Jack Kingston

Mr. KINGSTON

Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman, and I have to ask the gentleman, since he kind of dodged my early solicitation for personal biographical information, how old was he when he was first elected to Congress?

Mr. KINGSTON. If the gentleman will yield, I just want to underscore that as I understand it, Mr. Estrada has argued 15 cases before the Supreme Court all before the age of 40. One of them was pro bono for a death row inmate. He received unanimous ``well qualified'' ratings from the American Bar Association. That is their highest rating. He has worked in the Justice Department both under Democrat and Republican administrations and has demonstrated a commitment to uphold the integrity of the law and dedication to public service. Estrada has received an outstanding rating in every performance category in his years in service in the solicitor general's office. And Clinton's solicitor general called him ``an extraordinary legal talent'' and genuinely compassionate. What is scary, if we compare his qualifications, because the gentleman from Florida has mentioned that they never had a Hispanic on that court, it is really to me after all we have been talking about freedom in America that we have to bring in this question of race, but it does seem there are those in the Senate against Mr. Estrada that may be aware of that. Maybe it is as simple as they do not want the Republicans to nominate somebody who is Hispanic. They want to have the lock on it. Maybe that is the idea; I do not know. But I do know this, that if we compare Miguel Estrada's qualification with Merrick Garland, Garland was 41 when he was nominated, 44 and 41. They both were Phi Beta Kappa. They both graduated magna cum laude from Harvard. They both did the Harvard Law Review as editor. They both have served as law clerks for the U.S. Court of Appeals Second Circuit. They were both law clerks for the U.S. Supreme Court. They have both done 7 years private practice. Mr. Estrada was 2 years with the Assistant U.S. Attorney; Mr. Garland, 3 years. They were both with the U.S. Justice Department, in Estrada's case, 1992 to 1997; in Garland's case, 1993 to 1997. They both had bipartisan support. Garland, 100 days before the Senate approved his nomination. Estrada, 631. The only difference in this category is race, 631 days compared to 100 days.

Mr. KINGSTON. But he is still an immigrant and came over here.

Mr. KINGSTON. No, I am not. But I do know that he was magna cum laude in Harvard and in Columbia.

Mr. KINGSTON. The reason why I asked, when the gentleman and I came to Congress we were both a little bit younger. But the reality is here is a guy 41 years old. He is a star, a rising star. Maybe the Democrats think that they can put a notch on their holster if they shoot this guy down and stop him in his tracks. I hope they do not. I hope he continues to rise, not because he is young, not because he is a Hispanic, not because he is an immigrant, but because he is pro-American and he wants to do what is right, and that is what we need on our judicial benches all over America.

Mr. KINGSTON. Absolutely.

Mr. KINGSTON. I wanted to ask the gentleman, you do not really talk about your story so much, but I think it is important. A friend of mine back in Savannah named Herman Cranman wrote a book called ``A Measure of Life.'' In it, he talks about his World War II POW experience. He said he went into World War II as really a naive, young, idealistic kid and grew, of course, during the experience to see otherwise, but never lost his idealism. But when he was captured, he said something very profound. He said as a born American living with freedom, freedom to me was like the water coming out of the tap in my kitchen. I didn't think anything of it until I turned on the tap and it wasn't there. When he was in a German POW camp, he found out what freedom was. What I have seen in you and in your brother and in Ileana Ros-Lehtinen is that you appreciate freedom every day, which we native-born Americans do not quite have the full view of so often. Yet I think in many cases people do realize it. But here is what I want to know. Tell me about coming over here at 4. What were your parents doing in Cuba? How did you get out? Because I think people would be interested in that.

Mr. KINGSTON. I thank the gentleman, and thank him for everything he does.

Mr. KINGSTON. One of the great parts of my childhood growing up in Athens, Georgia, it was not so great for them particularly at the time was when so many Cubans fled Castro and Athens, Georgia, was one of the towns that they arrived in. I was raised with Maria Saladriguez and Rosa Chavez and all kinds of kids that came in the 10th grade and assimilated fairly quickly. But it was interesting, as we went to their house, they were still speaking Spanish; and their parents, who often had been physicians and professional businesspeople in Cuba, in Havana, were now reduced to working in laundromats and doing manual labor in America. I actually sold my house to a guy named Roberto Casillo in Savannah, Georgia, and his family was among that crowd. His dad had been a doctor over there and it did not transfer. But all three of his sons became physicians. They are all practicing in Georgia. What I have appreciated about the people who had to leave Cuba, who love Cuba to this day but cannot stand Castro, love America even more and have embraced America with this big bear hug and taken on all rights and privileges that, wait a minute, this is the land of the free, the land of opportunity.

Mr. KINGSTON. But there is a pressure to put tourism dollars in it. We have kind of drawn the line, this Congress has.

Mr. KINGSTON. If the gentleman will yield, I think he has put it well. If we can go back to the pre 9-11 USA, there were tremors. As the gentleman said, in 1993, the bombing of the World Trade Center, embassy bombings two times in Africa, the USS Cole in Yemen. There were not just terrorist attacks but terrorist activities, and we had an opportunity to monitor it closer, but that did not happen. As is always the case when we look back, we see these red flags. And a lot of people have said, well, should we have done something? Well, now we have red flags all over the globe, and the President is doing something. Yet those same people who wanted a special independent commission to look into 9-11, now they are saying you are a warmonger because you want to do a preemptive strike. You cannot have it both ways. This action against Saddam Hussein enables your family and my family to go to Main Street, to Wal-Mart on Saturday afternoon and the workplace 5 days a week and not worry, and that is what we have the right to do as Americans.

Mr. KINGSTON. Absolutely. Yet at the same time, a man of great sincerity and religious conviction who has said repeatedly he does not want war and does not take any of these decisions lightly. This is all done void of politics, void of reelection, void of election, void of polls. This President does these things for the right reason.

Mr. KINGSTON. In fact, if the gentleman will yield, he used it on the Kurds and caused 2 million to be refugees into Turkey and Syria and other neighboring countries. Two million refugees because he used chemical weapons.

Mr. KINGSTON. I wanted to ask the gentleman. The gentleman is from Florida. The gentleman has been a leader in so many different issues and an active member of the Committee on Rules and someone who has certainly been very active on the question of American relations with Cuba. I do not want to touch base on Cuba, but I know that your brother talked to the President about it this weekend, and I thought the President, as usual, approached the whole question not with politics, but with conviction.

Mr. KINGSTON. Right now we have some limited trade. We can trade with them, but it has to be on a cash basis.

Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my Democratic colleagues for their comments on the budget. I think that their ideas are useful and good. I think they also know, and although they were not really talking about it, that we are at war. America has been attacked. America needs to respond. At this point, America continues to be the world leader. It is interesting that when people say, well, why do we have 37,000 troops in South Korea? Well, if we talk to the folks who live in South Korea or in China or Japan, and say maybe we should move those 37,000 folks, bring them on home. Well, no, no, no. If we do that, then there is world instability, particularly in this region of the world which is stable right now. Do not pull them out, and yet America has to respond when North Korea, largely because of the inept policies of the previous administration, goes on an accelerated path to nuclear weapon development, then America has to step in there. Unfortunately, so many of these things cost a lot of money. Thirty- seven thousand troops in the Korean peninsula, that is very expensive; and we have troops in Afghanistan. We have troops in the Balkans still; and of course, we have troops right now in Kuwait and in the Middle East. I think as much as none of us want a deficit, I believe all of us, even the doves in this body, even the folks who feel like France and Germany are right, I think that they would admit that we have to defend ourselves, and so we do have a deficit budget. I do not like it anymore than anybody else, and I know the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Nussle), the chairman of the Committee on the Budget, is going to do everything he can to bring down the deficit and move us back into surplus. In the meantime, Mr. Speaker, it is more important for America to survive; and I think as I have seen so many of our troops from Fort Stewart deployed, the third infantry division which I am proud to be wearing their emblem tonight, I think we have got to keep in mind these soldiers are out there in the foxholes for our freedom and our security, and they need great equipment. They need modern equipment. They need readiness in all areas of the globe. So our budget addresses is. In fact, our budget, which for fiscal year 2004, will be about $2.2 trillion. That is a 4 percent increase. I would like to, frankly, see it decreased, but again, with the world situation, sometimes we cannot control this. About 5 percent of that increase comes directly because of military, and then in the other categories, not all of them, there are a lot of reductions; but there is about a 3 percent increase, and that is comparable to the average family budget. Mr. Speaker, I had an opportunity to meet the Chair's family this last weekend, and my family, some of them were with us and some of them were not; but Libby and I have four children, and one thing about it, when a person is raising kids, they never have quite enough money. They have to buy. They do not begrudge it. They have got to buy their clothes and school supplies, and then if they play sports, they have got to buy sports equipment; and what I found out, much to my chagrin, is that if John Kingston is playing football, he cannot use the same cleats for soccer and baseball, whereas the Chair and I, Mr. Speaker, had one pair of cleats fit all. In fact, I went back to my elementary school baseball picture, and half the boys on the baseball team were barefooted. But not so today. These kids today have to have $60 and $70 of tennis shoes and that is part of being a family these days. We have got all those expenses and then doggone it, we save up a little money and say, well, we are going to sneak on down to Florida, spend the weekend in Daytona, have some fun. Well, the washer breaks or we have got to do something as glorious as buy a new set of tires for our car or we have got to do something else that is not as much fun, but it is essential to spend money on. That, Mr. Speaker, is what President Bush has done with this budget. He said there is a lot of things out there that we want to have, but we are not going to be able to do; but there are other things out there that we need to do, and we are going to do that. One of these things, Mr. Speaker, along with the troops, is trying to get jobs going because nothing will turn the economy around more than jobs. I am not sure where the Democrats in this body go to school. I am sure they go to some good public schools and some good private schools; but, Mr. Speaker, somehow they failed in economics and history because economics and history will show us that President Kennedy and President Reagan reduced taxes; and when they did, the economy responded and created more jobs, and more revenue came in. In fact, it doubled in these cases; and if we just think about it for a minute, it makes sense. Under the Bush tax reduction, 92 million Americans will get about a $1,000 tax reduction; 34 million American with children will get $1,400 in their pocket; 6 million single mothers will get $541 in their pocket; and 13 million elderly taxpayers will get $1,384 in their pocket. If someone puts $1,000 in my pocket, I am going to try to spend some of it, and I am going to try to save some of it. I want to save some for my kids' college education, want to save some for my own retirement; but also I am more likely going out and maybe buy that new shirt that I know I have been needing to buy or maybe buy something for the house that I needed to get, get a new crock pot for the kitchen or something like that. When I do that, small businesses will respond. They will say, hey, look, more consumers are buying, they have got more money in their pocket, let us put on a new shelf of inventory. When we do that, hey, we need a new salesclerk to help us move this inventory. When the new salesclerk comes, well, suddenly we have got somebody who may have been on welfare before who is now working, and then they are paying taxes; and before we know it, the revenue to the local government, to the State government and the Federal Government goes straight up. That is the idea behind the tax reduction; and, Mr. Speaker, I believe that is one reason why we need to pass it and pass it now. The Democrats' thinking on this model is, okay, we will vote for the tax cut, but we want to postpone it. We do not want it, so married couples should not be having the marriage tax penalty, and we agree with that, but we do not want that to take place for 4 or 5 years. Well, hey, if it is right, do it today; and that is what the Bush plan is, is to accelerate these things. But I think this is part of our budget, Mr. Speaker, because turning the economy around is so very important; and when the Republican conservative economic policies kicked in in 1995 after the Republicans took over this body, the President at the time reluctantly helped us pass some tax reductions. The economy took off and revenues went up, and we were able to balance the budget. So I believe that it is very timely to pass a tax reduction to reduce the deficit, and I hope that our Democrat friends will join us in that as they have in the past. The average American family has an income of $39,000. This cut would provide them with an additional $1,100 a year. Again, Mr. Speaker, that is significant money and something that we want to do. I also wanted to comment on some other issues tonight, Mr. Speaker. The situation in Iraq. As I mentioned earlier today, I had the opportunity to meet with the wives whose husbands are in the third infantry division, Fort Stewart, Hunter and Savannah, Georgia. About 18,000 soldiers are deployed to the Middle East right now, a huge loss in our area in terms of our neighbors and our friends; but we cannot have soldiers in the field without the families back home. We cannot have an army in the field without the supply folks back home making sure that the Army has the material they need to fight the war. And these women in the Fort Stewart-Hunter Wives Organization are just as brave as the soldiers on the front line. Indeed, they are on the emotional front line. One of the messages that I gave them was that 435 Members of Congress, Democrats, Republicans, Independents, city, rural, everybody appreciated what they were doing, staying at home. Even if you are in Kuwait, you are often dealing with other adults, and sometimes that is easier than dealing with children back home who lose their books, who lose their shoes, who need to be picked up at 3 o'clock but do not show up until 3:20, and, in the meantime, across town you have soccer practice. And then you have other financial problems: taxes that are due, insurance payments, should you take the higher deductible, the lower deductible, do we still need collision insurance, and then there is the home mortgage renegotiation. Hey, interest rates are down. We are paying 6, 7 percent interest. Maybe we can get an adjustable rate mortgage for 2\1/2\ percent. How do I do this? Oh no, Mom is sick and I am going to have to go back to Chicago. I'll have to arrange for the kids back home, because I have got to see what Mom's needs are. My goodness, maybe it is time to put Dad in the nursing home. Do we do this? I have to call my brother in from Seattle. These are the day-to-day questions facing these families back home. It is very, very difficult. And I think we should at all times, whenever we are thinking about the soldiers in the field, we should also remember the families back home. I think we should also be appreciative of the great job that groups like the USO, the United Service Organizations, the Red Cross, groups like Southern Smiles and other volunteer groups across the country who are sending care packages to these soldiers and remembering them; getting them Chapstick, getting them soap, getting them deodorant, getting them comic books and getting them Bibles. In fact, when I went to see some of our soldiers depart, as they were getting on the plane, the Red Cross was giving out camouflage Bibles. I never had seen a camouflaged Bible before, but I know that within the binder of that book is the truth that surpasses all understanding and that everybody needs these words of comfort in times of peril. Mr. Speaker, I also wanted to talk a little bit more about the war protesters, because we hear so many people in America who think that we are the aggressive country here. And a lot of folks are asking, well, why are we at war? The truth is so many of these war protestors do not want to hear the facts on it, but I wanted to go over some of these things. First of all, let us remember, Saddam Hussein and Iraq have invaded their own Middle Eastern neighbors, Iran and Kuwait. They are a factor of instability in their own region of the world. Indeed, it is obvious at times like these that we do not see any of their neighbors coming to their aid. They are not jumping up and down to say ``Go America,'' for obvious reasons; but why is it that these countries are not coming to the aid of Saddam Hussein, if he is such a great person, according to some of the war protestors? We know for a fact that he has violated 16 U.N. treaties that have been passed since Desert Storm, and yet in the face of that, the U.N. seems very reluctant to enforce their own treaties. So again it has to come back to America, and America is the one that has to do something about it. Saddam Hussein has not accounted for 25,000 liters of anthrax. He has not accounted for 38,000 liters of botulinum toxin. He has not accounted for 500 tons of Sarin, mustard and VX nerve agent. Item after item which the weapons inspectors have tried to put their finger on he has hidden from them. This is why we are concerned about what is going on in Iraq. Mr. Speaker, I have been joined by my friend, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart) and we are going to talk about a judicial nominee; but before we go to that, I wanted to invite my friend from Florida to jump in on the question of Iraq. I know in the great State of Florida, just like Georgia, the gentleman has a lot of anti-war protestors. I have heard Richard Armitage say, and I believe this myself, people have the right and the duty to hold us accountable for decisions that send young men and women in harm's way. I think my colleague and I should be subjected to all the criticism that they have to offer. But I would also ask the war protestors to be intellectually honest and look at some of the facts. Because if you are just against war, maybe we should ask you this question: Have there been any wars that have benefited you? Did the Revolutionary War benefit you? Did the Civil War benefit you? Did World War II benefit you? Surely, in every case the soldiers and the political leaders, generally speaking, did not want war; and yet there were wars, terrible, horrible wars, and sometimes the benefits of those wars outweighed the tragedies. We are free today. We do not have to worry about an Adolf Hitler. We are an independent country today because our forefathers fought Great Britain. Things like that are often the result of human conflict; yet the war protestors would rather say, well, we are just against this because we are going to kill innocent people. America is not the folks who are using humans as shields; it is Saddam Hussein who is moving people into weapons areas and targeted areas. So I think we have done almost everything we can through the U.N. I hope the U.N. will get on board. I hope Saddam Hussein will say, okay, guys, I give up. I hope that there is not a war, as I know the President and all the soldiers hope there is not a war; but there does come a time when you have to move forward. If the gentleman would like to speak, I would be happy to yield to him.

