John Kerry

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, this is a critical moment for Kyrgyzstan's democratic transition. On June 27, 2010, the people of Kyrgyzstan took to the polls to adopt a new constitution for their country. The vote sent a powerful message to the region and to the world: that democracy is an idea whose appeal transcends ethnic divides. Kyrgyzstan's President, Roza Otunbayeva, deserves enormous credit for orchestrating the transition to democratic rule after the deadly interethnic clashes of last summer. Since that tumultuous period, President Otunbayeva has overseen the first free and truly democratic parliamentary elections in central Asia. She has made it a priority to strengthen the rule of law, and she has moved to create a government that is increasingly responsive to the needs of all its citizens, regardless of ethnicity. Kyrgyzstan today stands at a crossroads. Its people have expressed the desire to live in an open, free, and just society. Over the past year, we have witnessed some progress toward that goal, with credible parliamentary elections in October, the formation of a government in December, and a more vibrant media and political debate. But let's be clear: Kyrgyzstan's democratic experiment faces considerable challenges. Three, in particular, threaten the aspirations that powered last year's historic vote. First, Kyrgyzstan's coalition government is beset by infighting. The task of rebuilding the country after the turmoil of the past year is daunting. But the challenges should also inspire a sense of common purpose. Upcoming Presidential elections in the fall present an opportune moment for Kyrgyzstan's leadership to articulate a political compact that unites the diverse elements of its society. Second, the country's fractious political environment has impeded efforts to combat organized crime and corruption. Rampant crime has heightened the sense of insecurity among citizens, created an unfavorable climate for business, and slowed economic growth. To the government's credit, over 90 members of organized criminal groups are now behind bars. But much work remains to be done to reform Kyrgyzstan's judicial system and strengthen controls over its borders. The United States can play a constructive role by providing financial support and technical expertise. We must also speak out forcefully for evenhandedness in the prosecution of cases related to last year's violence. Guaranteeing justice and equality before the law would go a long way toward alleviating interethnic tensions. Finally, Kyrgyzstan must deal with the underlying causes of last year's violence. Reconciliation initiatives have been slow to get off the ground. And tensions between ethnic Kyrgyz and Uzbek communities continue to fester. Mr. President, Kyrgyzstan is a multi-ethnic state. Its diversity is a source of strength. But too often, opportunistic actors have exploited ethnicity to settle scores, acquire resources, and reclaim land in the fertile plains of the Ferghana valley. Last June, Senator Lugar and I authored a resolution on Kyrgyzstan calling for a full and fair investigation into the violence. The recently released report of the Kyrgyzstan Inquiry Commission is a welcome contribution to this debate, and I hope that all parties will give serious consideration to its findings. The United States has committed over $28 million for projects that will support reconciliation in Kyrgyzstan. A portion of these funds will engage civil society to increase links between Kyrgyz and Uzbek communities. U.S. assistance will also support implementation of the recommendations contained in the inquiry commission's report. Going forward, we must continually look for ways to bring Kyrgyz and Uzbeks together through economic and community-based initiatives. I harbor no illusions about the road ahead. Indeed, no experiment-- democratic or otherwise--has been without its fair share of setbacks. But I remain confident that the people of Kyrgyzstan will seize this moment and advance the cause of democracy for the benefit of their country, the region, and the world.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, any of us who have been in public life have learned--sometimes the hard way--the virtues of something our late colleague Ted Kennedy believed was a secret to success particularly in the U.S. Senate, which is the importance of taking our work seriously but not taking ourselves too seriously. We still miss the booming laughter of Ted Kennedy that seems still today to echo through the Democratic cloakroom. It was a trait Ted shared with his brother, President Kennedy, whose quick wit is still celebrated today, the self-deprecating humor which summarized his World War II exploits on PT 109--``they sank my ship''--and described the joys of the Presidency--``the pay is good and I can walk to work''--which too often is missing in a modern day Washington where self-importance can sometimes trump the important work to be done. As President Kennedy himself once said, ``There are three things which are real; God, Human Folly and Laughter. The first two are beyond our comprehension so we must do what we can with the third.'' A sense of humor is not genetic, but apparently in the Kennedy family it can be inherited. In President Kennedy's grandson, Jack Schlossberg, this quality seems to abide. I got to know Jack well when he spent time here in the Senate both as a page and as an intern in my office. It was a difficult time for the Kennedy family when Teddy himself couldn't be here as he was battling illness, but Ted enjoyed very much the stories he heard and the photos he cherished of his great-nephew hard at work in the Senate Ted loved. When Jack wasn't busy with his page duties, particularly during the late night votes when in previous years Teddy himself would have been found regaling his colleagues with stories and laughs, I enjoyed hearing from Jack about all the lessons he had learned from his uncle. One of those lessons--the importance of humor--was clearly taken to heart by young Jack--something I learned last week reading Jack's valedictory address this month to his classmates at the Collegiate School and delivered his speech as valedictorian. Jack's speech is flavored with all the inside jokes that will forever be the shorthand history of the 13 years he and most of his classmates spent at Collegiate--the cello body slam, the sumo wrestler videos, the ballad of Bubba Grandoo, when Carlo broke the silence--all the absurdity and antics of years fully enjoyed while learning. Jack's speech is also defined by a deep understanding of what holds real value in this life-- teachers who care, friends who share, parents who love--truths that Jack and his classmates will surely carry in the years ahead after graduating from Collegiate. Mr. President, particularly for all of us who know it is important to stop and laugh from time to time, Jack's speech really is required reading, and I would like to have printed in the Record, with congratulations to Jack, and the knowledge that Teddy's booming laughter could be heard echoing all over heaven following along with every word. The information follows. Commencement Address (By Jack Schlossberg) Faculty, parents, students, esteemed guests, present clergy, Mr. Rosenthal, I thank you for your warm welcome and for being here today. I wanted to discuss my time at Collegiate and my class, but this is neither the time nor the place. But really, it is with great honor that I make my speech as your valedictorian, looks like my hard work paid off. I want to begin with our teachers. My class would not be sitting here, heading to the fantastic places we're going next year, without our teachers. The curiosity, the energy, the devotion . . . the tolerance that you bring to this school is what makes it so great . . . Doctor Clarke and Mrs. Heard taught us history and her story. Doctor Bresnick, Mrs. Beresford and Mrs. Hansen have introduced us to characters and explored philosophy. Mrs. Foley has taught us, well actually on the smart kids, how to understand things that I never will, and Dr. Sigismondi has brought us to appreciate the high levels math has to offer. We also thank the maintenance staff and those administrators who make our school run smoothly despite the mess we make. We understand that we do not come by the strength and unity of our school by ourselves. Our teachers encourage us just as much as we encourage each other to--get weird. In what other school, I ask you, could El Hajj and Todd Layton be clapped offstage for no apparent reason? The things we say at Friday night games would not be tolerated on any TV show or in any public venue. We're able to act this way because our teachers love us no matter what. And, although some are more lenient than others, Hola Senor, each teacher entertains our absurdity because they understand how important it is for us to have the freedom to be ourselves. Sometimes we go too far, Hola Mrs. Aidoo, and for this we apologize, but we are grateful for all the love and support of our antics. On a different note, Collegiate has provided me with something truly irreplaceable: a second set of parents, and a third, and a fourth, and a fifth, and I think this is true for all of us. While my mother and father provide me with more than enough parenting, who wouldn't want 54 other sets of parents watching over their every single move? You, the Collegiate parents, are what make this day possible. You have you each raised one of the greatest children of all time, you have dealt with all of us during the most stressful times of our lives, you have helped each other through hardships, you have taught us so much of what we know; we can only hope to grow up to be nothing like you. Surprisingly, now I would like to say a few words about my class. For many of us, Collegiate has been our life since the age of 5. That's 13 years, or 91 in dog years, looking at you Bresnick, you dog--probably the longest time most of us will ever stay in one place. So condense with me, if you will, those thirteen years into a time span of but a week here at school. On Monday morning, under this standard, we arrived at school, some of us potty trained, and some of us not quite there, Spazznick you dog, and began our Collegiate careers. Things started fast that Monday morning. Star Sawyer introduced us all to the language of love. Abby Newlan renamed Pinsky, ``Mikey'' but was soon left due to a job opening at Oprah's famed girls school in South Africa. Wait, no, wrong joke. K1 ran train on K2, a trend that has since continued. And that afternoon, after nap time, we entered First grade. Sadly, Eliot Snyder overslept and missed moving up day. Under the reign of Beth Tashlik, our serious academia began. We counted and estimated the number of peanut M&M's in a jar, getting our first proverbial nut. Then, Mrs. Hutchinson met Andrew Newhouse, and it took her less than a month to literally ``hit the roof'' after his contagious laughter got the better of our entire grade in an assembly featuring several videos of sumo wrestlers. That afternoon we went home, entirely unsuspecting of the rude awakening Tuesday morning and Second grade would bring us. Second grade was a roller coaster of a year, let me tell you. I had my first kiss, and no, not with Martha Miasaka as the legend suggests, instead it came from the wonder from down under, Mrs. Brydon on Kissmiss eve. We went on ``mini- trips'' and hit all New York's hotspots. Some went to the Statue of Liberty; some went to Dannie and Eddies, and some to the Empire State building. We also got our first new kid, a great addition to our grade, William Janover. But, it wasn't all fun and games. We learned to write cursive, which none of us can still do, and we lost some real good men out there: Drew Glicker and Spensor Ong left Collegiate for the greener pastures of . . . God knows where. We then went to lunch in the third floor cafeteria, came upstairs, and were wonderfully surprised with what the lower school handed us: Mrs. Dopp, Mrs. McCauley, Mrs. Thompson and Mrs. Mullis taught us 3rd grade. All were great, but only one gave Doug Gleicher the finger. We learned our times tables and got separated into reading groups. During music, Chris Cargill was crowned our major-minor king, but was soon usurped by his twin, the evil Courtland. By the end of Tuesday, we were the seniors of the lower school. I finally had final cut on my Iktome story, and Abowitz couldn't do a thing about it. Science got interesting when Mr. Duarte mixed one of his own pellets in with the owls'. Oddly enough, that group still found a mouse's skeleton. On Wednesday, we were thrown into the world of Tashjinian metaphors: the Canada Goose, the Pythagorean theorem, Phil the Lobsterman, and the Purple Cabbage provided us all with limitless inspiration. Needless to say, things were different in 5th grade. We were at the mercy of a new set of teachers. We were asked to turn in homework. We got four new