Amy Klobuchar

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to S. Res. 204, submitted earlier today.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it adjourn under the previous order.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I note the absence of a quorum.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that from Thursday, May 26, through Friday, June 3, the majority leader, Senator Klobuchar, and Senator Webb be authorized to sign duly enrolled bills or joint resolutions.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that from Friday, May 27, through Friday, June 3, the President of the Senate, the President pro tempore, and the majority and minority leaders be authorized to make appointments to commissions, committees, boards, conferences, or interparliamentary conferences authorized by law, by concurrent action of the two Houses, or by order of the Senate.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motions to reconsider be laid upon the table, with no intervening action or debate, and any statements relating to the matter be printed in the Record.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I further ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motions to reconsider be laid upon the table, with no intervening action or debate, and any statements related to the resolution be printed in the Record.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Senator Cardin be added as a cosponsor.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the HELP Committee be discharged from further consideration of S. Res. 172 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate resume legislative session.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the committee-reported amendments be agreed to, the bill, as amended, be read a third time and passed, the motions to reconsider be laid upon the table, with no intervening action or debate, and that any statements relating to the bill be printed in the Record.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of Calendar No. 31, S. 627.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table and that any statements relating to the bill be printed in the Record.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that on Monday, June 6, 2011, at 4:30 p.m., the Senate proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 118; that there be 1 hour for debate equally divided in the usual form prior to the cloture vote; further, that the mandatory quorum under rule XXII be waived.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I would first like to thank the Senator from Oklahoma, Mr. Coburn, for allowing me to take a few minutes to speak about something very important in my State--the fact that tomorrow would be Hubert Humphrey's 100th birthday. Hubert Humphrey was our ``Happy Warrior'' in Minnesota. He was the son of a smalltown South Dakota drugstore owner who lifted himself up through hard work and determination to become the mayor of Minneapolis, a U.S. Senator representing Minnesota, and the 38th Vice President of the United States of America. I actually have Hubert Humphrey's desk--something I requested when I got to the Senate. It somehow got in a different category, and for the first 2 years I had the desk of the former Senator from New Hampshire, Gordon Humphrey. But then, lo and behold, with the start of this last Congress, I did get Hubert Humphrey's desk. I was a senior in high school when Hubert Humphrey passed away, and I can still remember standing in line for his funeral in St. Paul. It was January, and it was one of those days where it was below zero-- freezing. Yet there we were, standing outside the State capitol, all of us in our puffy winter jackets, 40,000 people waiting to pay our respects. That is how much Hubert Humphrey was loved in our State, loved enough for people to stand outside for hours in the dead cold of a Minnesota winter. I can honestly say that Humphrey had an enormous impact on my own views of public service. You can go down the list of landmark Federal legislation in the past 60 years, and his fingerprints are all over them--civil rights, Medicare, nuclear arms control, the Peace Corps, the list goes on and on. Hubert Humphrey's impact continues to be felt in our State. Humphrey was a compassionate man, but he was no pushover. He never backed down from a fight worth fighting. When he was asked to speak at the Democratic National Convention in 1948, he dove headfirst into one of the most controversial topics at the time--racial inequality. It was a gutsy move, especially considering how divisive civil rights issues were for the Democratic Party. And let's not forget that as a 37-year- old mayor of Minneapolis--and the Presiding Officer can relate to this as a former mayor himself--Humphrey's political career was just getting off the ground. He had a lot to lose. But he was convinced that segregation and Jim Crow were hurting our country, and he was determined to challenge the status quo on the national stage even if it meant risking his political career. That was Hubert Humphrey. I think the last, most important thing to point out about Hubert Humphrey is that he was above all things an optimist. To this day, the Senate, according to our colleagues, has never seen anyone quite like him--bursting with energy, idealism and hopefulness, a happy warrior. I have a picture of the ``Happy Warrior'' hanging in my front office, and it hangs there in a visible place for a good reason. It is because I am convinced that now more than ever our Nation needs