Mr. KINGSTON. That is for food and for medicine?

Mr. KINGSTON

Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Mr. KINGSTON

Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me time. Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman and the distinguished ranking member for raising the point about the first responders. And I want to say as a member of the committee I certainly want to do everything I can to support addressing this issue with the first responders. It is very important. And yet at the same time, I think we need to go ahead and pass this resolution today because, Mr. Speaker, it is unfinished business, unfinished from last Congress. There were a lot of dynamics that kept us from passing it. Frankly, it kind of got away from the Committee on Appropriations, otherwise, I think we would not be standing here today. But the reality is, Mr. Speaker, we need to get this off the table so that we can move on to other things, addressing the economy, addressing Iraq, addressing Medicare and a prescription drug benefit, some of the things that I hope the President will talk about tonight when he addresses this Chamber. One of the things I want to mention is in terms of the situation in the Middle East, and I guess people are reading what Mr. Blix and the weapons inspectors' report is, and they are spinning it their own way for their own convenience and their own purposes; but it is very clear that it is a very difficult question that Saddam Hussein has had weapons of mass destruction, terrorist and biological weapons. And the question is not so much, well, he won the scavenger hunt, but did he prove that he has disarmed. And I think most people will agree that that has not been proven. I make these remarks, Mr. Speaker, because in my district a week ago I stood dock side at Savanna, Georgia, and then boarded a ship called the U.S.S. Mendonca, which was named after Private Leroy Mendonca, who was killed in the Korean conflict on July 4, 1951, who was a member of the Third Infantry Division. That ship is a special cargo roll-on, roll-off ship that was loading along with its sister ship about 450,000 square feet of tanks, Humvees, personnel movers and helicopters, on their way to destinations not clearly known. A few days later I stood at the dais at Hunter Air Field and watched some of America's youngest, finest and most experienced and some of the older soldiers boarding airplanes going off to Kuwait. As I shook those soldiers' hands, and I went out there a couple of times, and I want to say parenthetically, great work is being done by a group called Southern Smiles, the U.S.O., and the Red Cross in terms of giving these soldiers some very needed personal items, but as I stood there and said good-bye to these soldiers I thought, they are going off to do their job, and now it is our turn and my turn as a Member of Congress to go off and do my job in Washington, D.C. and that is to protect the country as we see it from our standpoint, often through legislation and usually through appropriations. And, therefore, Mr. Speaker, it is so important that we get this bill finished up so that we can start the appropriations process once more for the coming term with a special eye to the troops overseas, and not just in the Middle East, but all over the globe. We have a very troubled universe as we know it, but we have got to get our modernization continued. We have to have our troops ready for any contingency, and we have to have the quality of life of soldiers in mind at all times. Mr. Speaker, I urge Members of this House to support this resolution and let us get on with next year's business.

Mr. KINGSTON

Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me the time. Mr. Speaker, we are here tonight because the other body has not had a good year. It is a fact that the United States Senate did not pass a budget. It is a fact that the United States Senate has not passed the faith-based initiative. It is a fact that the United States Senate has not passed welfare reform. The Senate has not passed pension reform. They have not passed the energy package. And during a time of war when an unprecedented attack on America has taken place, they have not even been able to pass homeland security. In fact, it appears to me that the only thing the other body has had time to do is kill presidential appointments and judicial nominees, something they are very proud of. Yet we in the House, we are ready with our appropriation bills. We are ready with our appropriation process. As my colleagues know, Mr. Speaker, we cannot sit down with another body when they do not have a budget, when there is no top end to it. If we sit down right now with a group, the House has a budget, the House has a bottom line and a top line. The Senate does not, because they do not have a budget. We cannot go into negotiations with somebody like that. It is like asking our kids to limit their Christmas list. They are not going to do it. They are just going to keep on wishing and wishing and wishing. I notice something curious here tonight, Mr. Speaker. So much of the problems seem to come back to the tax reduction for middle class families that the President started and was overwhelmingly supported by the American people. But if I am hearing correctly, the Democrats are suggesting that that is the problem. Therefore, should they win the majority back, I can only assume that their plan is to increase taxes. Because if they do not want to increase taxes, obviously they are going to cut Social Security or defense spending to fund these other programs. I know they do not want to cut Social Security and they do not want to tax it, because they taxed it in 1993 under President Clinton when the Democrats were in charge of this House. And we Republicans, unlike the Democrats, we have no plans to tax Social Security. We have no plans to cut Social Security. I am concerned that if the Democrats take back over there might be some hidden scheme, but I am hearing over and over again so much of this is because of the tax reduction. So the only conclusion a logical, objective listener could come to is that the Democrats want to increase taxes as a way to eliminate what they consider a budget shortfall. I do not know that there is a budget shortfall. I still am amazed that in Washington that a cut is considered a reduction in the expected increase, and I still find that mind-boggling in itself. I want to say this, we are ready to roll in the House. It is just too bad that the other body decided not to pass a budget this year, because we cannot sit down and negotiate with somebody who does not have a bottom line or a top line. Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

