Jerry Kleczka

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, May 3 marks the 206th anniversary of Europe's first written constitution. It may come as a surprise to some that this constitution was produced in Poland. Scholars tell us the document was conceived in the spirit of the U.S. Constitution, which preceded it by just 4 years. It established the radical principle that the power to govern emanates from the people. The Polish Constitution was signed in 1791, after 3 years of intense debate. It was the product of King Stanislaw August's renovation of the country. It recast Poland-Lithuania as a hereditary monarchy and abolished many of the eccentric and antiquated features of the old system. It ended the individual veto in Parliament and provided a separation of powers among the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government. It established an elected judiciary, trial by jury, the concept of habeas corpus, and freedom of religion. All this was done without bloodshed. Nevertheless, the nobility saw the new constitution as a challenge to their stature. Its passage also alarmed autocratic states such as Russia, who viewed it as a threat to their domination of Poland. In 1792, domestic and foreign reactionaries ended the democratization of Poland. Polish conservatives formed a confederation and appealed to Russia to restore the status quo. Enlisting Prussia's support, Russia invaded Poland under the pretext of defending its ancient liberties. Stanislaw August capitulated. France, Russia, and Prussia abrogated the Polish Constitution, carried out a second partition of Poland in 1793 and placed the remainder of the country under Russian occupation. Despite this defeat, the democratic ideals of the Polish Constitution lived on in the citizens who played a leading role in bringing an end to communism in Eastern Europe. And they continue to live on in a democratic Poland, borne of struggle. Although the Polish Constitution was never implemented, it has gained an honored position in the Polish political heritage. Poland celebrates the anniversary of its passage as the country's most important civic holiday. I'm proud to be of Polish descent and to honor Polish Constitution Day.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, hunger has no calender. Hunger doesn't know if it's spring, summer, winter, or fall. Hunger doesn't know the days of the week, or the months of the year. During the Thanksgiving and Christmas holiday season, our thoughts and our hearts turn to the less fortunate in our own communities. But, sadly, hunger is a year round concern and food pantries can be dangerously depleted during the spring and summertime. That's why it is so important that all Americans are aware that on May 10, the National Association of Letter Carriers [NALC], in conjunction with the U.S. Postal Service, the AFL-CIO, and the United Way, will be collecting nonperishable food items for distribution to local food pantries. Postal customers simply place the food items by their mailboxes on the 10th, and the letter carriers pick up the items when they make their rounds. This is the largest 1 day food drive in the Nation, and proudly, I might add, my hometown, Milwaukee, ranked third in the Nation last year by collecting over 1 million pounds of food for distribution. Let's all spread the news, far and wide, to the cities, suburbs, towns, and rural areas, as hunger affects many of our neighborhoods and hometowns. When doing the weekly grocery shopping for the second week of May, please join my wife and I by adding to the shopping cart a few extra cans of soup, vegetables and fruit, for distribution via the Letter Carrier food drive May 10.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate the Honorable Ted Wedemeyer on being named the 1997 Pal Joey Award recipient by the St. Joseph's Foundation, Inc., of Milwaukee, WI. In honoring Ted, the St. Joseph's Foundation is recognizing a man who has done so much for the community he loves. His commitment to justice is evident in his distinguished career on the circuit court and currently as presiding judge of the First District Court of Appeals, and in his volunteerism with several community organizations, including the St. Joseph's Foundation. Ted Wedemeyer has shown his dedication to the Milwaukee area throughout his entire life. Over the years he has been committed to improving the lives of many of Milwaukee's citizens through his involvement with organizations including the Wisconsin Children's Service Society, Wisconsin Easter Seals, and the American Legion, just to name a few. His many years of loyal service to the St. Joseph's Foundation demonstrate his desire to make Milwaukee an even better place for all of its citizens. For this reason, the St. Joseph's Foundation wishes to honor Ted by awarding him with the 1997 Pal Joey Award. Ted Wedemeyer has clearly set an example for all of us to follow. Congratulations, Ted, this is an honor that is well deserved.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of a bipartisan bill to protect taxpayers, H.R. 1226, the Taxpayer Browsing Protection Act. In February of this year, the First Circuit Court of Appeals overturned the conviction of Richard W. Czubinski, a former Internal Revenue Service employee who had snooped through the tax records of several taxpayers. The court claimed that although there was a law against unauthorized disclosure of confidential tax information, there was no law against unauthorized browsing of those private tax records. The public correctly expects that their tax records will only be inspected by those authorized to do so for legitimate purposes: Browsing is unacceptable, and it must stop. This bill will prohibit unauthorized review or browsing of Federal tax information which the IRS possesses. It will improve current law by putting criminal sanctions in the Tax Code and by protecting tax information in both electronic and paper forms. Those who break the law would be dismissed by the IRS, could be sentenced up to a year in jail, and additionally could be forced to pay up to $100,000 in fines. Also upon the filing of a criminal action against a browser, the IRS would notify affected taxpayers who could then sue the violator for civil damages. Mr. Speaker, taxpayers expect and deserve that the Federal Government will protect the privacy of their personal financial information. As an original cosponsor of this measure, I urge Members to join me in voting ``yes'' today on H.R. 1226, the Taxpayer Browsing Protection Act.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Brown].

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, first, let me say that the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. Camp] has adequately explained the bill. This is a correction bill. Back in 1987, we passed the legislation on nurse aide training. I think in this one area we went too far. This bill provides States with the flexibility to continue needed nursing aide training, even though the home itself might be under some type of a review. I would ask all of my colleagues to join the gentleman from Michigan [Mr. Camp] and myself in supporting this needed legislation. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, thousands of former servicemen and servicewomen in a number of States are currently prohibited from receiving State-financed home mortgages. That is why Representative Herger and I are reintroducing the Veterans American Dream Homeownership Assistance Act. Under a little-known provision of the 1984 tax bill, veterans in certain States who served in the Armed Forces beginning any time after 1976 are all but prohibited from receiving a State-financed veterans home mortgage. In my State of Wisconsin, this means that most of our fighting men and women in uniform who served in Panama, Grenada, and the gulf war cannot get veterans home mortgages from their own State government, even if the State government would like to grant them. Are those who began serving their country after 1976 any less deserving than those who went before? Why does this cutoff exist? This cutoff was created to raise additional revenue for the 1984 tax bill by limiting the use of tax- exempt bonds to finance State veterans mortgage programs. When this provision was passed, post-1976 vets were a small percentage of all veterans, without much voice to protest this discriminatory change. But 13 years later, there are thousands who have served our country honorably in that period. The five affected State veterans affairs departments believe that if this bill becomes law, they can help a great number of these post-1976 vets purchase their own home. The States that are currently permitted to use this Federal tax-exempt State bond financing are Wisconsin, California, Texas, Oregon, and Alaska. This legislation would simply eliminate the cutoff that exists under current law. Under our proposal, former servicemen and servicewomen in the five States who served our country beginning in 1977 or any years after that could be eligible to qualify for a home mortgage loan provided by their States. Our proposal does not increase Federal discretionary spending 1 cent but simply allows the permitted States who so choose to help all their veterans regardless of when they served. Why should we continue to exclude from State assistance certain vets who have served our country, just because they served recently? We believe that at the Federal level we should at least allow our own States to help those who served our Nation honorably. Please help those veterans of Grenada, Panama, and the gulf war in the affected States who want to own their own home. Please join Representative Herger and I and the 60 bipartisan cosponsors from the 104th Congress I cosponsoring the Veterans American Dream Homeownership Assistance Act.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in tribute to the men and women of St. Francis Hospital, which this year proudly celebrates 40 years of dedicated service to the residents of Milwaukee's south side. Nestled into a residential neighborhood, St. Francis Hospital for decades has realized that health care means more than the latest advances in medical technology. In fact, health care is about people, the people who come to the hospital for care and the professionals who provide it. Even during this day and age, a time of great change in health care, St. Francis Hospital remains committed to its founding vision: reaching out to care for those in need. And, the hospital remains true to the philosophy of their founding Felician Sisters, whose focus is a dedication to care and compassion for the whole person--body, mind, and spirit. Residents of Milwaukee and the surrounding communities are truly fortunate that they can seek care and comfort at a leading institution such as St. Francis Hospital. Excellence shows through in the hospital's comprehensive specialty programs: orthopedics, advanced surgery, obstetrics, and cardiac care, to name a few. In addition, the Wisconsin Laser Center, the Center of Neurological Disorders and the Center for Children's Orthopedics, all located at St. Francis Hospital, are recognized as leaders in their fields, both in Wisconsin and the Midwest. My colleagues certainly realize that fine facilities and modern equipment are essential in providing health care services today, but I truly believe it is the people of St. Francis Hospital, the Sisters, employees, medical staff, board of directors, volunteers, guild members, benefactors and friends, who have been the major force in continuing the hospital's fine tradition of Christian caring for the sick and injured over the last 40 years. Congratulations, St. Francis Hospital on 40 outstanding years of care and compassion for Milwaukeeans, and best wishes for continuing success in the next 40 and well beyond.