kids, four studs, Ola, Darien, Adam, and Billy Janover. We almost got one more, but instead we were left with the four first names that still make our fingers tingle: Aaron Ashley Marshall Bob. We then began 6th grade and had a ball. Rolling Thunder Heard our Cry when we were forced to spend three days with the George Jackson School on a wilderness trip. May Mandeep Singh rest in peace. And, in the funniest memory I have of Collegiate, David Wilks body slammed a cello, I kid you not. David felt badly, but Mr. Lastraps kindly turned his blind eye to the wreckage. Many of us became men on Wednesday afternoon, as Bar Mitzvah season quickly changed our lives. At the time, I was not built for the hora. A portly young man with a sweet tooth, I had trouble with the chocolate fountains, the neckties, and the dance floor. Many of you felt my pain, looking at you Jeff Wilks, but others capitalized on it. Nissan moved well to hip-hop and Lynfield was built for slow songs. Still, I danced with a few cuties on those fine evenings, and all too often the party went from 6 all the way to midnight. Things got even crazier during school, we had sports teams and final exams. I never got above a B in either. Plus, no one felt safe in the lunch room, as Henri MacArthur's ridicule knew no bounds. Finally, Wednesday afternoon and 8th grade provided our first taste of entitlement. We didn't get away with much though, as Ms. Bell made men of us boys. By then Alvin, Will Grant, Yuri David Yan and Bill Janover had joined us due to the gigantic void left by Cary Jones. Alvin and Grant sang us the ballad of Bubba Grandoo, at first this and their other songs seemed impressive, but later we found out they stole all but the nonsensical lyrics from Madonna. The other two were even more controversial. Yan took away Sam Bresnick's only claim to fame: height. And Yuri made us all look like morons. Hump day had passed and when a new day dawned, 9th grade slapped us all across the face. Along with 11 new kids, William included, Mrs. Hansen joined our grade in entering the Upper School, and she loved everything about us from day 1. Things definitely changed for us, grades started to matter, which gave Mr. Rubin way too much leverage. The work was more demanding, but our classes and teachers were more dynamic. Yes, Biology and Mr. Wong intrigued us all, but you all know that's not what I'm talking about. I'm talking about our Geometry teacher, whose name I am not permitted to say. I cannot begin to describe him to younger grades, I dare not make fun of his table manners, teaching style, physique or general disposition in front of his colleagues, and uncovering the truth behind he and Dustin Satloff's SatBat contract may require legal action. So, I decided it best to leave him out entirely. Some things didn't change though. Maybe it was something in the water, or maybe it was the fertility pills hidden in the Muenster bagels, but French teachers came and went like they had since Middle School. And even though school took over my entire life starting Thursday morning, I truly believe it was the start of a great four years, an endeavor that improved and matured us all. There was a fire drill on Thursday afternoon. That was 10th grade. TGIF had a whole new meaning as Junior year began. You all remember the constant work, the SAT prep, and the terrors of applying to College looming at all times. If it weren't for the constant influx of cheerful show tunes from Dr. Maglione I doubt I would have made it through the year. But we all did make it through, and we came out much stronger than we went in. We learned a lot about each other and our grade came together, especially after our trip to Shelter Island. In fact, I think the 4 time champion Collegiate Basketball team owes a lot to Shelter Island and to Matt Roth. Finally, Friday nights were filled with spirits, spirits that cheered our team to victory. Friday afternoon was our turn to show Collegiate what we were made of. With Nissan at the helm, we made use of our final year. At first though, our future was uncertain. Overwhelmed with College apps, we rarely made time for fun or games. Some just couldn't take the stress. After his year of fine women and tanning, Jamie broke out in hives upon his first glance at the common app. But we all calmed down after a while. We slowly recuperated and got back to our roots. We cared and we shared. Cared about each other, and if you're Jesse, shared Taxis with girls. We then emerged as a talented bunch. The debate team, with outstanding speaker Hunter Ford competed valiantly at Yale and the Science Olympiads made states and traveled to West Point. Eric Judge finally decided to get a freakin' job and the basketball team made us all so proud when they brought back a 4th consecutive championship. And finally, let us not forget, we produced Upper West: the duo that has been called Sultry meets Punk meets Rap meets Techtonique meets . . . Dub Step meets Flogenic meets a lot of criticism. To top it off, one more extraordinary thing happened, joking aside. When Carlo broke the silence last year, I thought I'd never see something more moving or inspirational. This is not something to be overlooked. It is rare. It is powerful. It is a testament both to the strength of Carlo and of our entire school. We hope we've risen to the occasion, and we thank you for your example. I never thought we would be seniors, and certainly never imagined we would graduate, not because we're not smart-- we're geniuses, and not because we're bad people--we're saints, but because 2011 was always the year that was miles away. That brings us to this moment, Friday afternoon of our final day at school. Collegiate has made us who we are today, and we will strive to live by the values we learned here. We leave Collegiate with the hopes of a fun weekend ahead--a weekend that should last the rest of our lives. Thank you.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, the resolution states that Congress opposes the use of forces on the ground in Libya, except in the exceptional case where they might be needed for the immediate personal defense of U.S. government officials or for rescuing a member of the NATO forces from imminent danger. Those are the only circumstances in which it might be contemplated. The intent of this resolution is to authorize only the very limited mission--the continuation of the very limited mission--in Libya that is a support role, and that does not include the use of U.S. ground forces.

Mr. KERRY. I agree.

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, the Senator from California is correct.

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I wish to begin by thanking the Senator from Illinois, and I thank him for his generous comments. Much more important to this effort, I thank him for the serious and entirely appropriate consideration he has given this very important issue. He has been a leader in our caucus on making certain the Constitution, which he read from and cited, has been properly adhered to and lived up to by this body, which is our solemn responsibility. After all, we all take an oath when we are sworn in to promise to uphold it. That is first and foremost. This tension that has existed, as he rightly points out, going back to the Vietnam war, is real. President after President has declared that they simply believe the law is unconstitutional, and they don't follow it. President Obama, to his credit, has not asserted that. He has, in fact, written a letter to the Congress in which he said he would not assert that but, rather, he asked us for the appropriate authorization. He did that, I might add, before the 60 days that expired. So it is up to us to be responsible and to do our duty. I thank Senator Durbin for the careful way in which he has taken the past slippages or problems, whether inadvertent or advertent, that have followed the War Powers Act through its history, and we have either seen the law not applied or simply ignored. He has been diligent in insisting we have a responsibility we need to live up to. Together with Senator Cardin, they have been important voices in helping to structure this resolution and together with Senator McCain, Senator Graham, Senator Kyl, and others on the other side of the aisle who have been equally committed to making certain we live up to our responsibilities. This has been a bipartisan effort. That is when the Senate works best. That is when our foreign policy, I might add, is strongest. I hope the Senate will have some impact, perhaps, on the thinking in the House. But no matter what, I hope the Senate will have its opportunity to be able to be heard with respect to this issue. In response to the remarks of the Senator from Illinois, I wish to make it clear that I agree with the statements he has made. It is the clear understanding of the Senate, based on the President's repeated statements, as reflected in the resolution, that U.S. operatives, with respect to Libya operations, will not involve the introduction of ground troops, with the very narrow exception that I cited earlier to the Senator from California with respect to rescue or grievous, immediate danger to American Government officials--not military but government officials. That language is very carefully structured in the resolution, where in section 2(a) it says: The President is authorized to continue [by virtue of raising the word ``continue,'' we are embracing the current status] the limited use of the United States Armed Forces in Libya, in support of U.S. national security policy interests, as part of the NATO mission to enforce United Nations Security Council resolution 1973, as requested by the Transitional National Council, the Gulf Cooperation Council, and the Arab League. This resolution simply authorizes the President to continue the limited support operations in which we are currently engaged in Libya. I think the resolution is explicit about what it entails, just as I think it is explicit about what it does not entail. The second to last whereas clause quotes the President in his letter to the Senate leadership on May 20 as describing exactly what we are doing in Libya: ``Since April 4, U.S. participation has consisted of: (1) Non-kinetic support to the NATO-led operation, including intelligence, logistical support, and search and rescue assistance; (2) aircraft that have assisted in the suppression and destruction of air defenses in support of the no-fly zone; and (3) since April 23, precision strikes by unmanned aerial vehicles against a limited set of clearly defined targets in support of the NATO-led coalition's efforts;'' Listen to those words: Non-kinetic support of the NATO operation and support of the no-fly zone. Folks, we are not in the lead here--we are playing a supporting role to the NATO mission that is being led by the British and French. And there is obviously no mention of ground troops in that description of the U.S. role, because the President has been crystal clear that there are not--and will not--be U.S. ground troops deployed in Libya. But just so there is not the shadow of doubt on this point, the resolution quotes the President from his March 18 address as saying that: The United States ``is not going to deploy ground troops into Libya.'' And the Senator from Illinois rightly points out, the President made the same point in an address to the Nation on March 28, saying that ``we would not put ground troops into Libya.'' Finally, the materials provided by the administration last week unequivocally reiterated this position, saying ``As President Obama has clearly stated, our contributions do not include deploying U.S. military ground forces into Libya, with the exception of personnel recovery operations as may be necessary.'' So I think it should be absolutely clear to Senators that is the limited use of U.S. Armed Forces--with no involvement of ground troops, except in clearly defined circumstances--that the President authorized to continue under this resolution. And moreover, it should be absolutely clear that the President has no intention whatsoever of putting ground troops into Libya. But in fact, the resolution actually goes further in reinforcing this point in section 3, which is entitled: Opposition, to the Use of United States Ground Troops. It reads: (a) Consistent with the policy and statements of the President of the United States, the Senate does not support deploying, establishing or maintaining the presence of units and members of the United States Armed Forces on the ground in Libya unless the purpose of the presence is limited to the immediate personal defense of United States Government officials (including diplomatic representatives) or to rescuing members of NATO forces from imminent danger. So I appreciate the opportunity to make sure Senators are clear on my understanding of what is being authorized here. Unless the Senator has additional questions, I think we are crystal clear about what the resolution says.

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I be permitted to speak as in morning business.

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, yesterday Senator McCain and I introduced a resolution with respect to our engagement in a support role in Libya. I think the majority leader is making a determination about exactly when the Senate might consider this. But a number of colleagues on our side have sort of expressed some questions about it, and because of those questions, I thought it was important that we clarify for the record, as Senators consider this over the course of the next days, the answers to their questions. With that in mind, I am happy to engage in a colloquy now with both the Senator from California, Mrs. Boxer, and the Senator from Illinois, Mr. Durbin. I think Senator Boxer wishes to lead off.

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I would say to the Senator from California, first of all, I am very appreciative for her generous comments at the beginning of this colloquy. I thank her. I thank her for her support and involvement on the committee, which is critical. Secondly, I fully understand and am very sympathetic with the concerns of a lot of Senators, given our engagement in Afghanistan, Pakistan, the Middle East, Yemen, Africa, and elsewhere. People are deeply concerned about the question of where we are heading. So I would answer her question very directly with respect to the authorization. Unequivocally, this resolution does not authorize ground troops with respect to Libya operations. There is no affirmative language in this resolution authorizing the use of U.S. ground forces.

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I thank the Chair and, for the purpose of my colleagues, I will say we will wrap up very quickly. Again, I think I said it earlier, but I want to thank the Senator from Maryland, whose thoughtful involvement in this and his leadership in the caucus has been critical to helping us build a consensus. He heads up our Helsinki Commission, travels himself significantly in the cause of human rights and carrying America's flag with respect to that, and I think he does a superb job. So I am grateful to him for his cosponsorship together with Senator Durbin in this initiative, and my hope is the Senate will be able to proceed to this relatively rapidly. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. KERRY. I thank the Chair. Mr. President, I wish to thank the Senator from Arizona for his important and courageous comments that run counter to the political currents of the day, some of which have been expressed in the other body and elsewhere. I thank him for thinking about the strategic interests of the country ahead of some of the political interests with respect to the next election. There have been many occasions when this body has behaved very differently when a President, either Republican or Democrat, has engaged American forces in one way or another without authorization within that 60-day--or even outside of the 60-day--parameter of the War Powers Act. The fact is, we have had a number of military actions-- Panama, Libya in 1986, Grenada in 1983, Iran in 1980, Haiti in 1993, the Persian Gulf in 1987 to 1988, Lebanon in 1982, and then subsequently Kosovo in 1999, Bosnia in 1992, Somalia in 1992--which didn't have this fight about authorization. In fact, only Iraq in 2003, Afghanistan in 2001, and Iraq in 1990 were authorized prior to our engagement. The fact is, four of those I mentioned ended before the 60 days had expired, but the others didn't. Bosnia, Kosovo, and Somalia all went beyond 60 days, and the issue was never raised. So I think it is important for us to put this in context, if you will, and to measure some of the realities and the choices we face with respect to Libya today. We will shortly this morning--a little later--be submitting this resolution. It is a bipartisan resolution. Democrats and Republicans are joining together to put in a very limited authorization with respect to our engagement in a support role--not any direct engagement but a support role only--and it is limited to that support role. I am particularly familiar with the debate relating to, and with the War Powers Act itself, over these years because that was a debate that took place specifically in response to the war that Senator McCain and I were both a part of--the Vietnam war. The War Powers Act was a direct reaction to that war which was at that time the longest war in our history, until now--Afghanistan--10 years in duration. Over 58,000 Americans lost their lives, and it spanned several administrations, including Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon. The fact is, as a result of that war in which we never declared war, the Congress wanted to assert its appropriate prerogatives with respect to the declaration of war and the engagement of American forces. So the War Powers Act was passed. The War Powers Act very specifically created this dynamic where the Congress had 60 days to act. The President could deploy troops for a period of 60 days without their action, and if they hadn't acted, the inaction itself would require a President to then withdraw troops. So it didn't actually require the Congress to act, but it created this 60- day period. The fact is, any Member of Congress during those 60 days could bring a resolution to the floor denying the President the right to go forward. Nobody did that in the past 60 days, I am glad to say, and we are now beyond those 60 days. It is not without precedent, incidentally, that we have authorized an action much later. In fact, I think one action was specifically authorized for about a year, and that was the action in Lebanon. About a year after they had landed it was authorized. So we are within days of that in terms of this discussion. Let me read specifically what the War Powers Act says. It says: In the absence of a declaration of war, in any case in which the United States Armed Forces are introduced into hostilities or into situations where imminent involvement in hostilities is clearly indicated by the circumstances. . . . I think the operative words, the critical words, are ``United States Armed Forces are introduced into hostilities.'' Now, one could argue, as people are--there is an article in the Washington Post today, and there are other articles where people are saying: Well, of course we are in hostilities. Hostilities are taking place. Bombs are being dropped. But that is not, in my judgment, even though I support the War Powers Act--and President Obama, incidentally, has supported it here, which is unique from other Presidents--but the fact is, just because hostilities are taking place and we are supporting people engaged in those hostilities does not mean we are ourselves, in fact, introducing troops into hostilities. No American is being shot at. No American troop is on the ground or contemplated being put on the ground. So the mere fact that others are engaged in hostilities and we are supporting them I don't believe automatically triggers what was contemplated in the aftermath of the Vietnam war. Frankly, that is not the principal argument we need to be having. What we need to be doing is looking at the bigger picture. I don't think any country--the United States, the U.N., or any nation--ought to be drawn lightly into any kind of military intervention. I have always argued that. But, in my judgment, there were powerful reasons the United States should have joined in establishing the no-fly zone over Libya and forcing Qadhafi to keep his most potent weapons out of the fight. If we slice through the fog of misinformation and weigh the risks and the benefits alongside our values and our interests, which are always at stake, I think the justification for the President's involvement, for our country's involvement, and for our supporting it are compelling, and I think they are clear. What is happening in the Middle East right now could be the single most important geostrategic shift since the fall of the Berlin Wall. It has profound implications for U.S. expenditures and for U.S. military engagement in other parts of the region. It has significant impact on the threats we will face, on the potential strategic risks for our country, and for our interests in terms of that region. Absent United Nations-NATO resolve, the promise that the prodemocracy movement holds for transforming the Arab world--the whole Arab world-- and all it could mean for the United States in terms of hopes for peace between Israel and Palestine, hopes for a different set of relationships, hopes for restraining Wahabi-ism, hopes for diminishing the levels of religious extremism, hopes for reducing the amount of terrorism--all of those things are contained in this awakening, in this transformation people are trying to achieve. It is an effort which I and others believe would have been crushed if the hopes of the prodemocracy movement were simply ignored and we turned our backs on them. I can't imagine--just think about the consequences. Colonel Qadhafi says: I am going to show no mercy. I am going to go and kill those dogs--dogs--who have risen up and expressed their desire to have fundamental freedoms and rights. He is going to go into Benghazi and he is going to annihilate anybody who is in opposition to him. We already saw him pulling people out of hospital beds. We already saw him attacking women--using rape as a tool of war--dishonoring people in the Muslim world as a consequence for life. We saw what he was doing. Are we really serious that in the wake of the gulf states, in an unprecedented request saying to us: We want your help; in the wake of the Arab League in an unprecedented request asking for U.S. and other Western engagement in their part of the world to stand up for these rights, that we would simply say: Too bad, so sad, go about your business, we have better things to do? The consequences would have been extraordinary. Remember, President Clinton said his greatest regret of his Presidency was he didn't engage in Rwanda and prevent--which we could have done at very low cost--what happened with the genocide in Rwanda. That is his greatest regret. How many Senators have gone to Israel and gone somewhere else in the world and said to people with respect to the Holocaust: Never again; never again. Do the words only apply to one group of people or do the words have meaning in terms of genocide, in terms of wanton killing of innocent people at the hands of a dictator? So what is the cost to us of this great effort? I believe other dictators would have seen the failure to challenge Qadhafi as a complete license to act with impunity against their people at any other place. The vast majority of the protesters in these countries are simply crying out for the opportunity to live a decent life, get a job, provide for a family, have opportunities, and have rights. I think abandoning them would have betrayed not only the people seeking democratic freedoms, but it would have abandoned the core values of our country. And I can hear now--I can hear it. Some of the same people now who are complaining about the President being involved would have been the first people at the barricade complaining about why the United States did not stand up for our values and how feckless the President was that he was not willing to stop a dictator from coming at these innocent people. You can hear it. Everybody in the country knows that is exactly where we would be. Now, why there and not in Syria? A legitimate question. There are different interests and different capacities. The reality is, the Gulf States asked us to come in. The Arab League asked us to come in. And we knew whom we were dealing with with respect to the council and the players. There is a whole set of uncertainties with respect to Syria, even today, that distinguish it both in terms of what we can assert and what we can achieve, and sometimes both in foreign policy and in domestic policy you are limited to what you can achieve and to what is doable in a certain situation. I believe if we had simply turned our backs, as some people are now arguing we ought to do now, which would be the most reckless thing I have ever heard in my life--at a moment where people are actually achieving the goals, where the pressures are mounting, where Qadhafi is less able to maneuver, where his forces have been reduced, where many people in our intelligence community and in the NATO intelligence community are saying there is progress being made and the vice is tightening--that we would suddenly just pull the rug out from under that is extraordinary to me. Snatch--snatch--defeat from the jaws of victory. I believe--I cannot tell you when it might happen, but I am absolutely confident it is going to happen--Qadhafi is finished. Ask the people in the country. Even his own supporters are reacting out of fear. And the truth is, the vice is tightening because every day that goes by, the opposition gets stronger; every day that goes by, he has less ability to manage the affairs of the country itself. I think if we simply send the message the House of Representatives is contemplating today, it would be a moment of infamy, frankly, with respect to the House and with respect to our interests because it would reinforce the all too common misperception on the Arab street that America says one thing and does another. We are already spending billions of dollars in the fight against extremism in many parts of the world. We did not choose this fight. Everybody knows that. It was forced on us, starting with 9/11. To fail to see the opportunity of affirming the courageous demand of millions of disenfranchised young people who had been the greatest recruits for al-Qaida for the extremism, for any of the extremist groups--to not affirm their quest now to try to push back against repression and oppression and to try to open a set of opportunities for themselves for jobs, for respect, for democracy--I think to turn our backs on that would be ignorant, irresponsible, shortsighted, and dangerous for our country. It would ignore our real national security interests, and it would help extend the narrative of resentment toward the United States and much of the West that is rooted in colonialism and furthered by our own invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan. Remember, the pleas for help did not just come from the Libyan rebels. And this is not something we just cooked up here at home with some desire to go get engaged somewhere. It came from the Arab League, which has never before asked for this kind of assistance. It came from the Gulf States, which have never before said to the West: We need your help to come intervene. Even at the hand of their own leader, it seems to me that if we had silently accepted the deaths of Muslims, we would have set back our relations for decades. Instead, by responding and giving the popular uprising a chance to take power, I think the United States and our allies send a message of solidarity with the aspirations of people everywhere, and I believe that will be remembered for generations. The particular nature of the madman who was vowing to ``show no mercy'' to his own people, to his own fellow Muslims, the particular nature of this man, who was going to go after the ``dogs'' who dared to challenge him, and his role in the past, I believe, mandated that we respond. And we responded in a stunningly limited way. I do think our colleagues from New Jersey and New York and other States in New England need to reflect on the fact--they do not really need a reminder, I suspect--that Qadhafi is the man who was behind the bombing of Pan Am 103, claiming the lives of 189 Americans. The intervention in Libya, in my judgment, sends a critical signal to other leaders in the region that they cannot automatically assume they can simply resort to large-scale violence to put down legitimate demands for reform without any consequences. I think U.N. resolve in Libya can have an impact on future calculations. Indeed, I think the leaders of Iran need to pay close attention to the resolve that is exhibited by the international community, and we need to think about that resolve in the context of our interests in Iran. The resolution we will submit--Senator McCain and myself and other Senators--is absolutely not a blank check for the President. Not at all. It is a resolution that authorizes limited use of American forces in a supporting role. I want to emphasize that. There is only an authorization for a supporting role. It says specifically that the Senate does not support the use of ground troops in Libya. The President has stated that is his policy, but we adopt that policy in this resolution. It authorizes the limited use of American forces for a limited duration, and it would expire 1 year from the time of authorization. This resolution envisions action consistent with the letter the President sent to congressional leaders on May 20 in which he specified that the U.S. participation in Libya has consisted of nonkinetic support of the NATO-led operation, including intelligence, logistical support, and search and rescue missions.

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I think I asked for such time as I would use, but I will try to tighten it up. The administration informed Congress last week it does not consider the use of U.S. forces to rise to the level of ``hostilities.'' I have already discussed that. I think there is an important constitutional question here, but it is not a new question. The truth is that Presidents--Democratic and Republican--have undertaken limited military action. I mentioned each of those instances. I think this debate is healthy, but the words we use about it have consequences. They send a message. And I think none of us should send any message to Colonel Qadhafi lightly. The last message any U.S. Senator wants to send, in my judgment, is that all he has to do is wait us out, all he has to do is wait for the Congress--even as the progress is being made and the vice is tightening--because we are divided at home. I believe passage of this resolution would be an important step in showing the country and the rest of the world and particularly showing Muammar Qadhafi that the Congress of the United States and the President of the United States are committed to this critical endeavor. I firmly believe the country is on the strongest footing when the President and the Congress speak with one voice on foreign policy matters. So I hope our colleagues will support this resolution. For 60 years, we have been working to build a cohesive and consistent alliance with our partners in NATO. Many times our military and political leaders have complained that our European allies have not carried their share of the burden; that Americans have paid too high a price in blood and treasure; that we have led while others followed. Earlier this month, Secretary Gates warned that the NATO alliance is at risk because of European penny-pinching and distaste for front-line combat. He said the United States was not going to carry the alliance as a charity case. Well, here is the alliance leading. Here is the alliance doing what we have wanted them to do for years. And here, all of a sudden, are Members of Congress suggesting it is OK to pull the rug out from under that alliance. I think that would really toll the bell for NATO. I believe we need to see the realities of the strategic interests that are on the table and proceed. Will we stand up for our values and our interests at the same time? Will we support the legitimate aspirations of the Libyan people? I think our own security ultimately will be strengthened immeasurably if we can assist them to transition to a democracy. The cost now will be far, far less than the cost in the future if we lose our resolve now. I thank my colleague for his generous allowance of the extra time.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I ask to have printed in the Record the remarks of my friend Donna Brazile at the 20th anniversary celebration for Teen Voices. Teen Voices is a journalism mentoring and leadership development program for teen girls which was founded in Cambridge, MA, and creates publications which reach hundreds of thousands of young women across the world. Donna's words do great justice to what a terrific program Teen Voices is as they celebrate an important milestone, and I believe this occasion deserves special recognition in the Congressional Record. The information follows. Remarks of Donna Brazile, April 14, 2011 Now, Karen, I noticed that as soon as I started speaking you turned the music off. It reminded me of a few weeks ago when I was at the White House--let me start by bringing greetings from President Obama, who's in Chicago tonight. President Obama is having a rally tonight and he wanted to know why I couldn't come to Chicago to introduce him. I said, ``I'm going to be hanging out with Teen Voices and trust me, I want to be in Boston tonight, Mr. President.'' But I was invited a few weeks ago and some of you who are young enough to remember the Motown sounds, the President invited me, and it was one of those weekends when I wanted to see my sisters. I have five sisters. So I said, ``I really need three tickets.'' And he looked at me and said, ``Donna, this is Motown. Stevie Wonder, Smokey Robinson, John Legend, Arthur Rees,'' and the list went on and on and on. So I said, ``Well, alright, then give me four tickets!'' And he said, ``Well I'm only going to give you one ticket. One for yourself, and one for a guest.'' Well, I have six sisters. I mean five of us and you know, my brothers. I said, ``Please give me a couple extra tickets.'' He said, ``Sorry, you know, we have rules. And you cannot get but one ticket.'' So I waited, I called the next week. And they said this was the public liaison office so they gave me one ticket. So I called the political engagement office. I thought, clearly they must have an extra ticket. And they gave me another ticket! So I called my sister, Lisa, and I said, ``Lisa, you can come.'' I already told my older sister she could come. And then I have another sister. She's number--Sheryl, Sheila, Donna--she's number seven! So I said, ``Dmitri, guess what, you can come!'' So there were four Brazile women in the house. So of course, we got there right before the performances. And then they said, ``Well, you all have to go back there.'' And I'm like, ``No, no, no. That's not right. We don't care. Because we're going to dance.'' And of course, they seated us way in the back. But the performers had to come out. So as John Legend came out my sisters were blowing kisses. They didn't want autographs (we're not into autographs from Louisiana). We want hugs. So the Jonas Brothers came out, and I whisper, ``That's Nick Jonas!'' ``What! What! My daughter loves him! Hey baby!'' I said, ``No, this is the White House, you don't do that. This is a dignified place, this place has been here for 200 years.'' And so the night went on and on. And you know, back in the day, for those of you who are a little young, every time a new song came out--we had to twists and we did the jerks. And then with Jackson 5--I want you back, I want you back. So we knew all of the songs. Well, one song came on and of course, this was a rendition of ``Dancing in the Street'' and my sister decided this was her moment to do a dance that I had never seen. And a dance the Secret Service had never seen. So, the reason why, when the music started playing, I just wanted to give you all a warning, if my sisters were here, they would have come up with a song. So it's now like midnight, and I say ``Girls, the President has gone up. I know Stevie Wonder is still here, but we've got to go home, so come on, let's go.'' And my sister goes, ``Ain't no party like a White House party, like a White House party don't stop.'' I said, ``Where'd you all get that?'' And then the Marine Band, who knew the Marine band could actually play jazz tunes, and then she's teaching the Marine Band--``Ain't no party like a White House party, like a White House party don't stop.'' The next day I saw the President, I was at a meeting and I was trying to pretend I didn't know those women. I said, ``I know Mr. President was taped so hopefully you can edit my sisters out.'' Of course, when it was on PBS, they didn't edit us out. Alright, my sisters--I just wanted to let you all know if you go to the White House and decide to hang out for a party or an event just remember--``Ain't no party like a White House party, like a White House party don't stop.'' But . . . I'm chair of the Democratic Party. My dad is 80 years old. I called him and I said, ``Guess what. I'm chair of the Democratic party, one of the oldest political parties in the country.'' He said, ``It's a job.'' I said, ``Well, but it doesn't pay.'' He said, ``Well, that's like most jobs.'' There are some perks and I took advantage of one of them just a night ago. I just want to let everyone know a little bit about it. And you know, some people want a car to drive. Not me. First of all, I want a man dropping me off. So it's bad enough I live one block from the head of the CIA and I have to explain to people who visit me why the cops are outside. I say, ``No, nothing's going on at the house. It's the CI--wait, never mind--it's okay, just come on in, it's alright.'' So no, I don't want a car to drive. That's too tacky, that's not me. I mean, I'm a girl from New Orleans. I can roll. So they say, ``Well, do you want a phone?'' I mean, well, I worked for Al Gore. He created the Internet; of course I want a phone. ``So what do you have?'' ``AT&T.'' ``No, no, no. Dropped service. I'll stick with Verizon.'' And so they start listing all these other things, and I say no letterhead, no business card, no office, no secretary, no assistant. They say, ``Donna, what do you want?'' I say, ``I hear you have tickets for the Easter egg roll.'' And, I want to tell you this story because when I worked for Bill Clinton and Al Gore back in the 1990s, I was involved with the inaugural as well as the campaign. I went into the office one day and they said, ``Donna, what do you want?'' I said, ``All of the leftover tickets.'' Some people didn't make it; they didn't sell all the seats, and so on. So here you have rows of all the dignitaries all in the diplomatic core, all these people from the government, all these people looking good. And then you have rows of little kids. Rows and rows. And that was me. I said, ``Absolutely. I'm going across the bridge to Southeast, Washington D.C., and I am going to give tickets out to kids, who like myself, their parents are not rich. They don't have connections. But one day, one of these kids, one, maybe one, will grow up and become President of the United States.'' And I want to say that I gave them a ticket. I gave them an opportunity. So when President Obama won, and you all know I'm one for tickets--This is not my speech, I'm going to get to my speech. But I just wanted to let everyone know how I roll. And so, this is why, at my age of 51, I have 300 children, don't ask me how I did it. I did it, I got 300, they are really well taken care of, different daddies; it's a long story. But when you've worked on as many campaigns--Karen mentioned my 7 presidential, my 58 congressional, and my 19 state and local campaigns, I worked on campaigns in 48 states. I've lived here twice in my life, 2 more states and I will become Miss USA. I've done a lot of work in my life, okay? I mean, I've worked in Alaska, I was up there. I was in Juneau. I've been to Utah, I've seen the mountains. So I've been all over the place, but I still keep it real. I'm still that little girl, that little girl who grew up poor. To a mother who was a maid, a father who was a janitor. And I was proud of my parents, my parents worked very hard. They wanted us to have everything; they wanted us to have the best of life. Sometimes, they couldn't afford it. But often times, they would put a little away. That's why I tell people I can wait. My mother used to say, ``It's a little away. How fast you need it?'' ``Tomorrow.'' ``Oh, no, no, no. How fast you need it?'' I'd say, ``Okay, next month.'' She'd say, ``Oh, I'll get it out by next month, don't worry.'' And then, my mother, or my father, would go out and work an additional job or longer hours so that we could get what we needed in order to be the people that we are, or the kids that we wanted to be, the grown-ups that we wanted to be as well. But, I would get my tickets, so my kids would come in, and I'd say, ``Hey B.'' And by the way, I used to carry a big purse. Whenever you see my carrying a big purse, I'm coming after some tickets. That's not a bag, that's a ticket basket. And I would walk into (something?) headquarters--you heard the song ``Ain't too proud of the bag.'' I need it for my kids. So I had 700 tickets from the President, and let me tell you, everybody, every dignitary was hitting me up. They'd say, ``Donna, got tickets?'' I'd say, ``No I don't.'' Ohhh she's lying! And then I learned how to, for my purple ticket, oh so you want my purple give me 2 of your golds! Why! Because my purple ticket gets you up front but you give me 2 so think about it! I would get those big tickets so I could get 5 smaller tickets so I could get more people in. All I cared about was getting more people in. So I thought about it the other day, because I'm always into tickets. I'm a ticket person--so I said, ``How many tickets can I get as the chair of the Democratic Party? I need my tickets.'' And then I learned I got 10 tickets, I thought, oh thank you, Lord, I got 10. Now you all know I'm starting at 10. Watch me. Now the chair gets 10, how many does the Vice Chair get? I'm still Vice Chair! And then I'm going to call my congresswoman, and then I'm going to call the congress people from Alaska. Nobody's coming here for an Easter egg hunt. And Washington State; and you know you can always hit up California; you know I'm going to hit up Kansas. I can't hit up Hawaii because that's where the President is from. But I'm going to get my tickets and you know, I'm giving them to the kids, like myself, kids who have grown up poor, kids who need to be able, because they live in Washington, D.C., to say that ``I went to the White House. I was at the White House and I saw the President, I saw the First Lady, I saw his two little daughters, and I met Bo.'' That's the dog, for those of you who don't know. But I'm honored to be here with you, I had to tell my tickets stories. Everyone who knows me back in DC calls me the ticket lady. And I love tickets--not parking tickets--but tickets. But it is an honor to join you tonight as you celebrate 20 years. I've had some time to read up on Jenny and all of the work that you all have done and have committed to do. You are an inspiration. You have empowered millions of young girls who not only read your magazine but those who also contribute to it and those who want to be a part of it. You are a source of inspiration and extortion of empowerment and I want to thank the Board. I'd like to thank Lisa. I'd like to thank all the sponsors and of course Denise and Seema. And yeah, I've been checking out your shoes. They come in size 11, baby? But I also want to thank you for helping young girls find their voices and helping them amplify their message and lifting them up. Your message is one of hope and change. I want to say, I remember what it's like to be young--it was just 2 weeks ago--the grey hair may throw you off a little bit, but the truth is, I'm still 15 at heart. Now, notice I said 15, not 18. Fifteen not 13. Because, I believe at 15, I had a life-changing, what I call, experience. My grandmother, who took time to raise most of us, because my parents were busy working, she got sick that year. And throughout our childhood, Grandma was the rock; she was the foundation in our house. My grandmother was from Mississippi. She was the daughter of former slaves. And though she had lived to see so many changes take place in her lifetime, she had 12 kids. In fact, my daddy was number 12. My grandmother had my father when at the age of 48--yeah I guess that's made him the way he is. But my grandmother, in my judgment, was my role model. She was my rock. She was my inspiration. I wanted to be just like Ramon, because she knew everything. I would get up in the morning at 4 o'clock--``Ramon, what are you doing?'' She'd say, ``I'm soaking the clothes.'' ``Well, okay.'' ``We going to go hang them up outside.'' ``Well, okay.'' I did that. At 5:30, she was in the kitchen making buttermilk biscuits. As you can tell, I ate a couple of them. They were the best buttermilk biscuits in the world. She made her biscuits from scratch. But by 7:00, before we went off for school, Ramon told me that I had to read the newspaper with her. Her eyesight was failing. So I would read the newspaper, from front to back. The classified section, the sports section, and of course, I read the opinion columns. I was excited to know what was going on in the world and Grandma even taught me how to read the comics, and of course, her horoscope--every day. But when Ramon took sick, it really changed my life. All of a sudden, I had to grow up. All of a sudden, I had to learn how to take care of her. Along with two of my other siblings, we took turns watching over her, bringing her soup, bringing her water, helping her get up, and of course, helping her put on her petticoat and slippers so that she could sit in her rocking chair. A few months before we were to return back to school, Ramon took a turn for the worst. And my mother and father sat down along with Dr. Beam and said ``Ramon Frances has to go into a nursing home. We can't afford to take care of her--you're going back to school, and she will need help.'' And so I talked to my baby sister, Lisa, and I said, ``Lisa, you like to comb hair. I can help bathe her. Sheryl can make sure that her clothes--my grandmother liked all her clothes ironed, we could not just put on anything. After all, she did make our slips.'' She made everything but our underwear. She was the most important person in my life because she taught me responsibility at a very young age. But, she also taught me to pursue my dreams, and not to be afraid of what was out of our homes. Ramon was one who believed in the future; she was one who taught us not to be fearful of anyone. One of the best pieces of advice I've ever received, and God knows if it comes in handy now, is she said, ``Donna, it's not what they call you. It's what you answer to.'' And so, as a cable call girl on CNN, when they call, I go! I got called last night--MSNBC--for three weeks, I can go on MSNBC and Fox, so I'm having fun. Anderson called me last night, ``I miss you!'' ``Baby, I know you're my boo, but I'm going to see what's going on at MSNBC and Lawrence O'Donnell and Debbi Gregrory, and George Will-Karen.'' I told George the other day, ``I wanna see you in jeans before you retire.'' I want to tell you all something about conservative men. If any of you all are in the room, I know your secret--it is Victoria, it's out. George Will, George Will has a soft spot. His soft spot is that he is really a baseball fan, he loves sports. And George Will loves anyone who knows sports. And so I often bring in my baseball metaphors and my football metaphors and that's how I get George to really warm up to me. And then I do my zingas. But my grandmother taught me another important lesson. And at a very early age, she taught me that lesson. She taught me to listen. She taught me to listen to what other people were saying. So I know what it's like to grow up in a household where people don't talk to you, or listen to you. I know what it's like to grow up and not