Mr. KINGSTON

Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time and wanted to say there is a curious suggestion here that the people in the U.N. care more about American citizens than their own representatives. That seems to be a theme that I am hearing over and over again. Yet, Mr. Speaker, as we debate this, there is also a second suggestion, that this resolution today, well thought of, well debated not just during the course of the summer and the previous months but in fact going back to 1990, that this is something new, that suddenly we have decided that Iraq is a problem. Mr. Speaker, the Congressional action on Iraq goes back to 1990, to the 101st Congress, the 102nd Congress, 103rd, 104th, 105th, 106th and now 107th, and there are resolutions after resolutions of instruction, of threat, of demands against Iraq and the people because of the repression they had. That is just the United States Congress, Mr. Speaker. Then let us go to the U.N. itself. Keep in mind America is a sovereign Nation. Unlike the supporters of this amendment, I do not believe that we need to have the U.N.'s permission to defend our own national interests. That is what nations do. We cannot get mad at Germany or France if they do not stand up for something that is not in their national interest. But I do not think the U.N. should interfere with something that is in our national interest, because this attack, this terrorist attack that we are suffering from, 9-11, happened in the United States of America. But, Mr. Speaker, let us also think about Kosovo. This Congress agreed for President Clinton to bomb Kosovo because of repression of the Muslim population by the largely Christian population, and we in America sided with the Muslims. And President Clinton, I do not know how the supporters of this amendment voted on that, but he did not sit around and say, ``I'd like to take some action in Kosovo. Gee whiz, what would the U.N. say?'' I did not hear that cry and hue from the supporters of this amendment at that time. But if we were to go to the U.N., going back to U.N. Resolution 660, violated; U.N. Resolution 678 on November 1990; Resolution 686 in March 1991; Resolution 687, April 1991; Resolution 688, April 1991; Resolution 707, August 15, 1991; October 11, 1991, Resolution 715. Mr. Speaker, the list goes on and on and on. I would like to submit these for the Record. But the reality is that the U.N. has been calling for Iraq to act and to comply and to discontinue certain activities which they have flagrantly ignored. It is not time to go back to the U.N. for one more resolution. If the U.N. was going to act, they would have done it. They have had countless opportunities since 1991. Mr. Speaker, we have not had weapons inspectors in Iraq since 1998. The minimum agreement here between the hawks and the doves, if you will, is that Iraq has chemical and biological weapons and is near nuclear capability. The minimum agreement is they are anti-American, they are dangerous, they are a barbaric regime. The minimum agreement, they have violated 16 U.N. resolutions. Mr. Speaker, the time to act is now, not waiting on the U.N. Mr. Speaker, I include the following material for the Record: [From the Congressional Research Service, Oct. 1, 2002] Congressional Action on Iraq 1990-2002: A Compilation of Legislation (By Jeremy M. Sharp) Summary This report is a compilation of legislation on Iraq from 1990 to the present. The list is composed of resolutions and public laws relating to military action and/or diplomatic pressure to be taken against Iraq. The list does not include foreign aid appropriations bills passed since FY 1994 that deny U.S. funds to any nation in violation of the United Nations sanctions regime against Iraq. Also, measures that were not passed only in either the House or the Senate are not included (with the exception of the proposals in the 107th Congress). For a more in-depth analysis of U.S. action against Iraq, see CRS Issue Brief IB92117, Iraq, Compliance, Sanctions and U.S. Policy. This report will be updated as developments unfold. Congressional Action on Iraq 1990-2002 101st Congress House H. Con. Res. 382: Expressed the sense of the Congress that the crisis created by Iraq's invasion and occupation of Kuwait must be addressed and resolved on its own terms separately from other conflicts in the region. Passed in the House: October 23, 1990. H. J. Res. 658: Supported the actions taken by the President with respect to Iraqi aggression against Kuwait and confirmed United States resolve. Passed in the House: October 1, 1990. Senate S. Res. 318: Commended the President for his actions taken against Iraq and called for the withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait, the freezing of Iraqi assets, the cessation of all arms shipments to Iraq, and the imposition of sanctions against Iraq. Passed in the Senate: August 2, 1990. Public Laws P.L. 101-509: (H.R. 5241). Treasury, Postal Service, and General Government Appropriations Act FY 1991 (Section 630). Urged the President to ensure that coalition allies were sharing the burden of collective defense and contributing financially to the war effort. Became public law: November 5, 1990. P.L. 101-510: (H.R. 4739). Defense Authorization Act FY 1991 (Section 1458). Empowered the President to prohibit any and all products of a foreign nation which has violated the economic sanctions against Iraq. Became public law: November 5, 1990. P.L. 101-513: (H.R. 5114). The Iraq Sanctions Act of 1990 (Section 586). Imposed a trade embargo on Iraq and called for the imposition and enforcement of multilateral sanctions in accordance with United Nations Security Council Resolutions. Became public law: November 5, 1990. P.L. 101-515: (H.R. 5021). Department of Commerce, Justice, and State Appropriations Act FY 1991 (Section 608 a & b). Restricted the use of funds to approve the licensing for export of any supercomputer to any country whose government is assisting Iraq develop its ballistic missile program, or chemical, biological, and nuclear weapons capability. Became public law: November 5, 1990. 102nd Congress Public Laws P.L. 102-1: (H.J. Res. 77). Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution. Gave Congressional authorization to expel Iraq from Kuwait in accordance with United Nations Security Council Resolution 678, which called for the implementation of eleven previous Security Council Resolutions. Became public law: January 12, 1991. P.L. 102-138: (H.R. 1415). The Foreign Relations Authorization Act for FY 1992 (Section 301). Stated that the President should propose to the Security Council that members of the Iraqi regime be put on trial for war crimes. Became public law: October 28, 1991. P.L. 102-190: (H.R. 2100). Defense Authorization Act for FY1992 (Section 1095). Supported the use of ``all necessary means to achieve the goals of United Nations Security Council Resolution 687 as being consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution (P.L. 102-1).'' Became public law: December 5, 1991. 103rd Congress Public Laws P.L. 103-160: (H.R. 2401). Defense Authorization Act FY 1994 (Section 1164). Denied defectors of the Iraqi military entry into the United States unless those persons had assisted U.S. or coalition forces and had not committed any war crimes. Became public law: November 30, 1993. P.L. 103-236: (H.R. 2333). Foreign Relations Authorization Act FY 1994, 1995 (Section 507). Expressed the sense of Congress that the United States should continue to advocate the maintenance of Iraq's territorial integrity and the transition to a unified, democratic Iraq. Became public law: April 30, 1994. 104th Congress House H. Res. 120: Urged the President to take ``all appropriate action'' to secure the release and safe exit from Iraq of American citizens William Barloon and David Daliberti, who had mistakenly crossed Iraq's border and were detained. Passed in the House: April 3, 1995. Senate S. Res. 288: Commended the military action taken by the United States following U.S. air strikes in northern Iraq against Iraqi radar and air defense installations. This action was taken during the brief Kurdish civil war in 1996. Passed in the Senate: September 5, 1996. 105th Congress House H. Res. 322: Supported the pursuit of peaceful and diplomatic efforts in seeking Iraqi compliance with United Nations Security Council Resolutions regarding the destruction of Iraq's capability to deliver and produce weapons of mass destruction. However, if such efforts fail, ``multilateral military action or unilateral military action should be taken.'' Passed in the House: November 13, 1997. H. Res. 612: Reaffirmed that it should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove the regime of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and to promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime. Passed in the House: December 17, 1998. H. Con. Res. 137: Expressed concern for the urgent need of a criminal tribunal to try members of the Iraqi regime for war crimes. Passed in the House: January 27, 1998. Senate S. Con. Res. 78: Called for the indictment of Saddam Hussein for war crimes. Passed in the Senate: March 13, 1998. Public Laws P.L. 105-174: (H.R. 3579). 