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong opposition to H.R. 1, the so-called Working Families Flexibility Act. this title could not be more untrue. A more appropriate title for this family unfriendly legislation is the Paycheck Reduction Act, because that is exactly what will happen to families if this bill passes. H.R. 1 will allow employers to give their workers 1\1/2\ hours of compensatory time for every hour worked, instead of paying them time and a half. Employees stand to lost a great deal of money if this bill becomes law. They will not only lose their overtime pay, but also the money that would have otherwise been paid for their Social Security and unemployment benefits. While it is important that working fathers and mothers be allowed time off to go to their child's soccer game or see them in the school play, it is equally important to see that this is accomplished in a way that benefits the working parents, and not just their bosses. Employers already have a great deal of flexibility under the Fair Labor Standards Act to accommodate their workers' requests for time off for family or personal matters. In addition, workers today already have the opportunity to take unpaid leave under the Family and Medical Leave Act. This bill does not even guarantee that employers will grant time off for workers who choose to earn comptime instead of overtime pay. Only employers will have more flexibility under this act. When it comes time to decide which employees to give overtime work to, employers will always choose those who just want comptime over those that rightly want time and a half pay. Last year, the U.S. Department of Labor handled over 60,000 cases that dealt with the loss of overtime pay. These workers were cheated out of millions of dollars. We should not validate this unfair, illegal practice by changing the law to allow employers to deny overtime pay. Last month, during a Senate hearing on comptime legislation, a lobbyist for the National Federation of Independent Business stated that small business ``can't afford to pay their employees overtime. This flextime is something they can offer in exchange that gives them a benefit.'' this lobbyist conformed that employers have no intention of paying their workers time and a half when they can require them to work without pay instead. Our working men and women deserve better. They deserve pay for the overtime that they earn, instead of comptime that they can use only when their employer allows them to take it. I hope that my colleagues will join me in voting against this bill, which is an outright attack on the pocket books of American workers.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to address an issue that affects millions of Americans. As you all know, the recently released Boskin Commission concluded that the Consumer Price Index [CPI] overstates the rate of inflation by 1.1 percent. In light of this finding, several changes to the way in which the CPI is calculated have been proposed. Members of Congress, the President, and other government officials have different ideas on whether the Bureau of Labor Statistics [BLS] should continue to adjust the CPI when necessary or if an independent commission should make any needed changes. However, one element is lacking with these proposals: accountability. Whether we continue to have the Bureau of Labor Statistics determine the CPI, or pass that responsibility along to an independent commission, or choose another alternative, Members of Congress have a duty to ensure that any changes to the CPI are in the best interest of our citizens. We must be held to a vote on the matter. There are tough choices ahead in our quest to balance the budget. Federal benefits whose COLA's are linked to the CPI include: Social Security, Federal employee and military retirement, veterans pensions, child nutrition programs, and the Earned Income Tax Credit [EITC]. In addition, income tax brackets are also determined by the CPI. A quick fix to the problem of balancing the budget could be simply to adjust the rate of inflation, which would lower payments for recipients of benefits of all of the above programs and raise taxes. But quick fixes rarely solve the problem over the long run. We should not use the CPI as a budget balancing tool. The CPI is a cash cow that some Republicans are trying to use to achieve their budget goals. They are shopping for a commission to do the BLS's job, because they want the CPI decreased, and the BLS is not moving quickly enough for them. If the BLS was not being pressured by these Republicans and some in the Administration to recalculate this index to their specifications, this bill would not be necessary. The Republicans want the President to change the CPI administratively. They want this to be done so that when our seniors' Social Security COLA's are reduced, they can blame it on someone else. They are hiding behind someone else's decision instead of holding themselves accountable for these extremely difficult budget decisions facing this Congress. The BLS and its commissioner, Katharine Abraham, are moving as quickly as they can to examine if any changes should be made to the CPI. This is not an expert science, but it is the best system we have. The BLS economists are experts, and should be the ones to continue to make these important calculations. My legislation does not offer any particular solution to fix the CPI. Instead, it simply requires that any proposed changes be approved by the Congress. During consideration of the fiscal year 1996 Labor-HHS appropriations bill, I, along with Representative Barney Frank, offered an amendment which would protect Social Security COLA's, among other things, from unfair cuts by requiring Congressional approval of any changes in the formula used to calculate the CPI. My amendment was passed by the House, but later dropped in the House-Senate conference on the bill. My amendment has now been reintroduced as a free standing measure. I hope that all of my colleagues will join me and again decide to be held accountable for any changes to the many programs that are affected by changes in the CPI.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate Mr. Raymond ``Tim'' Gorecki, on being named one of the 1997 Persons of the Year by the Council of South Side Advancement Associations. By honoring Tim, the Council of South Side Advancement is recognizing a man who has served Milwaukee's south side for over 20 years. In that time, he has had a direct impact on the lives of many Milwaukeeans. Tim Gorecki has shown his dedication to his community through his involvement in several organizations. In addition to serving on the Board of Directors for the Council of South Side Advancement Associations, Tim also served as the Sergeant at Arms for the Milwaukee County Council of the American Legion, and is a member of the South Side Business Club and the George Washington Legion. Tim's involvement in these organizations demonstrates his commitment to Milwaukee. Tim Gorecki has clearly set an example for all of us to follow. I join the Council of South Side Advancement Associations in commending Tim Gorecki on his outstanding dedication to the south side of Milwaukee, and I congratulate him on being named one of the 1997 Persons of the Years.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I want to take this opportunity to salute one of Milwaukee's outstanding citizens, Bonnie Szortyka Peterson. Ms. Peterson is featured in February's Milwaukee Magazine in a story called ``One Woman's War.'' It's an appropriate title for a remarkable woman. The article calls Ms. Peterson ``the State's staunchest advocate for the blind'' and ``the toughest critic of the system built to help them.'' I'm sure those who read the article will agree. I ask that the article be included in the Record. One Woman's War (By Mary Van de Kamp Nohl) The state's staunchest advocate for the blind is the toughest critic of the system built to help them. How Bonnie Peterson became a rebel, ``the blind bitch'' and the last hope for those who are about to give up hope. Long after the other teens at the sleepover party had stopped talking about the job fair at New Berlin High School and dozed off, 15-year-old Bonnie Szortyka lay awake. It was 1968, and Bonnie had dreamt of becoming an airline stewardess, but now the dream was dead. A stewardess had to have perfect vision. She thought of becoming a teacher, but no, a teacher had to see a student with his hand raised and Bonnie could see a hand only if it was held a foot from her face. A teacher had to keep up with all of the paperwork and Bonnie could not. As hard as she had worked to hide her blindness, the truth was catching up with her. Her Herculean effort to eke out passing grades by putting in three times the hours her classmates did, writing with her nose scraping across a page until the headaches became intolerable, the endless hours spent with her mother reading schoolwork to her--all of it was for naught. Visions of careers, husbands and children filled the heads of the slumbering teens around her, but as dawn approached, Bonnie could not imagine any job that would allow her to leave home and have a life of her own. Just taking up space and air and food without giving anything back, she thought, was no life at all. The next night, knowing that it was a sin that would send her straight to hell and disgrace her family, but unable to pretend anymore, Bonnie Szortyka chocked down the contents of a giant economy bottle of aspirin. She went to bed and waited to die. Her body began to shake uncontrollably, but it was the sudden deathly silence, the nothingness of death that terrified her and she dragged herself to the living room where her parents were watching TV. Bonnie didn't die, but the girl released from West Allis Memorial Hospital the next day to her sobbing father had changed. She didn't want to die anymore; she wanted to fight. Born of despair and nurtured by anger, the seed planted that night would grow into a lifetime crusade. Today, at age 44, Bonnie Szortyka Peterson, an adjunct public speaking professor at the University of Wisconsin-Parkside and president of the National Federation of the Blind of Wisconsin (NFB), battles negative attitudes toward blindness and the low expectations and wasted lives that grow out of them. Yet those negative attitudes--held by both the sighted and the blind--are the bedrock of the system Wisconsin has built to help this state's 50,000 legally blind individuals, Peterson ways, ``a system that makes the disabled more dependent instead of independent.'' Says Peterson: ``What happens to blind people in Wisconsin today is just like what happened to the black slaves. We're being kept in our place . . . kept from reading, writing and connecting, from moving up.'' Peterson's personal war has taken her to testify before the state Legislature and U.S. Congress. It has made her an enemy of the state teachers' union and a critic of Wisconsin's school for the blind. She has targeted the state's vocational training programs and battled sheltered workshops for the disabled. Her candor has made her both villain and hero. Civil servants call her ``the blind bitch''; members of the blind community call her their ``last hope.'' It's said that blindness and death are the things people fear most, but Peterson ways blindness need not be any more limiting than shortness or obesity. ``It just requires alternative ways of doing things: Braille instead of print, a cane instead of using your eyes to get around.'' With her long white cane, she navigates the maze of state offices with such finesse that less skilled visually impaired civil servants suggest she is faking her blindness. ``It is so hard for them to imagine a successful blind person, they have to think that,'' she says. A person is legally blind when his vision is 20/200; that is, he has one-tenth the visual acuity of a normal sighted person. Medical records show Peterson's vision, at 20/300, is worse than that. There are 6.4 million visually impaired individuals in the United States: Twenty-seven percent are legally blind like Peterson. Only 6 percent have no vision at all. For most, blindness is not a black-and-white issue, but a shade of gray. Like the country's revolutionary founders, Peterson believes that an overbearing government eats out the substance of a