a good dose of the hope and optimism that defined Hubert Humphrey's life. The truth is, we have to go back decades to find a time when we were confronted with so many challenges--two difficult wars, a crushing debt load, and our quest to end our dependence on foreign oil and develop our own homegrown energy. The way we choose to address these challenges will determine the course of our Nation for decades to come. History will tell us whether we are right or wrong, timid or courageous. I believe we must choose courage, but not only that, we must also choose optimism. We must take a page from Hubert Humphrey's book and strive for that resilience he displayed in public life. I think about the inscription on his gravestone at Lakewood Cemetery in Minneapolis. It is a quote from Humphrey himself: I have enjoyed my life, its disappointments outweighed by its pleasures. I have loved my country in a way that some people consider sentimental and out of style. I still do. And I remain an optimist with joy, without apology, about this country and about the American experiment in democracy. These are words that resonate today, words that remind us of the amazing life and legacy of a man who did so much for the causes of justice, democracy, and accountability. America is a better place for his leadership, and that is why we honor him today. Mr. President, I again thank my colleague from Oklahoma for allowing me to put in these good words for Senator Humphrey. I yield the floor.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, the first rollcall vote when we return will be at 5:30 p.m. on Monday, June 6. That vote will be on the motion to invoke cloture on the nomination of Donald Verrilli to be Solicitor General of the United States.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 9:30 a.m. on Friday, May 27, for a pro forma session only, with no business conducted; that when the Senate adjourns on Friday, May 27, it stand adjourned until 10 a.m. on Tuesday, May 31, for a pro forma session only, with no business conducted; that when the Senate adjourns on Tuesday, May 31, it stand adjourned until 10:30 a.m. on Friday, June 3, for a pro forma session only, with no business conducted; and that when the Senate adjourns on Friday, June 3, it stand adjourned until 2 p.m. on Monday, June 6; that following the prayer and pledge, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the morning hour be deemed expired, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day; that following any leader remarks, the Senate be in a period of morning business until 4:30 p.m., with Senators permitted to speak for up to 10 minutes each; finally, that at 4:30 p.m., the Senate proceed to executive session under the previous order.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. I now ask for its second reading and object to my own request.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business for up to 10 minutes.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I rise to discuss the budget. I have long believed we need to get serious about the deficit. I have been listening to my colleagues across the aisle, and I believe we have to be responsible in the way we do it. That is why a year ago I was one of a handful of Senators who fought for the creation of the fiscal debt commission. In fact, a number of us came together and said we are going to get this debt commission or we won't vote for the debt ceiling increase. As a result, while we could not get the statutory fiscal debt commission, we got the debt commission. A lot of people thought it would result in a report that would sit on a dusty shelf, but it has been well received, and it is the blueprint for a group of Senators who are negotiating a bipartisan plan for the budget. Like everybody, I don't agree with every single recommendation in that report. But I have, in fact, supported the bipartisan effort. I think there are a lot of good things in that report and a very strong way to reduce the debt in the long term. This week, we are scheduled to vote on the Ryan budget. If it wasn't already crystal clear, this vote will show that a comprehensive solution to our fiscal challenges cannot be achieved by drawing ideological lines in the sand. When the Ryan budget was first rolled out, some hailed it as courageous. But I have to ask how it can be called ``courageous'' when it protects the $4 billion a year we give to oil companies, it fails to address some of the military defense spending that even Secretary Gates has said could be cut. Instead the House passed its budgets on the backs of the middle class and seniors. In Minnesota, we don't call that courageous. Before we get into the policy, we should step back and look at the numbers. According to the CBO, our debt is currently projected to reach 67 percent of GDP in 2022, but under the Ryan plan debt would actually reach 70 percent of GDP by 2022. So despite $4.3 trillion in drastic and painful cuts--two-thirds of which would come on the backs of the middle class--the plan barely reduces deficits at all over the next decade. Despite the fact that the budget doesn't achieve what it sets out to accomplish in deficit reduction, leaders in the House continue to try to frame the debate in terms of numbers. That is because when you take their plan to the American people and ask them, ``Are these your priorities?'' and, ``are these your values?'' the resounding answer is, ``no.'' The American people want a reasonable, bipartisan plan that addresses our serious challenges. That House Ryan budget is not the answer. What this debate boils down to is not where we need to get but how we will get there. I believe we need to reduce this debt. I believe we can reduce that $4 trillion in the next 10 years. I believe there is a much better way to do it than what we have seen in the Ryan budget. It may look like this plan to end Medicare that they passed in the House is reducing health care costs, but it only does so by ending Medicare as we know it. This plan would gradually replace Medicare with a system of vouchers that seniors could use to help buy private health insurance. This would put private companies in control of health benefits and cause seniors to pay more for their health care or get fewer benefits. Because the voucher will fail to keep pace with increases in the cost of health care, the Congressional Budget Office estimates that seniors and the disabled would pay sharply more for Medicare coverage under the Ryan plan--an average of $6,359 more in the first year, more than double the cost under current law. Defenders of this plan say it won't affect anyone who is over 55 and that Medicare will be available for them. Unfortunately, this isn't true. The Ryan plan would repeal the part of the health care reform law that closes the Medicare prescription drug ``doughnut hole.'' This is the gap in coverage where seniors have to pay all of the costs of their prescription drugs. Currently, that number is a little over $3,600. This would mean seniors would have to pay much more out of pocket for prescription drugs. In Minnesota, that would cost our seniors $40 million in 2012 in additional drug costs alone. I believe we must do all we can to rein in health care costs. Minnesota has always been a leader in providing low-cost, high-quality health care, and I believe we can be an example of how we can reduce health care spending, while still delivering excellent care to patients. For instance, if the spending per patient with chronic diseases everywhere in the country mirrored the efficient level of spending in the Mayo Clinic's home region of Rochester, MN, Medicare could have saved $50 billion over 5 years. Medicare could have saved $50 billion over 5 years by using the Mayo model--some of the highest quality health care in the world. So, yes, there are ways we can better deliver health care not only for less cost but also for better results. Medicare must continue to institute further reforms including the creation of the accountable care organizations, reductions in payments to hospitals with high readmission rates, bundled payments, and a focus on fraud. These reforms are meant to incentivize doctors and hospitals to provide high-quality, efficient care. The radical changes to Medicare that are proposed in the Ryan budget are not solutions to our long-term debt. There is a way to get the country on a better fiscal path, one where you are not doing it on the backs of our seniors. You would think that if you were going to take such a drastic step as any Medicare as we know it, you would put most of the savings toward deficit reduction. Instead, the Ryan budget uses its $4.3 trillion in savings for $4.2 trillion in tax breaks that would disproportionately go to the wealthiest Americans. Again, instead of putting that money into deficit savings, it disproportionately puts the money in the pockets of the wealthiest Americans. At the same time the House Republican budget is disproportionately targeting seniors and the middle class, it leaves the Pentagon--which makes up 20 percent of the budget--virtually untouched. Defense Secretary Gates himself has mapped out several smart cuts and alternatives we can make to the Defense budget to save a net $78 billion over the next 5 years. In the spirit of shared sacrifice, I agree we should include commonsense cuts to defense spending to reduce the Federal budget. Those are just some of the ideas. This basically comes down to value. Look what we can save. We can save $240 million--$240 million--simply by negotiating prescription drug costs under Medicare Part D--$240 million over 10 years. We can save $4 billion annually--that is $40 billion over 10 years--by taking away the tax breaks of the oil companies. We can save $78 billion with the defense cuts I just discussed. We can bring the tax rates back to the Clinton levels for people making over $1 million. Even if we set it at $1 million, we save $360 million over 10 years. That is real money. That is a budget that is based on values that protect the middle class. When I talk to the people of my State, they want a plan that has shared sacrifice, that is reasonable, and that is bipartisan. They want a balanced and reasonable approach. They want us to come together on a plan that will strengthen our country. I look forward to continuing to work across the aisle to make this happen. Unfortunately, that is not what this Ryan budget is about. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. KLOBUCHAR

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Subcommittee on International Trade, Customs, and Global Competitiveness of the Committee on Finance be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on May 5, 2011, at 2 p.m., in 215 Dirksen Senate Office Building, to conduct a hearing entitled ``Enforcing America's Trade Laws in the Face of Customs Fraud and Duty Evasion.''

Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Subcommittee on Emerging Threats and Capabilities of the Committee on Armed Services be authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on May 5, 2011, at 9:45 a.m.