1998 Supplemental Appropriations and Rescissions Act (Section 17). Expressed the sense of Congress that none of the funds appropriated or otherwise made available by this act be used for the conduct of offensive operations by the United States Armed Forces against Iraq for the purpose of enforcing compliance with United Nations Security Council Resolutions, unless such operations are specifically authorized by a law enacted after the date of the enactment of this act. Became public law: May 1, 1998. P.L. 105-235: (S.J. Res. 54). Iraqi Breach of International Obligations. Declared that by evicting weapons inspectors, Iraq was in ``material breach'' of its cease-fire agreement. Urged the President to take ``appropriate action in accordance with the Constitution and relevant laws of the United States, to bring Iraq into compliance with its international obligations.'' Became public law: August 14, 1998. P.L. 105-338 (H.R. 4655): Iraq Liberation Act of 1988 (Section 586). Declared that it should be the policy of the United States to ``support efforts'' to remove Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq and replace him with a democratic government. Authorized the President to provide the Iraqi democratic opposition with assistance for radio and television broadcasting, defense articles and military training, and humanitarian assistance. Became public law: October 31, 1998. 107th Congress House H.J. Res. 75: Stated that Iraq's refusal to allow weapons inspectors was a material breach of its international obligations and constituted ``a mounting threat to the United States, its friends and allies, and international peace and security.'' Passed in the House: December 20, 2001. Senate S. 1170 (H.R. 4): Would prohibit the direct or indirect importation of Iraqi-origin petroleum into the United States, notwithstanding action by the Committee established by United Nations Security Council Resolution 661 authorizing the export of petroleum products from Iraq in exchange for humanitarian assistance. Last major action: July 12, 2001 (Referred to Senate Committee on Finance). S. Con. Res. 133: Expresses the sense of Congress that ``the United States should not use force against Iraq, outside of the existing rules of engagement, without specific statutory authorization or a declaration of war under Article I, Section 8, Clause 11 of the Constitution of the United States.'' Last major action: July 30, 2002 (Referred to Senate Committee on Foreign Relations). S.J. Res. 41: Calls for the ``consideration and vote on a resolution for the use of force of the United States against Iraq before such force is deployed.'' Last major action: July 18, 2002 (Referred to Senate Committee on Foreign Relations). UNSCR 678--November 29, 1990--VIOLATED! Iraq must comply fully with UNSCR 660 (regarding Iraq's illegal invasion of Kuwait) ``and all subsequent relevant resolutions.'' Authorizes UN Member States ``to use all necessary means to uphold and implement resolution 660 and all subsequent relevant resolutions and to restore international peace and security in the area.'' UNSCR 686--March 3, 1991--VIOLATED! Iraq must release prisoners detained during the Gulf War. Iraq must return Kuwaiti property seized during the Gulf War. Iraq must accept liability under international law for damages from its illegal invasion of Kuwait. UNSCR 687--April 3, 1991--VIOLATED! Iraq must ``unconditionally accept'' the destruction, removal or rendering harmless ``under international supervision'' of all ``chemical and biological weapons and all stocks of agents and all related subsystems and components and all research, development, support and manufacturing facilities.'' Iraq must ``unconditionally agree not acquire or develop nuclear weapons or nuclear-weapons-usable material'' or any research, development or manufacturing facilities. Iraq must ``unconditionally accept'' the destruction, removal or rendering harmless ``under international supervision'' of all ``ballistic missiles with a range greater than 150 KM and related major parts and repair and production facilities.'' Iraq must not ``use, develop, construct or acquire'' any weapons of mass destruction. Iraq must reaffirm its obligations under the Nuclear Non- Proliferation Treaty. Creates the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) to verify the elimination of Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programs and mandated that the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) verify elimination of Iraq's nuclear weapons program. Iraq must declare fully its weapons of mass destruction programs. Iraq must not commit or support terrorism, or allow terrorist organizations to operate in Iraq. Iraq must cooperate in accounting for the missing and dead Kuwaitis and others. Iraq must return Kuwaiti property seized during the Gulf War. UNSCR 688--April 5, 1991--VIOLATED! ``Condemns'' repression of Iraqi civilian population, ``the consequences of which threaten international peace and security.'' Iraq must immediately end repression of its civilian population. Iraq must allow immediate access to international humanitarian organizations to those in need of assistance. UNSCR 707--August 15, 1991--VIOLATED! ``Condemns'' Iraq's ``serious violation'' of UNSCR 687. ``Further condemns'' Iraq's noncompliance with IAEA and its obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Iraq must halt nuclear activities of all kinds until the Security Council deems Iraq in full compliance. Iraq must make a full, final and complete disclosure of all aspects of its weapons of mass destruction and missile programs. Iraq must allow UN and IAEA inspectors immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. Iraq must cease attempts to conceal or move weapons of mass destruction, and related materials and facilities. Iraq must allow U.N. and IAEA inspectors to conduct inspection flights throughout Iraq. Iraq must provide transportation, medical and logistical support for U.N. and IAEA inspectors. unscr 715--October 11, 1991--VIOLATED! Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. and IAEA inspectors. unscr 949--october 15, 1994--violated! ``Condemns'' Iraq's recent military deployments toward Kuwait. Iraq must not utilize its military or other forces in a hostile manner to threaten its neighbors or U.N. operations in Iraq. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. weapons inspectors. Iraq must not enhance its military capability in southern Iraq. unscr 1051--March 27, 1996--violated! Iraq must report shipments of dual-use items related to weapons of mass destruction to the U.N. and IAEA. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. and IAEA inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. unscr 1060--June 12, 1996--violated! ``Deplores'' Iraq's refusal to allow access to U.N. inspectors and Iraq's ``clear violations'' of previous U.N. resolutions. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. unscr 1115--June 21, 1997--violated! ``Condemns repeated refusal of Iraqi authorities to allow access'' to U.N. inspectors, which constitutes a ``clear and flagrant violation'' of UNSCR 687, 707, 715, and 1060. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. Iraq must give immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access to Iraqi officials whom U.N. inspectors want to interview. unscr 1134--October 23, 1997--violated! ``Condemns repeated refusal of Iraqi authorities to allow access'' to U.N. inspectors, which constitutes a ``flagrant violation'' of UNSCR 687, 707, 715, and 1060. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. Iraq must give immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access to Iraqi officials whom U.N. inspectors want to interview. unscr 1137--November 12, 1997--violated! ``Condemns the continued violations by Iraq'' of previous U.N. resolutions, including its ``implicit threat to the safety of'' aircraft operated by U.N. inspectors and its tampering with U.N. inspector monitoring equipment. Reaffirms Iraq's responsibility to ensure the safety of U.N. inspectors. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. unscr 1154--March 2, 1998--violated! Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. and IAEA weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access, and notes that any violation would have the ``severest consequences for Iraq.'' unscr 1194--September 9, 1998--violated! ``Condemns the decision by Iraq of 5 August 1998 to suspend cooperation with'' U.N. and IAEA inspectors, which constitutes ``a totally unacceptable contravention'' of its obligations under UNSCR 687, 707, 715, 1060, 1115, and 1154. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. and IAEA weapons inspectors, and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. unscr 1205--November 5, 1998--violated! ``Condemns the decision by Iraq of 31 October 1998 to cease cooperation'' with U.N. inspectors as ``a flagrant violation'' of UNSCR 687 and other resolutions. Iraq must provide ``immediate, complete and unconditional cooperation'' with U.N. and IAEA inspectors. unscr 1284--December 17, 1999--violated! Created the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspections Commission (UNMOVIC) to replace previous weapon inspection team (UNSCOM). Iraq must allow UNMOVIC ``immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access'' to Iraqi officials and facilities. Iraq must fulfill its commitment to return Gulf War prisoners. Calls on Iraq to distribute humanitarian goods and medical supplies to its people and address the needs of vulnerable Iraqis without discrimination.