man. Last fall, when state agencies staged a seminar for rehabilitation workers and their clients, one session was called ``Sexuality and Disabilities.'' Says Peterson: ``Most people have sex with their eyes closed anyway, but these people think we're so helpless we can't even make love without them helping us. It makes me want to cry.'' But Peterson doesn't want compassion. When an area charity offered to raise money for the Federation by showing helpless blind children in order to ``tug at the heart- strings and loosen donors' purse strings,'' she turned it down. ``We don't need more pictures of pathetic blind people.'' Peterson vowed to fight her war without them. But she is fighting a battle against entrenched special interests. She is battling bureaucratic arrogance and incompetence at a time when the public has become so numb to government scandal it may barely notice. But none of this will make Bonnie Peterson stop fighting. birth of a rebel Bonnie Szortyka was only a few months old when her parents, Chet and Adelaine, realized that their baby's eyes did not follow them when they moved. When Bonnie was 3 years old, a doctor at Mayo Clinic gave them no hope. `` `You have to consider her totally blind and send her away to a school for the blind. Period. That's it,' '' her mother recalls the doctor saying. The Szortykas could not bear to send the eldest of their three children away. They raised her the only way they knew, like a normal child who just happened to have very bad vision. It was the 1950s and Milwaukee Public Schools faced an epidemic of blind children. Most, like Bonnie, had been born prematurely. The oxygen that had helped their underdeveloped lungs function was blamed for destroying their fragile optic nerves. Bonnie was legally blind, but she had enough vision to keep her from getting into MPS' school for blind children immediately. At age 5, she was on a three-year waiting list. Adelaine worried about what her daughter's future would be if she didn't get a proper education. ``Is there a Braille class I can take to teach her?'' she asked MPS officials. ``They said, `Not here, maybe in Iowa.' '' The Milwaukee Catholic Archdiocese's schools had no special-education classes, but the nuns at St. Stanislaus School were willing to help. By second grade, Bonnie was reading with a book pressed to her face, focusing laboriously on one word, then the next. Bonnie drank gallons of carrot juice; she visited a faith healer. Doctor after doctor told her parents, `` `I've never seen a girl with this bad of vision [who is] this well-adjusted. She doesn't act like a blind person,' '' her mother recalls. Bonnie was the great pretender. On the Polish South Side of Milwaukee, First Communion Day was a family event. The Szortyka's living room was crowded with relatives when an aunt insisted that Bonnie read her Communion cards aloud. But when Bonnie held the card to her eye to see it, the aunt berated her, ``Don't make fun of people like that!'' Bonnie burst into tears. Alone in her room, she thought, ``I am one of those people. Why don't they know that?'' By sixth grade, severe eye strain caused constant headaches. ``I didn't even know that everyone didn't have this pain until I was 30 years old,'' she says. Eye strain led to nystagmus, a continuous jerky involuntary movement of Bonnie's eye muscles, making reading even more daunting. Bonnie slept with her nose pressed into the pillow, hoping to flatten it and thus get closer to her books. When Bonnie was 12, a Milwaukee doctor told her parents he could make a special pair of eye glasses. Bonnie eagerly donned the thick lenses and began to read the eye chart. Her mother was ecstatic. The doctor seemed delighted, but then, as she read further, his voice changed. ``What's wrong?'' her mother asked. ``She's memorized the chart,'' the doctor said. ``My mother was so mad at me. I was only trying to make her happy. She was always so sad when the doctors couldn't help,'' Bonnie remembers. ``I said, `Why can't you just love me like I am now?' '' Her father said there would be no more eye exams. Still, Bonnie was expected to do chores like everyone else. She scrubbed the floor, and if she missed a spot, her mother would say, `` `You missed something. Rub your hand over the floor to find the spot or wash it all over again until it's done,'' Bonnie remembers. ``You don't find excuses, you find a way to get it done right. . . . My mother told me, `You can do anything you make up your mind to do.' '' But at school, that wasn't enough. ``They'd praise me for being able to write my name--that's how low their expectations were for me,'' she says. ``The other kids knew I was getting praise for things every one did. They called me `blindy.' '' The only way to get her teachers to demand as much of her as they did from her sighted peers, Peterson says now, was to ``get them mad.'' By eighth grade , she was a master at that. Remembers her teacher, the former Sister Dorothy Roache: ``We had constant terrible, I mean really terrible, arguments. I told Bonnie she needed to learn Braille. She wouldn't consider it. She wanted to be like everyone else and she insisted on keeping up with the class, earning good grades in spite of herself.'' In high school, Bonnie made friends, dated boys, won gold medals for her singing. She was a finalist in the Miss West Allis pageant. A girlfriend who sold makeup taught her how to apply it. ``That girl didn't have any special training in teaching the blind * * * but no one ever told her blind people can't use makeup.'' Bonnie soon sold Vivian Woodard cosmetics, too. ``I couldn't tell people what colors looked good on them, so I said, `You can experiment.' It turned out no one like being told what to do, and I sold so much I kept winning sales awards,'' she says. But as well-adjusted as Bonnie appeared outside, the suicide attempt left her parents with lingering fears. During the summer of 1971, a counselor from the Wisconsin Department of Vocational Rehabilitation (DVR) told the Szortykas that Bonnie needed to attend a three-week residential college prep program at the century-old Wisconsin School for the Visually Handicapped (WSVH) in Janesville. The counselor was blind himself. ``I could hear him writing Braille as fast as my mother could talk, and for the first time, I thought, `I might want to learn this,' '' Bonnie remembers. But when the Szortykas arrived at the school, ``students were groping around, making weird undignified gestures, bumping into things,'' says Bonnie. Her mother didn't want her to stay, but Bonnie shouted over her shoulder, ``These are my people now.'' Bonnie asked about Braille but was told she didn't need it. Many of the students at the school for the blind were doubly disabled. Coddled by their parents and teachers they had never been expected to observe even rudimentary rules of decorum. The boy across the table from Bonnie ate with his hands, making loud slurping sounds. ``Can't you teach him to use silverware?'' Bonnie demanded. ``He was a smart guy, but how was he going to have any friends at college if he ate like that?'' Bonnie noticed another dichotomy. There were two ``classes'' of students: the ``partials,'' who had some sight, and the ``totals,'' who were completely blind. The ``partials'' had more freedom; they were the leaders. ``Totals,'' like a woman Bonnie befriended named Pat, spent their days in their rooms. ``They only led her out to eat, just like a dog,'' she says. ``All they cared about was how much people could see, not how much they could learn,'' says Bonnie, who refused to let anyone know just how bad her vision was. She couldn't see the steps in front of her, but she marched up the staircase with the ``totals'' hanging onto each other behind her. She carried serving dishes to the dinner table, where one of the ``totals'' banged her fork on her plate, demanding Bonnie serve her some peas. ``I couldn't believe it,'' she says. ``These were adults and they were treating them like babies, then sending them out in the world. No wonder they can't make it.'' Bonnie's college prep classes turned out to be ``easy pseudo college stuff.'' She decided to get a suntan instead. No one complained. ``I had never even thought of skipping a class before,'' she says, but expectations and standards were different at WSVH. Students warned Bonnie that the principal liked to get girls alone in his office. ``They said he had sex with them,'' she says now. ``I thought it was a joke or a scare tactic until the house mother and the nurse warned me, too. It didn't make sense that he would still be there if everybody knew.'' But one day, he cornered her. ``He was talking about how pretty I was * * * trying to rub himself against me,'' says Bonnie. ``I said, `If you touch me, I'll have your job.' He moved away and said he could see me in 10 years, with a baby in my arms and two tugging at my skirt, implying that I'd never move up. I said, `Well, at least they won't be yours', and I hurried out of there.'' (Years later, the principal was charged with sexually assaulting another 17-year-old student, then acquitted.) Bonnie told another student about her encounter and the two of them took a cab to a liquor store and bought the biggest bottle of Mogan David wine they could find. That night, on the schoolyard grounds, they drank it all. ``I had never had a drink before . . . but I was scared I'd end up being led around like these people, without a job, without any purpose in life, I had more doubts about my future than I had ever had,'' Bonnie says. ``I knew then I would never let anyone know I was blind and have people talk down to me like I was a moron. I'd die first.'' The police found the pair drunk and returned them to the school. The summer program was drawing to a close, Bonnie recalls, and ``they told us to leave and never come back.'' blind ambition In the summer of 1972, after her freshman year as a music major at (the now-defunct) Milton College near Janesville, Bonnie fell in love with a 23-year-old Milwaukee police aide named Joel Peterson. Bonnie didn't want to go back to college, but if she stayed home, her father said, she had to have a job. She had 24 hours. Bonnie phoned the DVR counselor. He landed her a job assembling pens at Industries for the Blind. Congress had established sheltered workshops like this in 1939 as a stepping stone for the disabled. Because they offer ``training,'' workshops are allowed to pay less than minimum wage and they get priority on government contracts. But the truth is, few of the blind ever leave sheltered workshops for better jobs. Even today, most spend their entire working lives at substandard wages. Industries for the Blind was a union shop so the pay was better than most workshops and more than minimum wage. Bonnie married Peterson the next year. By 1979, she was determined not to spend the rest of her life ``in a job where management treated me in the same condescending tone I heard at the school for the blind.'' She told her DVR counselor she wanted to go to Alverno College and major in professional communications. He laughed. ``Then he told Bonnie, `You're not dealing with your visual impairment,' '' remembers Joel, now a Milwaukee police detective. ``And he said Bonnie should go to MATC and learn how to keep house first.'' That prompted Joel to stand up, displaying the full girth of his 6-foot-4-inch frame, and he asked, ``Do I look like a guy who hasn't been fed well?'' Bonnie baked homemade bread and made fresh pasta, trading some of it for rides and bartering the services of readers who would record printed matter for her. The counselor told Peterson the DVR would send her to the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee because it had services for disabled students. ``I said I was going to Alverno [even] if I had to work or get school loans to pay for it, and I would major in communication,'' she says now, ``but deep inside, I wondered whether he was right, that maybe I couldn't do it.'' For three years, Peterson boarded a city bus five days a week at 5:30 a.m. to go to her 40-hour-a-week job to earn money for college. At night and on weekends, she was a full- time student at Alverno. She spent her lunchtimes at Industries for the Blind studying on the floor of the women's restroom, her co-workers' guide dogs helping themselves to the lunch beside her. On the day her first daughter, Candice, was born, Peterson worked for eight and a half hours, took an exam, then went home and wrote a paper. ``I made a deal with the baby that she wouldn't come until I finished,'' says Bonnie, who made it to the hospital just in time for a nurse to deliver the baby. Bonnie graduated from Alverno in December 1983. By then, she had worked at Industries in every position on the pen and pencil line, including quality control, so when the plant superintendent retired and his job was split into two positions, production manager and sales manager, Peterson applied. ``The president of the company said, `We'll call you.' '' No one did. Two white non-handicapped males got the jobs. One was the son of the inspector who approved the workshop's government work. In its 32-year history, the $18-million-a- year 112-employee Industries for the Blind had never employed a handicapped individual in any supervisory, managerial or even clerical position, Peterson discovered. ``Maybe I'm not qualified,'' said Peterson, ``but certainly someone in all those years was qualified to be a janitor, a secretary or something besides a laborer.'' Peterson hired an attorney and filed a complaint with the federal government, but she was becoming a pariah. Rumors circulated that because of what she'd done, blind people would lose their jobs. Peterson re-read the recommendations her Alverno professors had written, testimonials to her problem-solving abilities, communication skills and ``spirited determination,'' but she was losing faith. ``I think Bonnie believed that if she filed that suit, they'd wake up and give her a chance at that job. We all thought she'd be great at it, but they just ignored her,'' recalls Carol Farina, a supervisor at Industries. Peterson knew she was in over her head and turned to the two national organizations that advocate for the blind. An attorney with The American Council for the Blind phoned, asking for Peterson's attorney's name, and sent a letter indicating modest support. The National Federation of the Blind responded with boxes of documentation involving similar cases and asked Bonnie to testify before Congress on the lack of upward mobility for the disabled in the workshops intended to help them. In January 1985, the U.S. Department of Labor found that Industries for the Blind had violated federal affirmative action rules by failing to recruit and advance women and blind people. It found no evidence that the firm had discriminated against Peterson personally. Within a year, Peterson left Industries. She earned a master's degree in organizational communication from Marquette University, formed a production company and created the first cable access television show produced by an entirely blind crew. But the newest challenge would come from her own daughter. the ``blind bitch'' Candice wanted her mother to read Dumbo, but when Bonnie held the book to her eye, then showed the picture to Candice, the 3-year-old pulled the book away, saying, ``No, Daddy read.'' ``I still remember what I heard in her words. It was, `You are stupid. . . .' It hurt so bad. I didn't care what all those professionals who were trying to help me kept telling me,'' Peterson says. ``I knew I had to learn Braille.'' It took only two months with the help of the National Federation of the Blind, which had already taught her to travel with a cane. ``It was a turning point,'' she says. ``I learned to be proud of being blind once I had something to be proud of.'' Peterson's confidence was growing, and in 1986, she was elected president of the Wisconsin NFB. Appointments to the state advisory Council on Blindness and other boards followed, and Peterson became an advocate for others. For six years, a teacher of the visually impaired had worked with a 9-year-old Burlington girl whose vision was 20/ 400 and deteriorating, but the girl was falling further and further behind. Peterson and the child's mother sat on one side of the table, the special-education experts on the other. When the woman said she wanted her daughter to learn Braille, the vision teacher shook her fist in the mother's face. `` `It's almost like you want your child to be blind!' '' the mother remembers the teacher saying. `` `Don't you know? Blindness is like a cancer! It's the worst thing that can happen to you.' '' The teacher's remark took Peterson's breath away. ``No. No,'' she said, ``the worst thing that can happen to a child is for them to be uneducated.'' Bonnie remembered the incident years later when Sandy Guerra phoned with a similar case. A Racine School District teacher of the visually impaired had worked with Guerra's 12-year-old daughter, Melissa McCabe, since she was 3. Yet the teacher had never taught the girl Braille. ``She kept trying to make Melissa see. If she stares a long time, five minutes on a word, Melissa can see almost anything, but for only a few seconds and it hurts her eyes so bad, she gets terrible migraines,'' Guerra says. Melissa was already two and a half years behind her fifth-grade classmates. The vision teacher had read standardized exams to Melissa, helping her get the right answers, so her test scores never revealed just how far behind she was--until Melissa's regular fifth-grade teacher ended the charade. ``In good conscience, I could not pass Melissa on to sixth grade,'' says the teacher, Rose Mikaelian. Up until then, no one had ever expected much of Melissa. She was given half the class' spelling words, though when Mikaelian recruited a volunteer tutor, the girl could do them all. By middle school, the tutor was gone and Melissa was getting Fs again. Her new vision teacher suggested giving Melissa ``10 free bonus points on everything to make her feel better.'' At a meeting with school officials, Bonnie urged that the girl be taught Braille. ``You'd have thought the district would have thought of that,'' says Mikaelian. ``No one challenged Bonnie. She was always in charge.'' But Peterson could not guarantee that Melissa would be taught Braille, and there are many others like her. In 1965, 48 percent of Wisconsin's blind children could read Braille, but by 1993, the literacy rate had plummeted to 4 percent, less than half the national average. No wonder, thought Peterson, that the unemployment rate for legally blind individuals between the ages of 21 and 64 in Wisconsin was 74.4 percent, the worst of any minority group. And nearly half of those working were underemployed. ``When sighted people can't get around independently, can't read or have poor social skills, we know that's poor training. When the blind can't get around independently, can't read or have poor social skills, we think that's the way blind people are,'' she says. With the rush to embrace new technology, like giant magnifiers and machines that can read a printed page, there was a philosophical shift and many teachers felt children could manage without Braille, says Marsha Valance, librarian at the Wisconsin Regional Library for the Blind and Handicapped. ``Unfortunately, that was not always true.'' The NFB had looked into the illiteracy of the blind and concluded that many teachers didn't know Braille well enough to teach it. So Peterson asked state Rep. Fred Riser (D- Madison) to introduce a bill requiring all teachers of the visually impaired to pass a test proving they knew Braille. Risser expected it to be a cakewalk. State Sen. Alberta Darling (R-River Hills), a former teacher herself, called it ``common sense.'' But the Braille Bill ran into a blitzkrieg. The Wisconsin Association for the Education and Rehabilitation of the Blind and Visually Handicapped and the larger state teachers' union had myriad arguments against it: It discriminated against teachers of the visually impaired because other teachers did not have to prove their competence; they didn't like the Library of Congress' National Braille Literacy Test; kids don't like learning Braille; and it's difficult to teach. The unions insisted the state's 825 teachers of the visually impaired had already learned Braille in college. ``Asking teachers of the visually impaired to take courses in Braille is like asking teachers of the sighted to take courses in the alphabet,'' scoffs Charles Siemers, an MPS teacher of the visually impaired who fought the bill. He calls Peterson ``the blind bitch'' and says she ``slandered me and my profession by saying we're poorly prepared. Besides,'' insists Siemers, who is legally blind himself, ``if we can get people to use what vision they have, it's always much, much better.'' It might be easier for the teachers, Peterson says, but not for kids who, being functionally blind, cannot hope to compete with their sighted peers, even working endless hours and straining what little sight they have. The Department of Public Instruction, under whose watch blind literacy sank so low, hired an outside firm to evaluate the proposed legislation. ``The bureaucrats wanted it their way or no way, and Bonnie Peterson wouldn't budge,'' says Andrew Papineau, administrator of DPI's visually impaired programs. ``So I brought in a neutral person.'' The ``so-called `independent' consultant had some interesting findings,'' says Sen. Darling. They argued that children are ``better off with an aide and a computer than to be able to use a $5.50 slate and stylus [the plastic ruler- sized implement and point that allows the user to punch out a code of raised dots that can be read using the fingertips]. ``If you give people fish,'' says Darling, ``they have food for a day. If you give them a fishing rod, they have food for life. That's Braille. But they told me kids shouldn't learn Braille because then they'd `look blind,' '' Darling remembers, ``and they said a lot of kids had multiple disabilities so they couldn't learn Braille.'' The blind, deaf and mute Helen Keller must have been spinning in her grave. Peterson told the Legislature: ``If only 4 percent of sighted children could read print, no one would dispute the severity of the problem.'' Opponents of the Braille Bill stumbled and tripped on their way up to the podium to testify. Siemers had broken his glasses and couldn't read his speech. ``Those who were in favor of the bill walked to the podium perfectly with their canes, and they had their notes in Braille--nothing could stop them,'' says Darling. Few legislators missed the little irony that had been played out before them. The bill passed, but the bill's opponents lobbied DPI and undercut it. Only new teachers would have to pass the test. Existing teachers could take a Braille refresher course or attend a teachers' convention instead. There was one victory. Now, when a legally blind child is not taught Braille in Wisconsin, the school district must put the reason in writing. But Peterson had made enemies. Says Siemers, who took early retirement last year: ``Bonnie Peterson and her Federation members are like dogs who bit the hands that feed them, the professionals who try to help them.'' Ironically, it was that attitude--``How dare you question me when I'm here to help you''--that Peterson had set out to eradicate. return to the school for the blind Even before the Braille Bill took effect in 1995, Peterson was engaged on another battlefront. In the all of 1994, Wisconsin's school for the blind, WSVH, faced the budget cuts affecting all of state government, but the school's staff was painting a picture of suffering blind children. In truth, the school would only have to close one of its under-utilized cafeterias and put younger children in the same half-used educational building with other students. The school had come under fire before; the preceding June, the Legislative Audit Bureau pointed out that WSVH maintained a staff/student ratio of almost one to three--even when students were sleeping. The school was operating at less than 40 percent capacity, with a staff of 110 