know what it is you wish to do with your life. I know what it's like to be silenced, even when I'm screaming my head off sometimes to get people to listen--I know what it's like to have people think that you have nothing to say. And I know what it's like, because I experienced it also as a child growing up down in the segregated deep South. I can remember when I was often the youngest person because I was so active in politics back in my native state of Louisiana. So often they would invite young people in the room just so the picture would look right but they really didn't want us to say a word. They didn't want us to even give our input. And it used to drive me crazy when I was growing up, to just be out in the world not knowing if I could make a difference, not knowing what the sound of my voice would do if I was able to contribute. But it was my grandmother who kept pushing me and others out the door. And she gave me all of the courage I needed to go out there and to try to make change in the world. So I want to first of all say to all the teens in the room, and those who still, like myself, are young at heart--you have so much to give. The world is waiting for you. The world needs you. And why you? Because there's no one better. And why now? Because tomorrow is not soon enough. This is your moment. This is your time. This is a time that not only can you find your voice but you can find it in ways that will allow you to soar and to make a difference. I didn't wait until I was 18 before I decided to find my voice. I started writing poems at an early age hoping that someone would discover me. Perhaps I didn't know the rhymes at the time but I had a story, I had something to say and I wanted to share it. I wanted someone to listen to me. Then again, my mother bought a tape recorder one year for Christmas. She said, ``What do you want Donna?'' I said, ``Donna wants a tape recorder.'' And so my nickname became ``Tape Recorder.'' And I recorded every conversation and then I put music to it and made it a soap opera for everyone to listen to. And so I wanted to be in the world, I wanted my voice heard. And so this is your moment to begin the dream about your future. And what kind of future are you looking to have? And what do you want to do with your life? You have to begin thinking about all of these questions early because the world is not going to wait for you to catch up with it. You have to begin to hurry history and catch up with the world, especially now with all of the technology at our disposal. We can talk to someone on Skype all the way across the world. We can text right now and reach out to people standing in line waiting for a (something). And yes, we can find out with our own Twitter accounts and Facebook that we can be part of a revolution taking place thousands and thousands of miles away from here. So you are the future, and it's time that you learn that ``the future belongs to those who believe in the beauty of their dreams.'' The First Lady, Eleanor Roosevelt, when she said that, she could not envision that we would live to see so many changes in this country, yet we still have a long way to go. So I want to leave you with some ingredients, and I want to pour them into you right now. Because this is the moment for you, many of you, who are ready to enter the world, ready to make a difference, ready to use your voice, out there to try to stir things up. When I was a young girl, I used to tell my grandmother, ``Ramon, I want to be like Harriet Tubman.'' Harriet Tubman was one of my favorites. I figured anyone who ran away from slavery was a good role model to have. So I said to Ramon I wanted to be a leader. I wanted to be a leader like Harriet Tubman. So some of you are probably thinking, ``Wow, how can I become a leader?'' So this is what I knew about being a leader. A leader is defined as someone who is in command, as someone who guides, a person in a position of influence or importance, a role model. Now let me say, I'm a leader. Not only am I elected to an office that allows me to help guide the oldest political party in the country, I'm also a party leader that helps devise political strategy, a campaign consultant who has also helped to organize and manage campaigns at every level. But I'm also an owner of a small business that employs staff, consultants, and interns, I also teach at a major college. So the foundation of good leadership is being honest and fair. A leader is someone who listens as well as asks questions. A leader has courage and a leader treats others with respect and dignity. A leader admits to mistakes and takes responsibility for his or her actions. And a leader has integrity and can be trusted. A leader also inspires and motivates others to take action in the pursuit of the common good. Now, there are more traits; leaders are often problem- solvers because they seek solutions and leaders are also visionaries because they help to set long-term goals. So it's important to learn how to use your voice to become a leader, and that you begin to see yourself as a leader and as someone who can become successful because you are important and because we need you. We need more young women, more young women willing to serve in public office. We need more young women willing to write news articles, tweet, posting blogs and stories on Facebook, and not just that stuff that makes your friends happy. But the stuff that can really make other people think. And so, here are my other ingredients. Believe in the power of your dreams. If you don't, no one else will. Second, be true to yourself. I've done a lot in my life because someone else wanted me to do it or I thought about it. Sometimes it turned out well, sometimes of course it hasn't, but I have never ever given up on any of my dreams. I keep working toward them. And when I finished writing that first book, I will see a minority or woman as president and four years later, we have our first bi-racial president. And if I continue to work hard, one day, you all will be invited to the White House as we inaugurate our first female president, or Hispanic, Asian-American, person of color, and so on. So you have to live your dreams, you just can't dream and then walk out of the room and expect someone to stir up all the ingredients. You gotta go into the arena and stir it up. Sometimes, you have to bring your own pot and sometimes you have to bring your own fire. It's called Tabasco, for those of you who don't know. Number three: Never accept no as a final answer. I've been told ``no, no, no;'' I know ``no'' in just about every language. I often tell people after they say no, ``That's a yes, isn't it?'' Nah, figure out a way. Go around it, go beneath it, go above it, go below it, just find a way. Find a way, find a path. If you really want to do something, go for it. You can't stop at no. A friend used to tell me that no is just a prelude to yes. Now, when I hear no, I think ``Good, now I'm just one step closer to yes.'' Now number four: When you stumble get back up. I have stumbled a lot. My knees are good, my elbows are even better, sometimes I've had to work my way up, because I've had some hits. I have fallen. But you get back up, it's as simple as that. You're gonna fall, you're gonna fail, you're gonna make mistakes, people will not always listen to you--I've got three minutes left, I am not Baptist--I am Catholic; I need five, and Ill wrap it up in four. Number five: Keep a little spice handy. Life gets boring. It is really boring sometimes. But never be afraid to spice it up. Were all unique, no two of us are exactly alike--but think about your limits. And then push them a bit. What makes you uncomfortable? Sometimes you gotta know that so you can just add those missing ingredients that might give you some spice. For me, I was scared of horses. I had to spice up my life and I had to ask myself--why? What's keeping me from embracing something that I'm scared of? It was fear. Took me until I was in my mid-40s, but I conquered that fear. I had that horse following me, and I didn't even have an apple. And let me tell you number six. Courage isn't the absence of fear; courage is facing your fear and overcoming it. Sometimes, you know what you're scared of before you even know what you like! Don't let your fears stand in the way of your success. And then there's number seven. This is about faith. Because when I was a little girl I had so many people invest what I would call and consider now a lot of energy into me. They'd say, ``Donna, you gotta do this.'' I'd respond, ``Okay!'' They'd say, ``Donna, can you make this happen?'' I'd say, ``Yes!'' And they would run off, and I'd be thinking----AHH! I would freak. But I remember when Dr. Martin Luther King, who inspired me as a little girl, said ``Faith is taking one step, even when you cannot see the entire staircase.'' And for me, I often have to just take that one step, and then it comes right there. It just, it appears. And Mrs. King, his wife, I was just over 21 when I met her and worked for her as a young girl. And Mrs. King said, ``Donna, we want to make the birthday a national holiday.'' And I said, ``Okay!'' Everybody else, from the time Dr. King died in 1968 'til 1981, they just said, ``We'll, maybe,'' and then Ronald Reagan was elected and they'd say, ``Well that'll never happen.'' And a bunch of us, we were all young, were just out of college, we said, ``We have time.'' We'll do it.'' And within 18 months, we had a holiday because we had faith. And so, let me close up a little bit by saying that I learned growing up, with a large family, with brothers and sisters, with parents, grandparents and others, with neighbors who loved us, and with friends who would always stand by our side--I learned that I could really go to the next step. That I could move beyond the limitations placed on me simply because of where I was born. I knew that when I was a kid that no matter what people said about my skin color, what they said about my hair, what my sisters continue to say about my hair. I'm like, ``Will you all stop?'' They say, ``Donna, it looked like (something) last night.'' And I say, ``Your TV, maybe you should get HDTV. Maybe you should get rid of that box.'' But I know they're telling me with love to get myself to the beauty parlor. But I learned as a little kid, it's not what people say, and it's not what people see about you. My grandmother was right. It's what you believe in. It's not what they call you, it's what you answer to. So let me close with a poem that continues to inspire me every time I read it. It's Maya Angelou, called ``Still I Rise.'' And I close with her words: You may write me down in history With your bitter, twisted lies, You may trod me in the very dirt But still, like dust, I'll rise . . . Out of the huts of history's shame I rise Up from a past that's rooted in pain I rise I'm a black ocean, leaping and wide, Welling and swelling I bear in the tide. Leaving behind nights of terror and fear I rise Into a daybreak that's wondrously clear I rise Bringing the gifts that my ancestors gave, I am the dream and the hope of the slave. I rise I rise I rise. To my friends, to the young ladies, to the sponsors, to all the supporters of this great organization, it's now your turn to let these young women rise, to give them the wings that they need so that they will soar and make a difference. To rise up to your full potential, to rise until you feel the air surrounding you. Rise up, rise high, and make us all proud. Thank you and God bless you.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Madam President, before our time expires, listening to my colleague from Massachusetts, he reminded me about Captain Chara, the defenseman who raised the Stanley Cup last night, the tallest person ever to play in the National Hockey League. So that reminds me that, therefore, we are also making history because never has the Stanley Cup been held so high over the ice.

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, before Mayor Menino ques the Duckboats for the victory parade on Saturday, I want to take a moment with my colleague on the Senate floor to celebrate an extraordinary victory by the Boston Bruins. After a grueling 39 years of so many ups and downs, heartbreaking misses and almosts, the Stanley Cup is coming back to Boston. That is thanks to the extraordinary grit of a special hockey team, a team that had remarkable character. I have to say--and I say this, I hope, cautiously because I know pride comes before a fall. Nevertheless, we in Massachusetts are blessed with an embarrassment of riches right now because last night's heart-stopping 7th game victory against the Vancouver Canucks is now allowing us to celebrate our seventh championship for our city in the last decade. Again, I know pride comes before the fall, but sweeping the Yankees a weekend ago and now winning this isn't too bad. As a lifelong hockey fan and a guy who still tries to get around the rink occasionally when my hips allow me to do that, the Bruins' win last night was one of the sweetest ever. That is partly because it was in such a long time coming, but it is also because of the determination this team showed in getting there. Not since 1972 have the Bruins brought home a coveted Stanley Cup; and not since the 1970 championship of the legendary Bobby Orr's flying goal has there been so much for Boston hockey fans to cheer about. This Boston Bruins team made history not just in the championship but in the way they got there. They are the first team in NHL history to win a game 7 three times in the same postseason. They did it with a kind of hard-nosed, selfless, remember-the-fundamentals, play the basics, gritty kind of teamwork that we in Boston admire so much. During the Bruins' run to the championship, we got to witness a very special kind of pride and encouragement that came from our city. It was a black and gold Bruins jersey on the statue of Paul Revere, and before game 7 everybody got to see our injured forward, Nathan Horton, pouring a bottle of Boston water onto the Vancouver ice. This team couldn't and wouldn't lose at home, and last night Horton's magic water turned Vancouver into our home ice. Today all of New England is home to the world's champion, the Boston Bruins. I have to say with last night's victory, yet another Bruin legend was born, goalie Tim Thomas. In seven spectacular games, again and again, Tim turned back Vancouver and held the Canucks to eight goals the entire series. In the final shutout, Tim had 37 saves. So it was more than appropriate that he was named the playoff's Most Valuable Player. I would say what Curt Schilling was to the 2004 Red Sox as Tim Thomas is to the Bruins today. This Stanley Cup win is a victory for everyone in Massachusetts who has ever laced up a skate and braved the black ice on frozen ponds early in the morning, for every parent who has packed their kids into a minivan at 4 in the morning to get to practice. For everyone who remembers their heart skipping a beat when Bobby Orr sailed through the air in victory, for everyone who never stopped rooting for this team over a four-decade drought, we hear our own voices and the words of Tim Thomas last night when he proclaimed: You've been waiting for it a long time, but you've got it. You wanted it, you got it. We're bringing it home. Just as it was for the Red Sox for a long time, some people said this day was never going to come. Just as it was for the Red Sox, and a curse that we no longer hear much about, some even blamed fate for the drought. But after last night, Mr. President, Boston proved once again: Never underestimate an underdog. So, final score: Bruins 1, Fate, 0. I am proud to offer my congratulations to the Bruins players, the coaches, and the front office for a great series, for a great season, and for being great champions. This team never quit. They never lost focus. They believed in themselves as individuals. Above all, they believed in themselves as a team. So we cannot wait for Saturday when we will see the city of Boston's reflection in the polished silver and nickel of Lord Stanley's Cup. Welcome back to Boston.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, I was necessarily absent for the vote on the motion to invoke cloture on the nomination of Donald B. Verrilli, Jr. to be Solicitor General of the United States. If I were able to attend today's session, I would have supported the motion to invoke cloture.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, today I am introducing the Retiree Health Coverage Protection Act to provide an additional $5 billion for the Early Retiree Reinsurance Program, EERP, to allow more employers to participate in the program. It will also further reduce the cost of retiree coverage. I worked with Sen. Stabenow to include the EERP program in the Affordable Care Act due to the erosion of employer-sponsored retiree coverage across the country. The percentage of large firms providing workers with retiree health coverage dropped from 66 percent in 1988 to 29 percent in 2009. The ERRP helps to control health care costs and preserve coverage for early retirees and their families and has been remarkably successful in making retiree health insurance coverage more stable and affordable. Employers who participate in the program can receive a reinsurance reimbursement of up to 80 percent of catastrophic medical claims between $15,000 and $90,000 for their early retiree enrollees. The reimbursement is used to reduce the employer's health care costs and to lower premiums to retirees and their families. A study from Hewitt Associates estimates that the program will reduce the cost of retiree coverage from 25 to 35 percent, anywhere from $2,000 to $3,000 per retiree, per year. The program has garnered robust participation among a wide range of retiree health plan sponsors from all major sectors of our economy. Earlier this month, it was announced that 5,515 plan sponsors have been approved to participate in the program and nearly $2.5 billion reinsurance reimbursements have been paid to 1,728 participating retiree plans. The ERRP has been so successful that the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, CMS, announced it could no longer accept applications for the program after May 6 because the overwhelming response would exhaust the $5 billion in appropriated program funding. Until additional insurance market reforms are enacted in 2014, we should build on the demonstrated success of ERRP. Senator Stabenow, Senator Blumenthal, and I are working together to preserve insurance coverage for millions of retirees who rely on on health coverage through their former employers before they become eligible for Medicare. That is why we are introducing legislation, the Retiree Health Coverage Protection Act, to provide an additional $5 billion in ERRP funding. This additional funding could be used to allow more employers to participate in the program and to further reduce the cost of retiree coverage. Over 180 employers who offer retiree health benefits in Massachusetts have taken advantage of this program. These public and private sector employers in the Commonwealth represent various entities, including: city governments, hospitals, colleges, and financial service institutions. I would like to thank a number of organizations who have been integral to the development of the Retiree Health Coverage Protection Act and who have endorsed our legislation today, including the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, AFL-CIO, the Alliance for Retired Americans, the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees, AFSCME, Families USA, the International Union, United Automobile, Aerospace & Agricultural Implement Workers of America, UAW, and the National Education Association, NEA. I look forward to working with my colleagues in the Senate to protect and stabilize retiree health coverage by ensuring the ERRP has adequate funding. I ask my colleagues to cosponsor this important legislation.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, today I am introducing the Retiree Health Coverage Protection Act to provide an additional $5 billion for the Early Retiree Reinsurance Program, EERP, to allow more employers to participate in the program. It will also further reduce the cost of retiree coverage. I worked with Sen. Stabenow to include the EERP program in the Affordable Care Act due to the erosion of employer-sponsored retiree coverage across the country. The percentage of large firms providing workers with retiree health coverage dropped from 66 percent in 1988 to 29 percent in 2009. The ERRP helps to control health care costs and preserve coverage for early retirees and their families and has been remarkably successful in making retiree health insurance coverage more stable and affordable. Employers who participate in the program can receive a reinsurance reimbursement of up to 80 percent of catastrophic medical claims between $15,000 and $90,000 for their early retiree enrollees. The reimbursement is used to reduce the employer's health care costs and to lower premiums to retirees and their families. A study from Hewitt Associates estimates that the program will reduce the cost of retiree coverage from 25 to 35 percent, anywhere from $2,000 to $3,000 per retiree, per year. The program has garnered robust participation among a wide range of retiree health plan sponsors from all major sectors of our economy. Earlier this month, it was announced that 5,515 plan sponsors have been approved to participate in the program and nearly $2.5 billion reinsurance reimbursements have been paid to 1,728 participating retiree plans. The ERRP has been so successful that the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, CMS, announced it could no longer accept applications for the program after May 6 because the overwhelming response would exhaust the $5 billion in appropriated program funding. Until additional insurance market reforms are enacted in 2014, we should build on the demonstrated success of ERRP. Senator Stabenow, Senator Blumenthal, and I are working together to preserve insurance coverage for millions of retirees who rely on on health coverage through their former employers before they become eligible for Medicare. That is why we are introducing legislation, the Retiree Health Coverage Protection Act, to provide an additional $5 billion in ERRP funding. This additional funding could be used to allow more employers to participate in the program and to further reduce the cost of retiree coverage. Over 180 employers who offer retiree health benefits in Massachusetts have taken advantage of this program. These public and private sector employers in the Commonwealth represent various entities, including: city governments, hospitals, colleges, and financial service institutions. I would like to thank a number of organizations who have been integral to the development of the Retiree Health Coverage Protection Act and who have endorsed our legislation today, including the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations, AFL-CIO, the Alliance for Retired Americans, the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees, AFSCME, Families USA, the International Union, United Automobile, Aerospace & Agricultural Implement Workers of America, UAW, and the National Education Association, NEA. I look forward to working with my colleagues in the Senate to protect and stabilize retiree health coverage by ensuring the ERRP has adequate funding. I ask my colleagues to cosponsor this important legislation.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Madam President, in the course of our lives, one of the most difficult moments we face is to say goodbye to a parent. No matter how old we are or how old they are or even how long they've struggled with illness and infirmity, when you lose your mother or father, you are reminded again what it means to be someone's child, and it hits you right in the gut just how much you depend on your mother and father. It is difficult, and it has been particularly difficult for the O'Brien family of Marshfield Hills, MA, which just this month lost their patriarch, Edward Lawrence O'Brien, who was an extraordinary blessing to his family, and his friends, but also to the country he loved, which he served in the U.S. Navy. And his passing is a profound loss to us all. Ed leaves behind his loving wife Marge, his brother Gene, 6 devoted children and 17 adoring grandchildren. His son Drew has served the people of Massachusetts as my State director for almost a decade, living the spirit of public service that Ed instilled and inspired in all of his family. Ed was, to borrow a phrase Tip O'Neill liked so much, ``a beautiful person,'' and I enjoyed meeting him on several occasions. Our last meeting will be with me forever, when I had the privilege of presenting him with his World War II medals for his service in the Pacific. He was so content and had such a great smile on his face, a twinkle in his eye which never deserted him even as he bravely battled and accepted the illness that would take him from his family after 86 years extraordinarily well-lived. Ed served proudly in the Navy during World War II, including the invasion of Okinawa. He embodied what we now know as ``The Greatest Generation'' of Americans who defended America and saved democracy for the world. He earned numerous decorations, including the Combat Action Ribbon, the Asiatic Pacific Campaign Medal with a silver star and a bronze star, and the European-African-Middle Eastern Campaign Medal. Ed was a patriot who stood by his country and his family with equal measures of devotion. Indeed, the mass lovingly put together by his family told the story of a man who loved his friends, who loved his family, who loved his God--the God who, in the words of the old Irish hymn he enjoyed so, was his vision, his battle shield, his sword for the fight, his dignity and his delight. In his eulogy for his father, Drew O'Brien offered great comfort to all who mourned with him, especially Ed and Marge's 17 grandchildren. ``For the rest of your life,'' Drew told them, ``carry him with you in your heart--never forget the love he offered, the lessons he taught, the stories he told or the fun that you had with him.'' Drew's eulogy is a wonderful tribute to a father's legacy and a son's enduring love and today I would like to share it with my colleagues in the U.S. Senate by having it printed in the Congressional Record. And with that request, I would also like to--on behalf of my entire office and all those who know and love Drew--again extend our deepest sympathies and condolences to the entire O'Brien family: Michael O'Brien, his wife Kathryn and their children, Michael, Caroline and Elizabeth; Jim O'Brien, his wife Irene and their children, Johanna and Theresa; Kevin O'Brien, his wife Rozilyn and their children, Daniel, Christopher, Sean and Julia; Joanne O'Brien Hudson, her husband Richard and their children, Mary, Anne and Meaghan; Lawrence O'Brien, his wife Patty Roper and their children, Siobhan, Rachel and Kate; and Drew O'Brien, wife Michelle Consalvo and their children, Natalie and Matthew. And to Drew, I would also like to say that, having lost my own father now 11 years ago this summer, please know that while the hurt of the loss never goes away, with the passage of time you remember the good moments and the best lessons more and more. You'll always look up and see your Dad proudly looking over you. And because Drew is such a gift to all of us, I also wish to thank Ed and Margaret, his dearest ``Margie,'' for the extraordinary family they created, nurtured and loved. And to Ed O'Brien, this great Navy man now at rest on still waters in heaven, I bid you ``fair winds and following seas.'' Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the eulogy by Drew O'Brien be printed in the Record.

Mr. KERRY. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, for the Committee on Foreign Relations I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, today I am introducing the Reconnecting Youth to Prevent Homelessness Act to improve training, educational opportunities, and permanency planning for older foster youth and reduce homelessness among our young people. This year approximately 3.5 million people, including 1.5 million children in the United States will experience homelessness at some point. That is one out of every 50 kids. For children who were in the foster system the chances of becoming homeless are even greater. Every year approximately 30,000 children age out of the foster care system-- many with no family and nowhere to go. These children were placed in the foster system at absolutely no fault of their own and too often they leave the system without a place to call home. We have a responsibility to take care of our young people and make sure families have the resources they need to be able to keep a roof over their heads. I developed this legislation after hearing troubling stories from teenagers in Massachusetts. For example, I heard from one 15-year-old who has been in multiple foster care placements and is expected to eventually age out of the system. He told me ``. . . I feel the age 18 is too young, some of us don't always have somewhere to go . . . if this bill gets passed it will greatly help a lot of people in so many different ways . . . I thank you for giving us the opportunity to help us better ourselves and letting us know that we are heard in this world and someone cares deeply and truly about us.'' That is why I am introducing the Reconnecting Youth to Prevent Homelessness Act. This legislation will help ensure that regardless of where in the country a foster child lives, they will not face the prospect of becoming a homeless teenager by allowing them to remain in care until their 21st birthday and improving permanency planning. It provides support for States to work together to decrease barriers that prohibit cooperation across State lines for placing foster children in loving homes outside their state of residence. It provides support for programs that improve family relationships and reduce homelessness among youth who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender. This legislation ensures that children in foster care receive Social Security benefits they qualify for due to the death of a parent or a disability. The bill makes significant improvements to the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families, TANF, program such as enhancing efforts to connect families with education, training and housing resources. It also increases the time frame for young parents to qualify for TANF benefits if they are in an education or training program. Finally, it provides more flexibility for states to work with young families to become compliant with TANF requirements. This legislation is supported by over 40 organizations, including the American Bar Association, the National Coalition for the Homeless, National Network for Youth, and Voice for Adoption. I thank my colleagues Senator Murray and Senator Begich for their support and co- sponsorship of this bill. It is my hope that we can move forward in a bipartisan manner. I ask all of my colleagues to support this important legislation.

Mr. KERRY

Mr. KERRY. Mr. President, today along with Senator Alexander I am introducing the Medicare IVIG Access Act to help patients with primary immunodeficiency diseases, PIDD, who currently face a number of health challenges. Today, Medicare beneficiaries with PIDD already have a Part B benefit for home-based intravenous immune globulin, IVIG, treatment. Unfortunately a gap in coverage exists so no payments are available for the items and services necessary to administer the treatment. Treatment in the home is more cost effective and also protects the patient from the risk of exposure to additional illnesses in other health care settings. This is of particular concern to PIDD patients, since they already have weakened immune systems. A 2007 report from the Department of Health and Human Services, HHS, Office of Inspector General and the HHS Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation found that problems with payment exist, namely the absence of coverage for required items and services associated with IVIG home infusion. That is why I have worked with my colleague Senator Alexander to introduce the Medicare IVIG Access Act to create a 3-year demonstration project to provide for and evaluate the benefits of providing a payment for items and services necessary to administer IVIG in the home. The bill includes a study to explore issues surrounding IVIG treatment, including the impact of the demonstration project on access to care, and an analysis of the appropriateness of new payment methodology for IVIG treatment in all settings. This legislation is supported by a number of organizations including the Immune Deficiency Foundation and the Clinical Immunology Society. I ask all of my colleagues to support this important legislation.