It will ensure strong enforcement of our immigration laws, and also ensure that immigration and citizenship services are provided expeditiously and with greater respect for dignity of those who benefit from these services. These two missions--enforcement and services--are equally important. Both are suffering under the current INS structure. The services are in especially dire straits. Over two million would-be US citizens are now trapped in an INS backlog. Individuals languish for years waiting for their naturalization and permanent resident applications to be processed. Files are lost. Fingerprints go stale. Courteous behavior is too often the exception, rather than the rule. Application fees continue to increase--yet poor service and long delays continue as well. On the enforcement side, the immigration laws are being applied inconsistently. Detention and parole policies and procedures vary widely from district to district. All too frequently, national priorities and directives are ignored at the district level. Many of these problems are not new. During Commissioner Doris Meissner's impressive tenure, the INS has made significant progress in trying to address the agency's problems. She has done an excellent job under the current structure. But, that structure has proven to be unworkable. The goal of INS Reform and Border Security Act is to put the INS house in order. It will untangle the overlapping and often confusing organizational structure of the agency and replace it with two clear chains of command--one for enforcement and the other for services. These two equally important divisions will report, through their respective directors, to an Associate Attorney General who will head the Immigration Affairs Agency. This shared central authority over the two branches will ensure a uniform and harmonious immigration policy. Coordination of the two branches is imperative for the efficient functioning of the agency, and for maintaining a coherent immigration policy. There is strong bipartisan agreement that the INS must be reformed. But restructuring must be done right. Successful reform must separate the enforcement and service functions while maintaining a strong central authority for uniform policy-making, clear accountability, and fiscal responsibility. The INS Reform and Border Security Act accomplishes these aims. The new immigration will be a major improvement over the current INS. I urge my colleagues to join in supporting the INS Reform and Border Security Act.

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I strongly support this proposal to invest more in rebuilding and modernizing the nation's schools. I commend Senator Harkin for his leadership on this issue, and I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, which is necessary to help the nation meet the critical need to modernize and rebuild crumbling and overcrowded schools. Schools, communities, and governments at every level have to do more to improve student achievement. Schools need smaller classes, particular in the early grades. They need stronger parent involvement. They need well-trained teachers in the classroom who keep up with current developments in their field and the best teaching practices. They need after-school instruction for students who need extra help, and after-school programs to engage students in constructive activities. They need safe, modern facilities with up-to-date technology. But, all of these reforms will be undermined if facilities are inadequate. Sending children to dilapidated, overcrowded facilities sends a message to these children. It tells them they don't matter. No CEO would tolerate a leaky ceiling in the board room, and no teacher should have to tolerate it in the classroom. We need to do all we can to ensure that children are learning in safe, modern buildings. I am also pleased to be a cosponsor of Senator Robb's Public School Modernization and Overcrowding Relief Act, which provides tax incentives to rebuild and modernize schools. Senator Harkin's bill is a necessary complement to that legislation. Although tax incentives are an important way to meet the nation's critical school infrastructure needs, they do not meet the needs of all communities. The neediest communities need our direct support--and they need it now. Senator Harkin's legislation authorizes discretionary funds to help local school districts and states repair, renovate, and rebuild crumbling public schools. It provides targeted discretionary grants to public schools that have major needs. To do so, it creates a revolving loan fund at the state level, which would provide low-interest or no- interest loans to repair existing schools or construct new facilities. The legislation will also provide a grant to help local school districts in the planning and design of new facilities that would include input from parents, teachers, and the community. Nearly one third of all public schools are more than 50 years old. 14 million children in a third of the nation's schools are learning in substandard buildings. Half of all schools have at least one unsatisfactory environmental condition. The problems with ailing school buildings aren't the problems of the inner city alone. They exist in almost every community, urban, rural, or suburban. In addition to modernizing and renovating dilapidated schools, communities need to build new schools in order to keep pace with rising enrollments and to reduce class sizes. Elementary and secondary school enrollment has reached an all-time high again this year of 53 million students, and will continue to grow. The Department of Education estimates that 2,400 new public schools will be needed by 2003 to accommodate rising enrollments. The General Accounting Office estimates that it will cost communities $112 billion to repair and modernize the nation's schools. Congress should lend a helping hand and do all we can to help schools and communities across the country meet this challenge. In Massachusetts, 41 percent of schools report that at least one building needs extensive repairs or should be replaced. 80 percent of schools report at least one unsatisfactory environmental factor. 48 percent have inadequate heating, ventilation, or air conditioning. And 36 percent report inadequate plumbing systems. Last year, I visited Everett Elementary School in Dorchester. The school is experiencing serious overcrowding. The average class size is 28 students. The principal of the school gave up her office and moved into a closet in the hall in order to help accommodate rising enrollment. When the school wants to use the multi-purpose auditorium/ library, the rolling bookcases are moved to the basement, and the library has to close for the rest of the day. Two cafeterias at Bladensburg High School in Prince Georges County, Maryland were recently closed because they were infested with mice and roaches. A teacher commented, ``It's disgusting. It causes chaos when the mice run around the room.'' At an elementary school in Montgomery, Alabama, a ceiling which had been damaged by leaking water collapsed only 40 minutes after the children had left for the day. Most of Los Angeles' school buildings are 30 to 70 years old. Enrollment rose from 539,000 in 1980 to 691,000 in 1998, an increase of 28 percent. District officials expect an additional 50,000 students over the next five years. In Detroit, Michigan, over half--150 of the 263--school buildings were built before 1930. The average age is 61 years old, and some date to the 1800's. Detroit estimates that the city has $5 billion in unmet repair and new construction needs. Detroit voters approved a $1.5 billion, 15-year school construction program, but it's not enough. New York City school enrollment has grown by 100,000 students, to a total of 1,083,000 since 1990. School officials expect up to an additional 90,000 students by 2004. P.S. 7 was built for 530 students, but 1,048 students are now enrolled. P.S. 108 was built for 280 students, however 808 students are now enrolled. New York City education officials have identified $7.5 billion in building needs. Schools across the country are struggling to meet needs such as these, but they can't do it alone. The federal government should join with state and local governments and community organizations to ensure that all children have the opportunity for a good education in a safe and up-to-date school building. Children need and deserve a good education in order to succeed in life. But they cannot obtain that education if school roofs are falling down around them, if sewage is backing up through faulty plumbing, if asbestos is flaking off the walls and ceilings, if schools lack computers and modern technology and classrooms are overcrowded. We need to help states and communities rebuild their crumbling schools, modernize old buildings, and expand facilities to accommodate reduced class sizes. I urge my colleagues to support Senator Harkin's 21st Century Modernization Act. The time is now to do all we can to rebuild and modernize public schools, so that all children can learn in safe, well- equipped facilities.

Mr. KENNEDY

Mr. KENNEDY. Mr. President, I welcome the opportunity to join Senator Gorton and many other distinguished colleagues as a sponsor of the Advancement in Pediatric Autism Research Act. Autism is a heartbreaking disorder that strikes at the core of family relationships. We need to do all we can to understand the causes of autism in order to learn how to treat this tragic condition more effectively, and ultimately to prevent it. I want to commend Senator Gorton, the Cure Autism Now Foundation, and the many organizations and families in Massachusetts for their impressive leadership in dealing with this important cause of disability in children. In this age of such extraordinary progress on preventing, treating and curing so many other serious and debilitating illnesses, we cannot afford to miss this unique opportunity for progress against autism as well. Clearly, we can do more to provide support for children and families who face the tragedy of autism. At the same time, I am concerned about certain provisions in the proposed legislation which could inadvertently cause harm to children with autism and to our system of funding research. One provision allows use of NIH funds for health care and other services that ``will facilitate the participation'' in research. We must be clear that research dollars should be used only to cover costs that are required to carry out research. Insurance providers should never be able to use participation in research as an excuse to avoid paying for medically necessary health care. In addition, we must be especially careful to protect vulnerable children and families from situations in which financial incentives could affect decisions about participation in research. I am confident that we can work together to address such issues as the bill moves through Congress. I look forward to working with my colleagues, with the advocacy organizations and with familes to enact the best possible measure to bring hope to the lives of these very special children.