to care for just 80 students. (Enrollment is now 75.) While picketers prepared signs saying the governor didn't care about poor blind kids, Peterson and the NFB cut through their sad refrain. ``What does WSVH offer that's worth paying 10 times more per student than school districts spend?'' Peterson asked. ``You could hire a private tutor for each of these kids for $68,200.'' The Federation didn't want the school to close--parents needed options, Peterson said--but it had to operate more effectively. Too many of its graduates end up unemployed or underemployed and ``socialized for dependency,'' she said, describing WSVH graduates as ``fodder for government- supported workshops.'' William S. Koehler, the school's superintendent, accused Peterson of trying to destroy WSVH, complaining, ``She takes direct shots at the school without ever being here.'' Peterson admits she has not been at the school since Koehler took office in 1992. ``I don't need to, I have all kinds of parents and children who have been there. They're my eyes and ears.'' Peterson relies on people like the mother of a 7- year-old boy, left with 20/2200 vision after surgery to remove a tumor, who withdrew her son because WSVH insisted he use a magnifier instead of teaching him Braille. Koehler says the school did an ``extensive'' telephone survey in 1993 that proves its graduates are successful, but when Milwaukee Magazine asked for a copy, repeatedly, from Koehler, his assistant and even from DPI, it was promised but never forthcoming. ``If WSVH is doing such a great job making kids independent, why does the state pay tens of thousands of dollars to send so many of its graduates to programs to help them adjust to their blindness?'' Peterson asks. Milwaukee Magazine's won investigation included extensive interviews with parents and students and a day-long visit to WSVH, which revealed some students learning Braille but more struggling to read, some with giant magnifiers. Koehler offered a score of excuses why kids can't or don't want to learn Braille or use a cane, but no ideas on how to get students motivated and excited about learning. He stressed that the school's goal was producing independent graduates, but subtle signs gave a different message. In classroom after classroom, students waited to be helped. In the first- to third-grade classroom, for example, three staff members supervised just seven students who were painting a rubber fish and pressing it onto a T-shirt to make an impression. Yet the students spent most of their time waiting to be helped, teacher's hand over their hand, instead of learning to do the project themselves. Koehler supplied the names of two graduates who, he said, would demonstrate just how well WSVH prepares its students. One was Steve Hessen, the school's 1996 valedictorian. But Hessen was hardly the model of an independent blind person. He had just dropped out of the University of Wisconsin- Whitewater because he couldn't manage the financial aide application process. Without the money, Hessen, whose vision is 20/1500, could not hire the tutor he needed no rent equipment like a talking Braille calculator. He had fallen hopelessly behind. Worse yet, the scholarship he'd won required him to enroll last fall or it would be canceled. Hessen had asked a WSVH counselor to argue that it should carry over to next year. The school's previous valedictorian was Shannon Gates, now a student at Northcentral Technical College in Wausau. Gates, who was born without optic nerves in her eyes, reads Braille at 250 words per minute, but she dropped courses this year because she couldn't get Braille texts. State taxpayers pay Northcentral's Visually Impaired Program (VIP) to help students like Gates. The program supplied her with audio tapes of textbooks and hired tutors, but ``I can't get a Braille text. It's like asking a print reader not to use print,'' she says. ``I threw a fit the first year, but the VIP says, `It's easier to use tapes or large print.' Maybe it's easier for them. . . but if I had Braille texts, I wouldn't need tutors. I could take a full class load.'' Gates was at WSVH for 10 years, under three different administrators. In the end, she says, ``There were so many rules, you had to do what you were told and not ask questions. I wasn't even allowed to cross the street alone. . . . The school doesn't encourage independence, that's for sure . . . they were dragging me down.'' Twenty-year-old Brian Brown attended WSVH in 1991 and 1992, then returned to his local school and now runs his own business. ``They say they strive to make the students independent, but they don't allow you to do anything alone. The bathroom stalls don't even have doors on them in the education building. The house parent enters your room without knocking . . . they walk right in to verify you're in the shower. . . . ``There are two castes at WSVH,'' he says, ``kids who still want to be somebody and have a life and those who've given up and would rather be told what to do. I was lucky. I left before that happened to me.'' Milwaukee Magazine talked to 10 WSVH alums. All gave anecdotes substantiating Peterson's claim that students are ``conditioned to be even more dependent.'' Observes Peterson: ``Like most of these professionals for the blind, they run a program into the ground, then move on. In Koehler's case, he's already applied for the position of superintendent of the New Mexico School for the Blind, but he didn't get it.'' Brad Dunse's Liberation Peterson had a long history of dissatisfaction with the state's two post-high school vocational training programs for the blind: the Visually Impaired Programs (VIP) at North- central and Milwaukee Area Technical College (MATC). She prompted a state audit of the Milwaukee program by leading picketers protesting its ``low standards'' and curriculum focused ``on housekeeping and grooming skills'' instead of on the skills needed to live independently, ``like Braille and independent travel.'' (The state is currently looking for proposals to run that program.) In 1990, she had fought to get DVR to send a blind man named Bob Raisbeck to a program started by the Federation in Minneapolis called Blindness Learning in New Dimensions (BLIND Inc.). Newspapers there described BLIND Inc.--one of only three programs of its type in the country--as the ``Harvard of rehabilitation'' and a ``boot camp'' where the blind learned ``to believe in themselves and to be truly independent.'' Taxpayers had already sent Raisbeck to the VIP at Northcentral three times and to MATC once, but he still had no job skills. Peterson lobbied legislators. The Madison Capitol Times reported on Raisbeck's story, and still DVR refused. Eventually, Raisbeck moved to Minnesota and that state sent him to BLIND Inc. He found a job and never returned. All of this was history when Peterson received a phone call in early 1995 from Brad Dunse, who had expected to inherit his father's roofing business until rhetinitus pigmentosa left him legally blind. DVR helped Dunse set up a home business, but for five years, he sat in his Green Bay home, terrified of using the power woodworking equipment DVR had given him. Finally, in 1994, DVR sent Dunse to a program to help him ``adjust'' to his blindness. he moved into a motel in Wausau where his meals were prepared for him and he was bused to Northcentral's VIP. ``It was like an expo where you'd just wander around. But I didn't know what I needed. I've never been blind before,'' he says. Dunse sat in on a Braille class, but at the end of two weeks, he didn't even know what a slate and stylus were; the teacher in the computer class was too busy to answer his questions. Says Dunse: ``He kidded one man about being there as much as he was. . . . The VIP teaches you just enough to get by, but then this guy's vision would get worse and he'd have to come back. There were a lot of people like that.'' Dunse didn't want to spend the rest of his life as a repeat customer, dependent on the state. He called the Federation, asking, ``Isn't there something better?'' Peterson told him about BLIND Inc. Dunse and his wife, Brenda, went for a visit. He was impressed, he says, by the confidence of the blind travel instructor whose students were so well trained they could be left blindfolded (so they could not rely on any residual vision) five miles from the school and get back on their own. ``At the VIP, they do stuff for you; at BLIND Inc., you do things for yourself,'' Dunse told a supervisor, but DVR was not convinced. Peterson helped Dunse petition for a special hearing. Remembers Peterson: ``The DVR supervisor said, `I can't understand why anyone would want to go to a school run by the blind. That's like the mentally retarded asking the mentally retarded for help.' '' The tone of the meeting was ``very condescending,'' adds Dunse. ``It was me telling them why I wanted to go, and they were telling me all the reasons I didn't.'' With his petition rejected, Peterson told Dunse he had only one option. Dunse kissed his wife and two young sons goodbye, gave up his Wisconsin residency and moved to Minneapolis for five months of training. When he graduated from BLIND Inc., he had higher aspirations than a home woodworking business that would never get him off of Social Security Disability Income. He continued his education and took over a vending machine business. The cost of BLIND Inc. is ``a little more than the VIP--a few hundred dollars,'' says Joe Mileczarek, who runs Northcentral's VIP program. Tuition at BLIND Inc. runs $2,495 per month, plus $32.50 per day for housing in an apartment where students prepare their own meals, then travel to classes on their own. For Northcentral's program, hotel, prepared meals and transportation costs another $50 per day. DVR will spend an average $2,333 in tuition per student sent to Northcentral this year, though many of those students will stay just one day. ``A lot of people don't want to be away from their families that long,'' says Mileczarek, noting that DVR recently signed a $280,000 contract to send up to 120 more clients to Northcentral. Peterson says Wisconsin taxpayers aren't getting their money's worth. But Ole Brackey, supervisor of the Milwaukee District DVR office insists, ``You can't measure the effectiveness of VIP programs. There are so many variables, so much is going on in these people's lives.'' Yet Brackey insists that ``out-of-state programs [like BLIND Inc.] have to prove they work.'' In 1993, Peterson bet John Conway, director of DVR's Bureau of Sensory Disabilities, $100 that BLIND Inc. provided better training than either MATC or NTC's adjustment-to-blindness programs. Using a study of the Wisconsin programs prepared by the DVR's own Office for the Blind and another conducted by the state of Minnesota, Peterson showed that 86 percent of Blind Inc.'s graduates said they could ``do what sighted people do.'' None of the MATC's grads answered the same question affirmatively and only three of those from Northcentral did. Without that kind of confidence, Peterson argues, blind individuals can't succeed. Still, Conway says, it's more important that 35 percent of Northcentral's VIP grads were employed; only 14 percent of those from BLIND Inc. (and MATC) were. Peterson argues that many of those jobs are in sheltered workshops. In contrast, graduates of the 10-year-old BLIND Inc. are more than twice as likely to pursue higher education than VIP graduates, she argues. Peterson fired off a searing letter when Conway refused to see her point and welched on the bet. It said, ``Give your past record for honesty, I have always believed you would renege . . . In the unlikely event that you have acquired a conscience . . . I shall give you my terms of payment. I do not accept food stamps. . . .'' It might have worked in grade school, but this time, getting someone mad did not produce the desired result. Conway ignored Peterson's offer to have an impartial investigator analyze the reports on the three programs and dropped the matter. Peterson says Northcentral's VIP doesn't get scrutinized because ``the people advising the state on how it should allocate funds to help the blind are the main beneficiaries of that spending.'' Mileczarek is chairman of the Governor's Committee for People With Disabilities. Asked whether that is a conflict of interest, Mileczarek says, ``Geez, I hope not. Everyone on the committee has something to do with disabilities.'' As for proof his program works, Mileczarek says, ``It's not a researchable thing . . . besides, Bonnie Peterson is like a John Bircher. Real conservative . . . she believes there's only one way to do things and that's with a real structured program. . . . The Federation believes some ridiculous things--like that you can have a totally blind mobility instructor.'' Most rehabilitation programs work on a medical model, where goals are set and the program is designed to achieve them, he says. ``But people don't want to be told you're going to be proficient in this when you leave, like it or not,'' says Mileczarek, who describes his program as ``more like a smorgasbord.'' Copies of Peterson's inflammatory letter circulated throughout the disabled community, bringing calls from more desperate individuals. One, Lisa Mann, had been legally blind since birth. She had spent her entire school life at WSVH, except for two years as an MPS high school student. Her MPS teacher (an opponent of the Braille Bill later) decided Mann didn't need Braille. Especially, he says, since the attractive black girl was ``more interested in fashion and boys.'' Mann could not meet MPS's graduation standards so she returned to WSVH and graduated in 1992. DVR then sent her to MATC's VIP program. ``They told me I'd never be able to travel alone,'' says Mann. When MATC failed to provide the skills needed for an independent life, Mann wasn't surprised, she says. ``I met one girl there who was going through the program for the fifth time.'' Next, DVR sent Mann to Northcentral's VIP, then to Western Wisconsin Technical College in La Crosse where, using large- type texts, she was slowed down so much, she says, she couldn't even earn Cs. When a DVR counselor told Mann about BLIND Inc., she visited the school. But when she said she wanted to go there, DVR sent her to Waukesha County Technical College instead. Peterson enlisted Rep. Leon Young's (D-Milwaukee) office to help Mann get copies of her DVR records, and she accompanied Mann when she filed an appeal. ``Before I met Bonnie Peterson,'' says Mann, ``I was ready to give up hope.'' In November, 23-year-old Lisa Mann, who had never walked around her Sherman Park block alone because she didn't believe a blind person could do that, arrived at BLIND Inc. One week later, she took a bus across Wisconsin and found her way to the state Federation's annual meeting--and she did it alone. Says DVR supervisor Brackey: ``Lisa Mann's case is an anomaly.'' Says the DVR's top administrator, Judy Norman Nunnery: ``If there was anything wrong in Lisa Mann's case, it was that we tried too hard to help her.'' The fact that DVR eventually sent Mann to BLIND, Inc. ``has nothing to do with Bonnie Peterson'' says Nunnery. ``She uses the tactics of the civil rights and women's movements. . . . She says blind people were being treated like the slaves. As an Afro American, that offends me. . . . She doesn't have credibility with this office.'' blind alley When DVR moved into new offices in November 1995, the sign on the door to the department's Office for the Blind read ``Blind Alley.'' It might have been ``the first case of truth in labeling'' on DVR's part, says Peterson. DVR chief Nunnery laughs off the sign, saying, ``It was just one of those silly things.'' ``How out of touch do they have to be not to know that would be offensive?'' Peterson asks, repeating her frequent call for a separate office overseeing all state services for the blind. Federal law provides for as much, and many states, including Minnesota and Michigan, have them, but disrupting the status quo will be difficult. Pat Brown, director of Badger Association of the Blind, the state contingent of the American Council for the Blind, says Peterson is ``a role model for all people--not just the blind--because of here convictions and diligence. She doesn't let obstacles get in her way.'' But, he adds, ``The Council doesn't approve of the Federal's methods--it believes you should work through the system.'' But Milwaukee Mayor John Norquist praises Peterson. ``Bureaucrats don't like her,'' he says, ``but she has credibility, absolutely, with my office.'' Says Sen. Darling: ``Bonnie Peterson appears to have a hard edge because anger gives her energy, but it is the same kind of energy that fueled the civil rights movement and the American Revolution. I wish there were more people like her.'' When the phone rings now in Peterson's office at the South Side bungalow she shares with her husband and daughters, Candice, now 16, and 9-year-old Lindsay, the answering machine says, ``This is the National Federation of the Blind of Wisconsin, where we're changing what it means to be blind.'' Already, Peterson has brought about a revolutionary change, making it impossible for people to say ``a blind person don't do that.'' Over and over again, she has proved otherwise. (Reprinted with the permission of Milwaukee Magazine, February 1997.)

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Andrew P. Potos as he retires from WITI-TV in Milwaukee, WI, after a successful career that spans over three decades. Andy was born and raised in Milwaukee, and throughout his career he has demonstrated a love for our community through his active role in making Milwaukee a better place to live. Before he began his career at WITI-TV, Andy served his community as a history and English teacher at Washington High School in Milwaukee. He then went on to join WITI in 1961, the beginning of a 36 year commitment to making WITI a topnotch news organization. When Andy Potos joined channel 6 in 1961 as an account executive, he decided that someday he would serve as General Manager. As it turns out, that goal would be met in 1981, and he would serve as one of Milwaukee's longest tenured television general managers. Even when his career path took him to Chicago or New York, he knew he would some day be back in Milwaukee. Since 1981, Andy has been at the helm of WITI and has made it one of the best television stations in the country. His leadership and managerial skills are second to none. However, there is much more to Andy than just television. He is as committed to Milwaukee as anyone I know. Over the years he has taken a proactive role in improving our community at all levels. He has served as a board member of Junior Achievement of Southeast Wisconsin, the Wisconsin Heart Association, the Muscular Dystrophy Association, and the Milwaukee Chapter of the NAACP just to name a few. Whether it was managing a television station, or raising funds for charity, Andy Potos has been there for Milwaukee. I would like to join everyone at WITI-TV in saying that Andy will surely be missed by all. May you enjoy a very healthy, happy retirement, and all the best in your future endeavors.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate my friend, Mr. James Gilmore, on being named one of the 1997 Persons of the Year by the Council of South Side Advancement Associations. In selecting Jim, the Council of South Side Advancement is honoring a man who has done much to maintain and improve the quality of life of Milwaukee's south side. Through his 25 years of service to the south side of Milwaukee, Jim has made a direct impact on the lives of many people in our community. Over the years Jim Gilmore has shown his dedication to his neighborhood through his involvement in several community organizations. In addition, to serving on the board of directors for the Council of South Side Advancement, Jim is also involved in the Bay View Business Association, the South Side Scholarship Foundation, and St. Veronica's Parish. His involvement in these organizations demonstrates his desire to help his fellow neighbor in any way he can. Jim Gilmore has clearly set an example for our entire community. I join the Council of South Side Advancement Associations in commending him on his outstanding dedication to the south side of Milwaukee, and I congratulate him on being named one of the 1997 Persons of the Year.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to two outstanding organizations, the College of American Pathologists (CAP) and the American Society of Clinical Pathology (ASCP). This year, CAP will be celebrating its 50th Anniversary, and ASCP will be celebrating its 75th Anniversary. Dr. Rob Mckenna, who is the President of ASCP, and Dr. Ray Zastrow, the current CAP President and a good friend, have led these organizations with the help of their many members through a long history of protecting patients by providing high quality laboratory and patient care. ASCP is the largest organization of pathologists and medical technologists in the world, and CAP is the largest organization of board-certified members in the world. These organizations and the members who practice pathology and laboratory medicine provide a substantial contribution to medical science and patient care through accurate medical test results that enable physicians to make accurate diagnoses and recommend appropriate treatments. CAP started as an outgrowth of ASCP and they have worked closely ever since. Their common bond has been a symbol to both patients and fellow professionals of their dedication to professional excellence. Congratulations, CAP and ASCP, on your many years of committed service to the field of medicine.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to my friend, Bette Jane Rodriguez, who is being recognized by the city of Cudahy on February 13, 1997, as she retired after serving the Treasurer's Office for 33\1/2\ year. Throughout her long and dedicated term, Bette Jane has served as deputy treasurer to several city treasurers. Her leadership while assisting the government of the city of Cudahy to run more effectively and efficiently should be commended. Ms. Rodriguez has served on the Cudahy Area Business and Professional Women's Club since 1973. She has also served on the Cudahy Democratic Unit by providing assistance on several local and Presidential elections, as well as on the Cudahy Municipal Credit Union and on the Cudahy Historical Society for the last 10 years. Bette Jane Rodriguez will truly be missed in City Hall, but knowing her as I do, she will only become more active in the community following her retirement. Therefore, it is with great pleasure I join Bette Jane's coworkers, the city of Cudahy, and many friends in honoring her many years of service and contributions to the city of Cudahy. Best wishes, Bette Jane, and on behalf of the residents of the city of Cudahy, I offer a heartfelt ``thank you'' for your unselfish work over the years and for a job well done.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, in a cruel display of corporate greed, the Pabst Brewing Company last year announced its intention to renege on its promise to provide health and death benefits to its retirees. Following a court battle, Pabst appears to have succeeded: retirees and their families have lost benefits that were promised them in exchange for many years of loyal service to the company. This outrage demonstrates a lack of corporate responsibility to dedicated former employees. This is not an isolated incident, but part of a disturbing nationwide trend. Over the past several years, thousands of workers and retirees across this country have faced similar cancellations and reductions of their health coverage. John Morel, Hormel, and General Motors are just a few of the corporations who have tried to leave their former workers stranded without health care--health care they were promised, and health care their long years of service earned. From meatpackers to clerical staff, this is a threat to the retirement security of all American workers. We must act now. Last Congress, I introduced a bill which I am reintroducing today, the Health Care Assurance for Retired Employees Act--or the CARE Act--which would protect retiree health benefits and help retirees to obtain health insurance if their coverage is canceled. The CARE Act would require employers to give 6 months notice to retirees and require the Labor Department to certify that the changes meet the requirements of the collective bargaining agreement. It would also expand retirees' access to health care under COBRA for those aged 55 to 65 until they are eligible for Medicare. Lastly, it would allow retirees who did not sign up for Medicare or Medigap to apply for the programs without late-enrollment penalties. This type of atrocity must not be tolerated. We must ensure retiree security and prevent loyal former workers from being left out in the cold. Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to show their support for retired workers and their families by cosponsoring this bill.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to the Louis Travis Amvets Post 14 as they celebrate the 50th anniversary of their post charter on Saturday, October 26, 1996. After the end of World War II, thousands of veterans throughout our country had the need for an organization which would bring them together under a common bond. In Bay View, a World War II veteran by the name of Edward Cialdini understood this need and sought to find such an organization. Ed came into contact with an organizer for the American Veterans of World War II, also known as AMVETS, and on March 27, 1946 they met with 14 other Bay View veterans to create an AMVET post. Once the new post was created, the founders decided it should be named in the memory of a local veteran, Louis Travis of Bay View. He was the sixth child of Mr. and Mrs. Paul Travis, born in January 20, 1925. In 1943 Louis joined the Navy and participated in many Pacific campaigns aboard the U.S.S. Minneapolis and U.S.S. Pensacola where he saw combat in the Iwo Jima operation. During this bombardment, his ship was struck by enemy shells and he was killed on February 17, 1945. He was posthumously awarded the Purple Heart, American Campaign Medal, Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal with one silver and three bronze stars, and the World War II Victory Medal. The organizers were proud to name their new post after this true American hero. For several years, the Travis Post held its meetings at the local club where it was formed. However, as the organization grew, so did the need for their own clubhouse. After the war ended, the Travis Post purchased a messhall from the German prisoner-of-war stockade built at Mitchell Field. After many years of hard labor by its members and several local community volunteers, and financial troubles, the post was finally completed and operational by 1952. That building served Bay View area veterans for 43 years. In 1995, the building was sold, and Travis Post meetings are now being held at the same club where it was formed. Over the past 50 years, the Travis Post has met the needs of all Bay View veterans. The Louis Travis AMVET Post has a history filled with sacrifice, hard labor, and ultimately success. I applaud all of the veterans who helped to organize, build, and sustain the Travis Post over these past 50 years.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in tribute to Mr. Jerome ``Jerry'' Janczak, of Greenfield, WI, who will be honored November 7, 1996, by the South Side Business Club of Milwaukee as their Man of the Year. Jerry's dedication to his family, his business and the Polish community in Milwaukee is a fine example for us all. He and his wife, Grace, have been married since 1954, are the proud parents of two sons and have been blessed with five grandchildren. A graduate of Milwaukee's Notre Dame High School, Jerry served our country proudly in the Air Force. In 1957, he began a distinguished career as a Milwaukee County employee, retiring in 1988 as a deputy clerk of courts, probate division. Since 1972, Jerry has owned and operated J & J Trophies, a small business. For many, many years, Jerry has been active in Milwaukee's Polish community, utilizing his talents in numerous ways, including serving on the board of directors of the Milwaukee Society, Polish National Alliance; the board of directors of Polish Festivals, Incorporated; and as a volunteer at Polish Fest, one of our city's unique ethnic festivals. Jerry has served his parish well, and has been an active office holder of the South Side Business Club, St. Joseph's Foundation, and the St. Vincent DePaul Society. It is therefore very fitting that Jerry Janczak be honored by the South Side Business Club for his many years of service to the community.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to oppose the conference report on the immigration reform bill. I voted for the immigration bill when it was considered by the House, even though I disagreed with some of its mean-spirited provisions that would kick children out of school and onto the street. I felt that it was a good, tough measure that would lead to a reduction in the level of illegal immigration. However, I rise today to oppose this conference report because special interest groups have managed to kill important provisions. Everyone knows the real reason that immigrants enter this country illegally: jobs. Common sense tells us that if we clamp down on this demand, we will see a corresponding drop in the supply. It is also a matter of common knowledge that employers in this country are exacerbating this problem by knowingly hiring illegal immigrants. Quite simply, they are acting as a magnet for illegal immigrants. These employers brutalize their workers by forcing them to work in sweatshop conditions at below minimum wage rates. And, significantly, they reduce job opportunities for American citizens. Sensible immigration reform must entail a crackdown on these unscrupulous employers. Sadly, this bill fails in that respect. The House-passed version, which I supported, provided 500 new Immigration and Naturalization Service [INS] officers to investigate employers who hire illegal immigrants. The Republican leadership, after consulting with their special interest lobbyists, decided to water down this provision. Now, the INS will get 200 fewer agents. And the agents the INS does get will be prohibited from focusing exclusively on employer violations. This bad conference report, in fact, weakens sanctions against employers who knowingly hire illegal immigrants. If we are serious about curbing illegal immigration, it is simply illogical to pass legislation that is soft on these law-breaking employers. At the same time, this measure radically attacks our Nation's antidiscrimination laws, making it harder for American citizens to prove that they have been discriminated against when seeking employment. It would require those claiming discrimination to prove that their employer intended to discriminate against them, which is an almost impossible legal hurdle to clear. I find it very unfortunate that this bill, originally intended to protect the American worker by stopping illegal immigration, will actually curtail the legal rights of American workers. Finally, Mr. Speaker, I rise to criticize provisions which will seriously undermine American families. Historically, our Nation's immigration laws permitted Americans to reunify their families by acting as sponsors for their foreign relatives. The immigration measure on the floor today raises the income level that prospective sponsors must meet to 200 percent of the poverty level. In plain terms, middle- income Americans--the police officer or the schoolteacher--will be denied the ability to bring their aging parents to this country. Mr. Speaker, if we are to stem the tide of illegal immigration, we must undertake tough and effective measures. But we must insist that such measures apply to all the actors in the immigration problem-- illegal immigrants as well as the employers who hire them. Unfortunately, this bad bill, by exempting the latter, insures that the problem of illegal immigration will continue, as unscrupulous employers continue to lure employees with jobs.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of the VA/ HUD appropriation bill's maternity stay provisions. I am a firm believer in the saying ``mother knows best.'' On Mothers' Day this year, I introduced the Newborns and Mothers Health Protection Act. Like the VA-HUD provisions, my bill would enable new mothers to receive insurance coverage for a 48-hour hospital stay after normal childbirth, and 96 hours for a Caesarean section. Like the legislation we consider today, my bill is not Federal intrusion or a Federal mandate. Rather this bill removes a mandate--an insurance company mandate--and replaces it with the common sense idea that in America today mothers should be given the choice to stay in a hospital for more than 24 hours after they give birth. My bill, like the language included in the VA/HUD bill, returns decisions about this important issue to those who know it best--a mother and her physician. I introduced my bill after receiving numerous heartfelt letters from mothers in my district who were kicked out of the hospital only 24 hours after giving birth. I am happy to report to those mothers today that Congress listened, and Congress took action, to stop insurance companies who think their bottom line profits are more important than a newborn's health. While I would have liked more elements of my bill to be included in the VA-HUD language--including coverage of post-delivery treatment--the provision I rise in support of today makes a major improvement in the way this Nation's mothers will be treated in the future. Mr. Speaker, a birth is a sacred event. We cheapen it, and endanger lives, when we turn its management over to some insurance company official whose eye is only on the bottom line. The maternity stay provisions we approve today will end the discouraging, and demoralizing, practice of putting profits before people. I urge my colleagues to support this bill.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the Polish National Alliance--Milwaukee Society. I also congratulate my fellow members of the Milwaukee Society as they host the 50th annual Pulaski Day banquet. Since 1921, the PNA Milwaukee Society has served as a leading and unifying force in the Milwaukee area's Polish-American community. The Milwaukee Society was formed with the idea of providing an opportunity for members of the professions, business and community leaders to meet and work together on issues of concern to Polish-Americans and to our community at large. As an active component of the Polish National Alliance, the Milwaukee Society has from its inception, been committed to the preservation and promotion of our Polish-American heritage. In addition to sponsoring numerous cultural, fraternal, and social activities however, the Milwaukee Society has coordinated a variety of worthwhile charitable efforts. These efforts have included an annual Christmas food basket distribution and several scholarship programs. Throughout the past 75 years, members of the Milwaukee Society have taken active and leading roles in a variety of organizations and endeavors. In recent years for example, members of the society assumed leadership positions in the effort to construct a Polish-American community center and to promote and coordinate Milwaukee's Polishfest. On Friday, September 20, members of the Milwaukee Society will gather, as they have done for the past half century, to celebrate the annual Pulaski Day banquet. Our city's first Pulaski Day banquet was conducted in 1946 when members of the Milwaukee Society sought to honor the memory of the American Revolutionary War hero, Casimir Pulaski. Since then, the banquet has provided the Milwaukee Society with an annual opportunity to recognize those whose efforts have benefited the Polish-American community. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to congratulate member of the Milwaukee Society on the worthwhile work that they are doing and on the 75th anniversary of their outstanding organization.

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 1833, which will stop the senseless and inhumane practice of partial birth abortions. Patial birth abortions are gruesome, they are horrific and they are wrong. I voted in favor of H.R. 1833 on November 1, 1995 and again on March 27, 1996. Today, I continue my support for this much-needed legislation by once again voting for H.R. 1833--and voting to override the President's veto. Critics of this bill say the majority of these procedures are health related. Yet documents obtained by the committees studying this issue show that the majority of late-term abortions are not done for medical reasons at all. Critics of this measure say it will harm mothers whose babies pose a life-threatening hazard to their health. Yet H.R. 1833 contains an exception that protects the mother if her life is in danger. This exception allows the procedure if it is ever ``necessary to save the life of a woman whose life is endangered by a physician disorder, illness, or injury, provided that no other medical procedure would suffice for that purpose.'' We must, as a society, move to address this issue with compassion and with courage. The destruction of human life that results from a partial birth abortion must stop now. I am pleased to join my colleagues in voting to end this unnecessary and unethical procedure. Mr. Christensen. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in favor of overriding the President's veto of the Partial-Birth Abortion Ban Act. I was honored to be an original cosponsor of this legislation because it takes a stand against the most horrid abuses of the abortion industry--abortions that are committed on a child that is partially born before the abortionist kills the child. This procedure is so indefensible that its proponents have been left to medical distortions and falsehoods to defend their position. According to Dr. Nancy Romer, of Wright State University, ``there is no medical evidence that the partial birth abortion procedure is safer or necessary to provide comprehensive health care to women.'' Dr. Romer dealt with the medical issues surrounding this procedure in greater detail in an op-ed in today's Wall Street Journal, and I submit it for the Record. I believe that each of us--not just as Members of Congress but as citizens and as human beings--has a moral obligation to stand up in defense of our Nation's children and put an end to this horrible procedure, and I urge my colleagues to support over-riding the President's veto. [From the Wall Street Journal, Sept. 19, 1996] Partial-Birth Abortion Is Bad Medicine (By Nancy Romer, Pamela Smith, Curtis R. Cook, and Joseph L. DeCook) The House of Representatives will vote in the next few days on whether to override President Clinton's veto of the Partial Birth Abortion Ban Act. The debate on the subject has been noisy and rancorous. You've heard from the activists. You've heard from the politicians. Now may we speak? We are the physicians who, on a daily basis, treat pregnant women and their babies. And we can no longer remain silent while abortion activists, the media and even the president of the United States continue to repeat false medical claims about partial-birth abortion. The appalling lack of medical credibility on the side of those defending this procedure has forced us--for the first time in our professional careers--to leave the sidelines in order to provide some sorely needed facts in a debate that has been dominated by anecdote, emotion and media stunts. Since the debate on this issue began, those whose real agenda is to keep all types of abortion legal--at any stage of pregnancy, for any reason--have waged what can only be called an orchestrated misinformation campaign. First the National Abortion Federation and other pro- abortion groups claimed the procedure didn't exist. When a paper written by the doctor who invented the procedure was produced, abortion proponents changed their story, claiming the procedure was only done when a women's life was in danger. Then the same doctor, the nation's main practitioner of the technique, was caught--on tape--admitting that 80% of his partial-birth abortions were ``purely elective.'' Then there was the anesthesia myth. The American public was told that it wasn't the abortion that killed the baby, but the anesthesia administered to the mother before the procedure. This claim was immediately and thoroughly denounced by the American Society of Anesthesiologists, which called the claim ``entirely inaccurate.'' Yet Planned Parenthood and its allies continued to spread the myth, causing needless, concern among our pregnant patients who heard the claims and were terrified that epidurals during labor, or anesthesia during needed surgeries, would kill their babies. The latest baseless statement was made by President Clinton himself when he said that if the mothers who opted for partial-birth abortions had delivered their children naturally, the women's bodies would have been ``eviscerated'' or ``ripped to shreds'' and they ``could never have another baby.'' That claim is totally and completely false. Contrary to what abortion activists would have us believe, partial-birth abortion is never medically indicated to protect a women's health or her fertility. In fact, the opposite is true: The procedure can pose a significant and immediate threat to both the pregnant women's health and her fertility. It seems to have escaped anyone's attention that one of the five women who appeared at Mr. Clinton's veto ceremony had five miscarriages after her partial-birth abortion. Consider the dangers inherent in partial-birth abortion, which usually occurs after the fifth month of pregnancy. A women's cervix is forcibly dilated over several days, which risks creating an ``incompetent cervix,'' the leading cause of premature delivers. It is also an invitation to infection, a major cause of infertility. The abortionist then reaches into the womb to pull a child feet first out of the mother (internal podalic version), but leaves the head inside. Under normal circumstances, physicians avoid breech births whenever possible; in this case, the doctor intentionally causes one-- and risks tearing the uterus in the process. He then forces scissors through the base of the baby's skull--which remains lodged just within the birth canal. This is a partially ``blind'' procedure, done by feel, risking direct scissor injury to the uterus and laceration of the cervix or lower uterine segment, resulting in immediate and massive bleeding and the threat of shock or even death to the mother. None of this risk is ever necessary for any reason. We and many other doctors across the U.S. regularly treat women whose unborn children suffer the same conditions as those cited by the women who appeared at Mr. Clinton's veto ceremony. Never is the partial-birth procedure necessary. Not for hydrocephaly (excessive cerebrospinal fluid in the head), not for polyhydramnios (an excess of amniotic fluid collecting in the women) and not for trisomy (genetic abnormalities characterized by an extra chromosome). Sometimes, as in the case of hydrocephaly, it is first necessary to drain some of the fluid from the baby's head. And in some cases, when vaginal delivery is not possible, a doctor performs a Caesarean section. But in no case is it necessary to partially deliver an infant through the vagina and then kill the infant. How telling it is that although Mr. Clinton met with women who claimed to have needed partial-birth abortions on account of these conditions, he has flat-out refused to meet with women who delivered babies with these same conditions, with no damage whatsoever to their health or future fertility. Former Surgeon General C. Everett Koop was recently asked whether he'd ever operated on children who had any of the disabilities described in this debate. Indeed he had. In fact, one of his patients--``with a huge omphalocele [a sac containing the baby's organs] much bigger than her head''-- went on to become the head nurse in his intensive care unit many years later. Mr. Koop's reaction to the president's veto? ``I believe that Mr. Clinton was misled by his medical advisers on what is fact and what is fiction'' on the matter, he said. Such a procedure, he added, cannot truthfully be called medically necessary for either the mother or--he scarcely need point out--for the baby. Considering these medical realities, one can only conclude that the women who thought they underwent partial-birth abortions for ``medical'' reasons were tragically misled. And those who purport to speak for women don't seem to care. So whom are you going to believe? The activist-extremists who refuse to allow a little truth to get in the way of their agenda? The politicians who benefit from the activists' political action committees? Or doctors who have the facts?

Mr. KLECZKA

Mr. KLECZKA. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to two outstanding individuals, Ted and Marion Sobanski who will be honored by the Polish Legion of American Veterans Heritage Committee on October 20, 1996. By honoring them with the Outstanding Couple of the Year Award, the Polish Legion of American Veterans Heritage Committee is paying tribute to Ted and Marion for their many years of voluntary service and dedication to their community. Ted and Marion have been happily married since March 1933. They have been blessed with five children, five grandchildren, seven great grandchildren, and three step great grandchildren. Ted worked at Liberty Banking Co. for over 40 years and has led many clubs and organizations, many of which he is still active in. He has been president of the Blue Star Dads Club and the South Side Business Mens Club. Ted is currently the president of the Polish National Alliance, Council No. 8 as well as the treasurer of Polish Fest, one of Milwaukee's large ethnic festivals. Following her four sons entering into service, Marion joined the Blue Star Mothers of America. She held all offices in this national organization and in 1980 was elected president. Marion also volunteered for the Veterans Administration Medical Center for 28 years, where she was known by everyone as ``the sewing lady on the 9th Floor.'' She served as the president of the South Side Business Womens Club and was selected as the Polish American Woman of the Year in 1992. The Polish Heritage Program which has made an excellent choice in honoring Ted and Marion has brought together many members of various organizations and community leaders to celebrate this occasion. Ted and Marion have shown exemplary commitment to their heritage and their community, and I am proud to have them as constituents of the Fourth Congressional District in Wisconsin. Congratulations, Ted and Marion, this is an award that is truly well deserved.