Mr. KINGSTON

Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time, and I stand in support of Joint Resolution 114. Mr. Speaker, the way I see it is this way. Let us just say, hypothetically, if it was August 2001, and I stood before this House and said, listen, there is a guy out there named Osama bin Laden who is associated with a terrorist group named al Qaeda, and this terrorist group has found safe haven inside the corrupt Taliban government of Afghanistan. And, my colleagues, I think we should do something about it because our intelligence is not necessarily absolute, but this guy is up to no good and we need to strike before he strikes us. Now, if I had said that in August of 2001, people would have said, that war monger, that jingoistic guy from Georgia. What is he talking about? Yet before September 11, would it not have been nice if we could have had that speech and maybe prevented the tragedy of September 11? Well, here we are. We know Saddam Hussein has violated treaty after treaty which happened after Desert Storm, starting with U.N. Resolution 660, U.N. Resolution 678, U.N. Resolution 686, 687, 688, 701, all of them. In fact, 16 total of very significant matters going back to Resolution 660. All of them violated, Mr. Speaker. And then here is the situation with the weapons. We know that they have VX. It is a sticky, colorless liquid that interferes with nerve impulses of the body, causes convulsions and paralysis. U.N. inspectors estimate that Iraq has the means to make 200 tons of VX. Sarin Gas. And, of course, we know that it causes convulsions and paralysis as well. It was used in a small quantity in a Tokyo subway in 1995. Again, inspectors estimate that they have maybe as high as 800 tons of sarin gas. It goes on. Mustard gas, anthrax, and other great worrisome chemical and biological weapons in their stockpile. We also know that he is trying to become nuclear capable. Finally comes the question of terrorism. We know that the State Department has designated Iraq as a state that sponsors international terrorism. We know that they shelter the Abu Nidal terrorist organization that has carried out terrorist attacks in 20 different countries and killed over 900 people. We also know that Iraq shelters several prominent terrorist Palestinian organizations, including the Palestine Liberation Front, which is known for its attacks on Israel, including one on the Achille Lauro ship that killed the United States citizen, Leon Klinghoffer. My colleagues, the time to act is now. If we could just think for a minute what the price of action is versus inaction. Had Todd Beamer and the other passengers of Flight 93 elected a course of inaction on September 11, the price would have been significantly different for particularly those of us in this building. This is a time that calls for action. And in the great words of Todd Beamer, let me close with this: ``Let's roll.'' It is time to do something. Let us pass this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Joint Resolution 114, Authorizing the Use of Military Force Against Iraq. Here's how I view the situation: Suppose last August (2001), I gave a speech announcing, ``There's a guy named Osama Bin Laden who is involved in a terrorist group called Al Quida, which has found a safe haven and training opportunities inside the corrupt Taliban government of Afghanistan. Bin Laden and his terrorist allies probably were involved in the 1993 bombing of the WTC, the bombing of the USS Cole in Yemen, and the bombing of our embassies in Africa. We know Bin Laden hates America and it is likely his group will attack our country in the future. Therefore we need to eliminate him. I suggest we start bombing his hideouts in Afghanistan immediately.'' Had I given that speech, I would have been laughed at and called a warmonger, even though action against Al Quida in August 2001 could have saved thousands of lives in both America and Afghanistan. But this, in fact, is our situation today. Saddam Hussein hates us. He harbors terrorist groups, possesses chemical and biological weapons, and may become nuclear capable in a short period of time. America traditionally does not do preemptive strikes, but the events of September 11th change everything. Americans will not tolerate the threat of another horrific attack against the United States. Although no American desires a war, the best way to ensure Hassein's compliance with UN resolutions, and reduce the threat he poses to our national security, is for Congress to confirm the United State's willingness to use force if necessary. Mr. Speaker, let me give you an account of all the reasons why I support this resolution. The whole world knows that Saddam Hussein has repeatedly violated all 16 of the United Nations Security Council Resolutions (UNSCRs) for more than a decade. These violations should not be taken lightly and are worthy of review. The list is substantial: UNSCR 678--November 29, 1990--violated Iraq must comply fully with UNSCR 660 (regarding Iraq's illegal invasion of Kuwait) ``and all subsequent relevant resolutions.'' Authorizes U.N. Member States ``to use all necessary means to uphold and implement resolution 660 and all subsequent relevant resolutions and to restore international peace and security in the area.'' UNSCR 686--March 2, 1991--Violated Iraq must release prisoners detained during the Gulf War. Iraq must return Kuwaiti property seized during the Gulf War. Iraq must accept liability under international law for damages from its illegal invasion of Kuwait. unscr 687--April 3, 1991--violated Iraq must ``unconditionally accept'' the destruction, removal or rendering harmless ``under international supervision'' of all ``chemical and biological weapons and all stocks of agents and all related subsystems and components and all research, development, support and manufacturing facilities.'' Iraq must ``unconditionally agree not to acquire or develop nuclear weapons or nuclear-weapons-usable material'' or any research, development or manufacturing facilities. Iraq must ``unconditionally accept'' the destruction, removal or rendering harmless ``under international supervision'' of all ``ballistic missiles with a range greater than 150 KM and related major parts and repair and production facilities.'' Iraq must not ``use, develop, construct or acquire'' any weapons of mass destruction. Iraq must reaffirm its obligations under the Nuclear Non- Proliferation Treaty. Creates the United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) to verify the elimination of Iraq's chemical and biological weapons programs and mandated that the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) verify elimination of Iraq's nuclear weapons program. Iraq must declare fully its weapons of mass destruction programs. Iraq must not commit or support terrorism, or allow terrorist organizations to operate in Iraq. Iraq must cooperate in accounting for the missing and dead Kuwaitis and others. Iraq must return Kuwaiti property seized during the Gulf War. UNSCR 688--April 5, 1991--Violated ``Condemns'' repression of Iraqi civilian population, ``the consequences of which threaten international peace and security.'' Iraq must immediately end repression of its civilian population. Iraq must allow immediate access to international humanitarian organizations to those in need of assistance. unscr 707--august 15, 1991--violated ``Condemns'' Iraq's ``serious violation'' of UNSCR 687. ``Further condemns'' Iraq's noncompliance with IAEA and its obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. Iraq must halt nuclear activities of all kinds until the Security Council deems Iraq in full compliance. Iraq must make a full, final and complete disclosure of all aspects of its weapons of mass destruction and missile programs. Iraq must allow U.N. and IAEA inspectors immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. Iraq must cease attempts to conceal or move weapons of mass destruction, and related materials and facilities. Iraq must allow U.N. and IAEA inspectors to conduct inspection flights throughout Iraq. Iraq must provide transportation, medical and logistical support for U.N. and IAEA inspectors. UNSCR 715--October 11, 1991--Violated Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. and IAEA inspectors. UNSCR 949--October 15, 1994--Violated ``Condemns'' Iraq's recent military deployments toward Kuwait. Iraq must not utilize its military or other forces in a hostile manner to threaten its neighbors or U.N. operations in Iraq. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. weapons inspectors. Iraq must not enhance its military capability in southern Iraq. UNSCR 1051--March 27 19961--Violated Iraq must report shipments of dual-use items related to weapons of mass destruction to the U.N. and IAEA. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. and IAEA inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. UNSCR 1060--June 12, 1996--Violated ``Deplores'' Iraq's refusal to allow access to U.N. inspectors and Iraq's ``clear violations'' of previous U.N. resolutions. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. UNSCR 1115--June 21, 1997--Violated ``Condemns repeated refusal of Iraqi authorities to allow access'' to U.N. inspectors, which constitutes a ``clear and flagrant violation'' of UNSCR 687, 707, 715, and 1060. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. Iraq must give immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access to Iraqi officials whom U.N. inspectors want to interview. UNSCR 1134--October 23, 1997--Violated ``Condemns repeated refusal of Iraqi authorities to allow access'' to U.N. inspectors, which constitutes a ``flagrant violation'' of UNSCR 687, 707, 715, and 1060. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. Iraq must give immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access to Iraqi officials whom U.N. inspectors want to interview. unscr 1137--november 12, 1997--violated ``Condemns the continued violations by Iraq'' of previous U.N. resolutions, including its ``implicit threat to the safety of'' aircraft operated by U.N. inspectors and its tampering with U.N. inspector monitoring equipment. Reaffirms Iraq's responsibility to ensure the safety of U.N. inspectors. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional unrestricted access. unscr 1154--march 2, 1998--violated Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. and IAEA weapons inspectors and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access, and notes that any violation would have the ``severest consequences for Iraq.'' unscr 1194--September 9, 1998--violated ``Condemns the decision by Iraq of 5 August 1998 to suspend cooperation'' with U.N. and IAEA inspectors, which constitutes ``a totally unacceptable contravention'' of its obligations under UNSCR 687, 7078, 715, 1060, 1115, and 1154. Iraq must cooperate fully with U.N. and IAEA weapons inspectors, and allow immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access. unscr 1205--November 5, 1998--violated ``Condemns the decision by Iraq of 31 October 1998 to cease cooperation'' with U.N. inspectors as ``a flagrant violation'' of UNSCR 687 and other resolutions. Iraq must provide ``immediate, complete and unconditional cooperation'' with U.N. and IAEA inspectors. unscr 1284--December 17, 1998--violated Created the United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspections Commission (UNMOVIC) to replace previous weapon inspection team (UNSCOM). Iraq must allow UNMOVIC ``immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access'' to Iraqi officials and facilities. Iraq must fulfill its commitment to return Gulf War prisoners. Calls on Iraq to distribute humanitarian goods and medical supplies to its people and address the needs of vulnerable Iraqis without discrimination. While all these violations are extremely serious, there are 3 or 4 items that stand out in my mind. His blatant refusal to allow U.N. weapons inspectors to oversee the destruction of his weapons of mass destruction. His continued development of new biological and chemical weapons. His continued pursuit of nuclear weapons, and His support and harboring of terrorist organizations inside Iraq (including Al Quida). Mr. Speaker, some people have said, ``why are we doing this now?'' They say there is no ``clear and present danger.'' I don't know how much clearer it has to be. The facts of the matter are documented, and undoubtedly pose a clear and present danger to our national security. Documented U.N. weapons inspector reports show that Iraq continually deceived the inspectors and never provided definitive proof that they destroyed their stockpiles of biological and chemical weapons. Iraq has admitted producing the world's most dangerous biological and chemical weapons, but refuses to give proof that they destroyed them. Examples of Iraq's chemical weapons include VX, Sarin Gas and Mustard Gas. VX, the most toxic of chemical weapons, is a sticky, colorless liquid that interferes with the body's nerve impulses, causing convulsions and paralysis of the lungs and blood vessels. Victims essentially chock to death. A dose of 10 milligrams on the skin is enough to kill. Iraq acknowledged making nearly 4 tons of VX, and ``claimed'' they destroyed it, but they never provided any definitive proof. U.N. inspectors estimate that Iraq has the means to make more than 200 tons of VX, and Iraq continues to rebuild and expand dual-use facilities that it could quickly adapt to chemical weapons production. Sarin gas, a nerve agent like VX, causes convulsions, paralysis and asphyxiation. Even a small scale Sarin Gas attack such as the one used in the Tokyo subway in 1995 can kill and injure vast numbers of people. Iraq acknowledged making approximately 800 tons of Sarin gas and thousands of rockets, artillery shells and bombs containing Sarin, but they have not accounted for hundreds of these weapons. Iraq willingly used these weapons against Iran during the Iran-Iraq war, and it also used them against Kurdish Iraqi civilians. Mustard Gas, a colorless liquid that evaporates into a gas and begins dissolving upon contact with the skin causes injuries similar to burns and damages the eyes and lungs. Iraq acknowledged making thousands of tons of mustard gas and using the chemical during it's war with Iran, but told U.N. inspectors they ``misplaced'' 550 mustard filled artillery shells after the Gulf war. Examples of Iraq's biological weapons include Anthrax, Botulimun Toxin and Aflatoxin Anthrax, as we all know, is a potentially fatal bacterium that causes flu like symptoms before filling the lungs with fluid and causing death. Just a few tiny spores are enough to cause the deadly infection. Iraq has acknowledged making 2,200 gallons of anthrax spores--enough to kill millions, but U.N. inspectors determined that Iraq could have made three times as much. Inspectors say that at least 16 missile warheads filled with Anthrax are missing, and Iraq is working to produce the deadlier powdered form of Anthrax that could be sprayed from aircraft, put into missile warheads, or given to terrorists. Botulimun Toxin, is a poison that is one of the deadliest substances known to man. Even in small doses it causes gastrointestinal infection and can quickly advance to paralysis and death. A mere 70 billionths of a gram is enough to kill if inhaled. Iraq acknowledged making 2,200 gallons of Botulimun Toxin, most of which was put into missile warheads and other munitions. At least five missile warheads with Botulimun Toxin are missing according to U.N. inspectors. Aflatoxin, is a poison that can cause swelling of the abdomen, lungs and brain resulting in convulsion, coma and death. Iraq acknowledged making more than 520 gallons of Aflaxtoxin and putting it into missile warheads and bombs. At least four Aflatoxin-- filled missile warheads are missing according to U.N. inspectors. It is also a fact (and a clear and present danger) that Saddam Hussein continues his work to develop a nuclear weapon. We know he had an advanced nuclear weapons development program before the Gulf War, and the independent Institute for Strategic Studies concluded that Saddam Hussein could build a nuclear bomb within months if he were able to obtain fissile material. We now know that Iraq has embarked on a worldwide hunt for materials to make an atomic bomb. In the last 14 months, Iraq has sought to buy thousands of specially designed aluminum tubes, which are believed to be intended for use as components of centrifuges to enrich uranium. As if weapons of mass destruction in the hands of a ruthless dictator were not enough, we now know that Saddam Hussein harbors terrorist organizations within Iraq. Iraq is one of seven countries that have been designated by the State Department as ``state sponsors of international terrorism.'' UNSUR 687 prohibits Saddam Hussein from committing or supporting terrorism, or allowing terrorist organizations to operate in Iraq. Saddam continues to violate these UNSUR provisions. Iraq shelters the Abu Nidal Terrorist Organization that has carried out terrorist attacks in twenty countries, killing or injuring almost 900 people. These terrorists have offices in Baghdad and received training, logistical assistance, and financial aid from the government of Iraq. Iraq also shelters several prominent Palestinian terrorist organizations in Baghdad, including the Palestine Liberation Front (PLF), which is known for attacks against Israel and is headed by Abu Abbas, who carried out the 1985 hijacking of the cruise ship Achille Lauro and murdered U.S. citizen Leo Klinghoffer. Hussein increased from $10,000 to $25,000 the money he offers to families of Palestinian suicide/homicide bombers who blow themselves up with belt explosives. Several former Iraqi military officers have described a highly secret terrorist training facility in Iraq known as Salman Pak, where both Iraqis and non-Iraqi Arabs receive training on hijacking planes and trains, planting explosives in cities, sabotage, and assassinations. And in 1993, the Iraqi Intelligence Service (IIS) attempted to assassinate former U.S. President George Bush and the Emir of Kuwait. Kuwaiti authorities thwarted the terrorist plot and arrested 17 suspects, led by two Iraqi nationals. Mr. Speaker, I don't know how much clearer it needs to be. The American people will not understand if we ignore these facts, sit back, and wait for the unacceptable possibility of Saddam Hussein providing a weapon of mass destruction to a terrorist group for use against the United States. Saddam Hussein was the only world leader to fully condone the September 11 attacks on America. His media even promised the American people that if their government did not change its policies toward Iraq, it would suffer even more devastating blows. He has even endorsed and encouraged acts of terrorism against America. The case is clear. We know Saddam Hussein has weapons of mass destruction, we know he harbors terrorists including al-Qaida, and we know he hates America, so the case against Saddam really isn't the issue. The question is what are we going to do about it. Cearly, we must authorize the use of military force against Iraq in case it becomes necessary. The President has said that military action is a last resort, and our bipartisan resolution calls for the same tact, but Saddam Hussein must know that America is prepared to use force if he continues to defy UN Security Council resolutions and refuses to disarm. As the President said, approving this resolution does not mean that military action is imminent or unavoidable. The resolution will tell the United Nations, and all nations, that America speaks with one voice and is determined to make the demands of the civilized world mean something. Congress will be sending a message to Saddam Hussein that his only choice is full compliance--and the time remaining for that choice is limited. The Speaker, the price of taking action against this evil dictator may be high, but history has shown that the price of inaction is even higher. Had Todd Beamer and the passengers of flight 93 elected a course of inaction on September 11th, the price may have been far higher for those of us in this building. There comes a time when we must take action. A time when we must risk lives in order to save lives. This resolution authorizes action, if necessary, to protect America. Mr. Speaker, I am confident that I speak for every member of this House when I say I hope we can avoid war & that Saddam Hussein will allow unfettered access to all sites and willingly disarm. But if he does not, then the Congress will have done its duty and given the President the authority he needs to defend our great nation. The authority to take action if Iraq continues to delay, deceive and deny. If Hussein complies, our resolution will have worked, but if he does not, then in the words of that brave American Todd Beamer, ``Let's Roll!''

Mr. KINGSTON

Mr. KINGSTON. Madam Speaker, the University of Nevada, Las Vegas, was forced to close its trauma unit after 57 of 58 surgeons quit, citing exposure to costly medical malpractice. In LeHigh, Pennsylvania, one- third of the surgeons quit because of unrelenting problems with medical malpractice. In Wheeling, West Virginia, all of the neurosurgeons have left, so that trauma patients needing brain surgery must be flown to Pittsburgh. And in Philadelphia, the Methodist Hospital stopped delivering babies June 30 because of malpractice insurance costs. But this House will have an opportunity to do something about that with the passage of H.R. 4600. This will help get health care malpractice premiums in line that will bring some balance, protect the interests of the patients, and restore the doctor-patient relationship. The objective of H.R. 4600 is to put patients into the emergency room and not get lawyers into the courtroom. I urge my colleagues to support it.

Mr. KINGSTON

Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, there is a sinkhole on the Capitol, not over here, but over there, a giant growing sinkhole. It is particularly hazardous to judicial nominees, to presidential appointees, and to presidential ideas or initiatives in general. It is very hazardous to legislation, hazardous to the budget. In fact, the only thing that seems to get through this giant sinkhole are memos from Barbra Streisand; but that is an improvement, I would say, over contacting Eleanor Roosevelt, as we were doing a couple of years ago to get our instructions. Now, this sinkhole ate up the budget this year. There is no budget. Where there is no budget, every day is Christmas. I have four wonderful children. I love my children, like just every Democrat and Republican here. We all love our kids, but my kids have all kinds of ideas about how I ought to be spending my money. For birthdays, they want a golf cart, Jetskis, CDs, and if they are older, they want a car. None of them quite wanted the pair of tennis shoes that I bought and wrapped so carefully. The reality is, they think I am a U.S. Senator, and every day is Christmas when we do not have a budget. So here we are forced to pass a continuing resolution because we cannot deal with some group that does not have a budget. That is bad enough, but here are some other bills. We are at war. As I speak, as we sit here, we have troops in Afghanistan and Pakistan and all over the Middle East, and yet we cannot get a homeland security bill passed. We cannot get faith-based initiatives passed. The House has passed 51 bills which have not been passed by the other body. There is no bipartisan Patient Protection Act. There is no human cloning bill. I can understand that because some of them do not want more of us, and a lot of us do not want more of them. Maybe that one I can understand their hesitancy. They have not passed Personal Responsibility, Work, and Family Promotion Act, or welfare reform. We had 14 million people on welfare 3 years ago. Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

Mr. KINGSTON. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate that. Now there is no doubt who I am referring to; and that same other body has not passed the Child Custody Protection Act, the Internet Freedom and Broadband Deployment Act, the Small Business Interest Checking Act, the Sudan Peace Act, the Coral Reef and Coastal Marine Conservation Act, the Rail Passenger Disaster Family Assistance Act, the Medicare Regulatory and Contracting Reform Act, the Two Strikes and You're Out Child Protection Act, the Anti-Hoax Terrorism Act, the Class Action Fairness Act, the True American Heroes Act, the Jobs for Veterans Act, the Social Security Benefit Enhancement for Women Act, the Child Sex Crimes Wiretapping Act. Mr. Speaker, all this stuff the House has passed, 51 pieces of legislation which languish in this giant sinkhole on the other side of the Capitol. It is disgraceful. Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore