Sydney Kamlager-Dove

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the Swanson and Hugh Butler Reservoirs Land Conveyances Act. This bill would authorize the Secretary of the Interior to enter into good faith negotiations with Hitchcock County and Frontier County in southern Nebraska to establish a title transfer agreement for certain lands within the Swanson Reservoir and Red Willow Reservoir lands. The Swanson Reservoir and Hugh Butler Reservoir serve as home to several communities and popular recreation sites. Transferring ownership of these lands from the Bureau of Reclamation to the counties will allow the counties to manage and develop the land for recreational use and conservation in alignment with the communities' needs. It is worth noting that there are some health and safety concerns at the concession areas that need to be met to increase public safety and access to recreation facilities. For that reason, the bill would require that prior to any conveyance, the local entities must demonstrate their ability to effectively operate, maintain, and enhance the lands for the same purposes for which they are currently being used and to establish a concrete plan to address health and safety concerns. This legislation will help improve the management of these sites for the surrounding communities. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the legislation, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor and celebrate the 60th anniversary of St. John's Community Health, a beacon of hope and healing for underserved communities in Los Angeles and beyond. Since its founding, St. John's has grown into one of the largest Federally qualified health center networks in our country, providing essential healthcare services to hundreds of thousands of patients each year. Guided by a mission of healthcare as a human right, St. John's has touched the lives of countless individuals, ensuring that the most vulnerable in our society receive the care they deserve. This remarkable organization has led with compassionate innovation, addressing health disparities, championing social justice, and advocating for equity in healthcare access. St. John's partnership with labor unions, schools, and local government has strengthened its ability to respond to challenges facing communities in Los Angeles, San Bernardino, and Riverside Counties. Mr. Speaker, as we commemorate this milestone, let us recognize the unwavering leadership of Jim Mangia, president and CEO of St. John's, and the contribution of the dedicated staff, volunteers, and supporters. Mr. Speaker, I thank St. John's Community Health for 60 years of care, compassion, and commitment to the well-being of our communities.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I give thanks and appreciation to the gentlewoman from Florida for holding it down during this Special Order hour for the CBC, and I thank the gentleman from Illinois for doing the same. Mr. Speaker, today, we stand on the shoulders of a giant, a giant who stood just 5 feet 3 inches tall but had the power to shake the Nation. Shirley Chisholm wasn't just the first Black woman elected to Congress. She was a force of nature who shattered barriers and dared anyone to stop her. Spoiler alert: They couldn't. In a world that told her no at every turn, Shirley said: Watch me. Watch me. She ran for Congress. She won. She became the first Black woman to serve in this very body, a body that, let's be clear, wasn't exactly rolling out the red carpet and still kind of doesn't. Did that stop her? Absolutely not. She showed up, took her seat, and if there wasn't a seat, Shirley brought her own folding chair, slammed it down, and said: Let's get to work. She made history. Along the way, she didn't just break the rules; she rewrote them. She fought for civil rights, women's rights, and economic justice. She did it all without ever compromising who she was or in what she believed. Shirley didn't come to Congress to blend in. She came to lead, to challenge, and to remind the world that power belongs to those bold enough to claim it. And lead she did, fearlessly, unapologetically, and always with her eyes on a better and more just future. Her campaign slogan, Unbought and Unbossed, wasn't just a catchy phrase; it was her truth. In a world that told her to ``wait your turn,'' she declared: My turn is right now. When she ran for President, she didn't just run to win. She ran to pave the way for the rest of us. Her courage made it possible for people like me, for people like all of us in CBC, to serve. Her voice ensured that our voices would one day be heard. Her fierce advocacy for women, Black Americans, and the marginalized taught us a vital lesson: If they won't give you power, you take it. In my office, where her portrait graces the walls, I am reminded daily that it is not enough to be in the room. You must shake it. You must demand justice. Most importantly, you must never let anyone tell you to wait your turn. As Shirley said: If they don't give you a seat at the table, bring a folding chair. I thank Madam Shirley Chisholm. We got our chairs, and we are just getting started. Many of the women here shared their story. I don't have a story because I am too young, but I will tell you, in my home, Shirley Chisholm was a legend. To be in the same Chamber where she stood, where she fought, where she won, where she declared that we deserve to be here, it is an awesome experience and feeling every single time we are here to know we have shared the same space with the great, the legendary, the most powerful, Shirley Chisholm. It is why her photos are on all of my walls in the office because I want everyone, when they come to see me, I want them also to see her. Mr. Speaker, I thank Shirley Chisholm for her honor, and we carry her legacy forward: Unbought, unbossed, and unstoppable.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the World Series champion Los Angeles Dodgers. Last month, to most baseball fans' delight, our Dodgers completed a gentleman's sweep to defeat the New York Yankees in the World Series. This season was nothing short of remarkable. Shohei Ohtani's contract broke records, and he continued to break more in the Dodger blue. Ohtani became the first MLB player to record at least 50 home runs and 50 steals in a season and broke Shawn Green's team home run record. Just wait until he can pitch for us. From Ohtani and Freddie Freeman playing through injuries to Walker Buehler's improbable return, this team battled and defied the odds to make history. We are celebrating this team from L.A. to Korea to the Dominican Republic to Japan. Haters can talk trash all they want, but there is no COVID season asterisk next to this one. The L.A. Dodgers are your World Series champions, and we will run it back next year.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the lives of Frankie Beverly, James Earl Jones, and Tito Jackson, three remarkable individuals who have left an undeniable mark on the arts and Black community. Frankie Beverly, the smooth-voiced, gospel choir boy turned Maze front man, was a cornerstone of R&B and soul music for over five decades. Timeless hits like ``Before I Let Go'' have become anthems in the Black community, serving as the soundtrack to countless celebrations, romances, and moments of reflection. Beverly's music, characterized by his blend of funk, soul, and gospel influences, speaks to the heart of the Black experience. His unwavering commitment to his craft and his refusal to compromise his artistic vision have earned him the respect of peers and fans alike, paving the way for Black artists to thrive after him. His impact extends beyond music. He has been a voice for unity and pride within the Black community, using his platform to promote positivity. I was proud to honor him when he performed in Los Angeles on his farewell tour just a few months ago. Frankie Beverly was a musical storyteller, poet, and icon. I am grateful he lived authentically and encouraged us to do the same. James Earl Jones, a titan of stage and screen, captivated audiences worldwide for decades with his commanding presence and iconic voice. From his groundbreaking role as the first African-American President in ``The Man'' to his unforgettable voice performances as Darth Vader and Mufasa, Jones regularly broke barriers and inspired generations of aspiring performers. From Broadway to the silver screen, Jones' range shined bright, so much so that he was one of 27 people to ever achieve an EGOT designation. Beyond his artistic achievements, Jones was a vocal advocate for civil rights and a role model for aspiring Black actors. He proved that with talent and perseverance, you can reach the pinnacle of success in the entertainment industry. James Earl Jones will forever be remembered for his powerful, majestic voice that carries nostalgia across generational barriers. As a founding member of the legendary Jackson 5, Tito Jackson was a pivotal figure in shaping the landscape of popular music. Alongside his brothers, Tito helped break down racial barriers in the entertainment industry during the 1970s. His distinctive guitar playing contributed to the group's unique sound, influencing countless musicians across genres. Later, Tito established himself as a solo artist, continuing to create music that touched fans worldwide. His dedication to preserving the Jackson family's musical legacy while supporting various charities demonstrated his commitment to both artistry and the Black community. We shall honor his legacy by continuing to support Black artistry and encouraging youth in Black communities to pursue their musical dreams. These three men--Frankie Beverly, James Earl Jones, and Tito Jackson--have not only entertained us but have also served as beacons of excellence, perseverance, and cultural pride. Their contributions to the Black community and to the arts are immeasurable, and their legacies will continue to inspire future generations. Please join me in honoring them today for their talent, dedication, and enduring impact on American culture. Honoring the Life of Sika Dwimfo

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the life of Sika Dwimfo, a prolific artist, jeweler, and businessowner, who was an integral part of the fabric of our Los Angeles community. He was widely known as Sika and also the godfather of Leimert Park. The son of a tailor, Sika developed a love for art and a strong sense of personal style that he would carry with him for the rest of his life. In 1971, he moved from Chicago to L.A. in search of warmer weather and a place to complement his free-spirited energy. He set down his roots in my district, and in 1992 established Sika Gallery on Degnan Boulevard. The shop, which I was honored to visit in February, sells African jewelry, art, and clothing. Over the years, it has become a beloved and integral part of the historic Leimert Park neighborhood. His daughter, Milan, helps run the gallery today. Though Sika is no longer with us, his legacy lives on, not only through his business, but through Sika Dwimfo Corridor, a street that was named in his honor in June. Please join me in honoring Sika's memory. His authenticity, creativity, and gentle spirit made Los Angeles a better place.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. In fact, Mr. Chair, we support 18 of the 22 sections of the bill. However, without additional changes, the bill includes harmful provisions that go beyond what the wildfire commission recommended. Despite 148 opportunities for consensus, my colleagues across the aisle couldn't resist undermining our bedrock environmental protections like NEPA, the Endangered Species Act, and the National Historic Preservation Act. This is unnecessary because the evidence is clear: the Forest Service has achieved record-breaking results in reducing wildfire risks, thanks to the investments Democrats made last Congress over Republican opposition. Instead of weakening vital environmental laws, we should focus on building on the progress we have already made. The wildfire crisis is, and should be, a bipartisan priority. Democrats stand ready to work together on consensus-based solutions that provide our land management agencies with the tools they need. Unfortunately, H.R. 8790 is not that solution.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Chair, I rise today in opposition to H.R. 8790, the Fix Our Forests Act. This bill had real potential, potential that could have been realized if committee Democrats had been meaningfully involved in its development. Wildfires are a crisis that demands our collective attention across party lines. We have seen firsthand how it devastates communities, including in southern California where the Post fire continues to burn in the rugged hills of East L.A. Hot, dry, and windy conditions intensified by the climate crisis are fueling more frequent and severe wildfires. These fires are spreading faster, lasting longer, and growing more intense. Let me be clear: While this may seem like the new normal, it is anything but. The wildfire crisis is linked directly to the climate crisis, and if we are serious about protecting our communities, we must tackle both head-on. That means reducing emissions and committing to a clean, renewable economy, something that, sadly, this Congress under Republican leadership refuses to address. We must also ensure that our Federal land management agencies have the resources, personnel, and tools to promote resilient forests and safe communities. That is why House Democrats took bold action in the last Congress. Through the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, we secured $28 billion for the Department of the Interior and $5.5 million for the Forest Service to address wildfire management and resilience. Let's not forget: every single Natural Resources Committee Republican voted ``no.'' Then came the Inflation Reduction Act, which provided an additional $2.5 billion for ecosystem resilience and $500 million for wildfire workforce needs. Once again, Republicans opposed these critical investments. Thanks to these historic actions, the Biden-Harris administration has made significant progress. The national wildfire strategy is delivering record-breaking restoration efforts to strengthen our landscapes and keep communities safe. We also established the Wildland Fire Mitigation and Management Commission, which released 148 consensus recommendations. I am pleased to see that the Fix Our Forests Act incorporates several of these recommendations.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to celebrate the University of Southern California (USC) Women's Beach Volleyball National Championship win. Their victory on May 5th marked the team's fourth straight championship and seventh overall national title, as well as the 136th national championship for the University of Southern California. In addition, it is the 28th National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) win for the Woman of Troy. On behalf of the 37th Congressional District, I want to extend an enthusiastic congratulations to Ashley Pater, Grace Hong, Delaney Karl, Mabyn Thomas, Olivia Bakos, Madison Goellner, Madison White, Emily Fitznek, Bailey Showalter, Megan Kraft, Maddi Kriz, Delaynie Maple, Molly Phillips, Zoey Mitchell, Audrey Nourse, Ainsley Radell, Grace Seits, Klaire VanDeusen, Gabby Walker, Kaylee Young, and Nicole Nourse on their impressive triumph. Kudos for all their hard work. I would also like to congratulate Coach Dain Blanton, Assistant Coaches Gustavo Rocha and Emily Hansen, and Director of Operations Claire Kieffer-Wright, who all played a vital role in leading these young women to victory. Their dedication to drawing out the best in their players and serving as encouraging voices has no doubt played a part in this victory. Athletics are a celebration of the human spirit. Playing a sport at the Division I collegiate level is no small feat, that level of play requires hustle and determination. The Women of Troy have shown us the power of unity in achieving high-arching goals; their spirit of camarderie has allowed them to overcome obstacles and emerge victorious. Their shared goal and commitment to one another helped them achieve an unprecedented fourth-straight championship for a USC women's team. In June, we celebrated the 52nd anniversary of Title IX. Decades ago, women wouldn't have had the opportunity to be part of a collegiate level, championship-winning team. The USC Women's Beach Volleyball team has inspired countless young girls to pursue their dreams fearlessly and are a testament to the progress that has been made in athletics. The Women of Troy secured their seventh beach volleyball national title while battling their crosstown rivals, the University of California, Los Angeles (UCLA) Bruins. Twin sisters Audrey and Nicole Nourse won the deciding match for a second year straight, leading their team to claim victory once again in the 2024 NCAA championship. The Nourse sisters, along with other graduating student-athletes, deserve special recognition as they move on to new endeavors. Seniors Olivia Bakos, Megan Kraft, and Delaynie Maple and graduate students Ainsley Radell, Grace Seits, Maddi Kriz, Molly Phillips, Emily Fitzer, Audrey Nourse and Nicole Nourse should be proud of then leadership and example-setting. We will all miss watching them play, and we will never forget the mark they have made. As a USC alumna, I was excited to meet the Women of Troy and congratulate them on their National Championship title. I could not he prouder to share an alma mater with these remarkable women. I stand here today to say Fight On, Trojans.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to the James amendment.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Chair, I opposed this bill when it was considered in the Foreign Affairs Committee, and I oppose this amendment today. South Africa is a key partner of the United States and has been critical to driving innovation and investment on the Continent of Africa. It is also true that South Africa has taken a number of policy stances I do not agree with and don't believe are helpful to advancing further peace and prosperity, including an all-too-forgiving stance on Russia. If our goal as the United States is to achieve an open and cooperative partnership with South Africa that advances both our countries' interests, this amendment will not accomplish that. Almost 2 years ago, the Biden administration put out a U.S. strategy toward sub-Saharan Africa, noting it is impossible to meet today's defining challenges without African contributions in leadership. Underpinning that strategy is the concept that the United States can offer positive choices to Africans, for instance, as they determine their own future. In other words, we have the opportunity and responsibility to present options to our African partners that they can judge to be worthwhile and in their best interest. We don't get to impose our ideas, and we should be making a compelling case for why it makes sense to partner with the United States and work together to achieve shared interests. Any past disagreements with South Africa are reasons for us to double down through diplomacy to find productive pathways for U.S.-South Africa cooperation. This amendment unnecessarily duplicates a review process already laid out in law under the African Growth and Opportunity Act, or AGOA. As an AGOA country, South Africa already receives a yearly review that takes into consideration any activities that undermine U.S. national security or foreign policy interests. This review is a requirement for any country to be deemed eligible to participate in AGOA. The administration already has the power and responsibility to review whether South Africa has participated in any such activities as part of the country's AGOA eligibility review. It seems like a core purpose of this legislation is to undermine the AGOA eligibility of Africa's largest economy. Instead of doing this, my Republican colleagues should be trying to reauthorize AGOA. Moreover, this amendment was made in order despite the original bill having no defense nexus, which was allegedly the criteria decided by the majority. Both myself and the ranking member submitted Africa amendments that could have attracted bipartisan support, yet those amendments were not made in order. Finally, this amendment suffers from a bad case of timing. South Africans recently made their voices heard through a democratic election, and South Africa is in the process of forming a new government as we speak. We need to give the parties in South Africa time to establish a government and pursue the course laid out for them by South African voters. To conduct a review at this point in the process would be premature and potentially damaging to our interest of being a partner of choice for South Africa. This is a strange, counterproductive, and condescending amendment, and this is exactly what African countries accuse us of doing. They say: Why do you wag your finger at us and tell us what we can't do, but then you don't do that to any other country? They are right. They are not colonies. They are countries, independent, and this tired approach is what they are asking us to stop doing. We would not do this to any country in Europe or Asia, so why are we doing this to an African country, especially South Africa, a democratic country that just held free and fair elections and is one of the most strategic partners that we have on the continent? We need to show up, and we need to show up in a different kind of way. This amendment is not how we should show up for Africa. Mr. Chair, in closing I want to say what I already said. This is condescending, it is counterproductive, and it is not the way that we should be engaging with our our democratic African partners on the continent. The best way to counteract Russia and China is to show up with a different approach that is dignified, that is respectful, and that recognizes that these countries are independent so that they see that we are serious and that we are using all of the tools in our toolbox: diplomatic, defense, and development; not finger wagging. Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the life of Reverend James Lawson, a pioneering civil rights activist whose enduring commitment to unity and nonviolence shaped our Nation. He was a beloved constituent of the 37th Congressional District. As a young missionary, Reverend Lawson traveled to India, where he studied under Mahatma Gandhi. It was during this trip that he developed his guiding philosophy of civil disobedience, one that would inspire a generation of activists. In the 1960s and 1970s, Reverend Lawson led nonviolent workshops with the Southern Christian Leadership Conference as the organization worked to desegregate the South. In 1974, he moved to Los Angeles and was named senior pastor of Holman United Methodist Church, also in my district, a largely Black congregation of 2,700. He preached for 25 years, leaving an enormous impact on the south L.A. community. Reverend Lawson's visionary leadership changed the course of American history. At a time when tensions are escalating at home and abroad, his guidance will be deeply missed. He was a mentor to so many and a blessing to so many more. Please join me in honoring his legacy and the values that he championed during his lifetime. Honoring Basketball Legends Jerry West and Bill Walton

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the legacies of two L.A. basketball legends, Jerry West and Bill Walton, who both changed the game in their own rights. Jerry West was a man of many names: The Logo, Mr. Clutch, Mr. Outside, and Zeke from Cabin Creek. He was also a man of many titles: player, coach, scout, and general manager, all for my Los Angeles Lakers. After a stellar college career in his home State, at West Virginia University, West was drafted second overall to the Lakers, beginning a career that would span over 40 years. As a player, West dominated the backcourt, garnering all-star honors in each of his 14 playing seasons and bringing home a championship in 1972. Upon his retirement, he came back to the Lakers as a head coach, then scout, and finally as an executive, where he truly thrived. West constructed the Lakers' 1980's Showtime dynasty, which helped bring the NBA into the mainstream, and won five championships. Toward the end of his tenure as general manager, he orchestrated the trade for Kobe and signed Shaq, leading to a championship in his final season with the Lakers and setting them up to complete a three-peat with two more in the following two seasons. While West later pursued other opportunities in the NBA, he will forever be a Los Angeles legend for his fierce loyalty and contributions to the team and our city. A California native, Bill Walton was recruited to UCLA by the illustrious John Wooden, where he went on to lead the Bruins to two consecutive 30-0 seasons and two NCAA championships, earning the honor of Naismith College Player of the Year three times. While I am a Trojan for life, I have to respect that. Walton then went on to have an equally impressive career in the NBA, leading the Portland Trail Blazers to their first title in 1977 and following up that season by taking home the NBA MVP. I won't go into further detail, but he did later win another title with a certain team from Massachusetts in 1986. Walton's entire career is a story of perseverance. Throughout his basketball career, he battled injuries to support his teams the best he could, and following his playing career, Walton overcame a stutter to become a celebrated broadcaster. After living all across the U.S., he never let the California free spirit in him wane. He was a committed antiwar advocate, devoted Deadhead, and he fought to preserve the PAC-12 until the end. Please join me in honoring the legacies of these two L.A. legends.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Madam Chair, I rise in strong opposition to this bill.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Madam Chair, I strongly oppose this bill which is blatantly counterproductive to U.S. interests in our strategic competition with China. Nearly identical legislation was marked up in the Foreign Affairs Committee last year with unanimous and vigorous opposition from Democrats. This measure would undermine one of our key advantages in the competition with China: soft power. Instead of investing in bolstering this advantage, my Republican colleagues are bent on undermining one of our biggest cultural strengths, American artists, storytellers, and filmmakers. This bill is a knee-jerk reaction to the perennial tension inherent in our relationship with China of when our openness meets closed societies and anti-democratic governments. In these cases, do we say the problem is the openness and not the actions of the government seeking to erode it? Do we respond by trying to effectively ban our companies from those markets and decimate their ability to operate there? The majority frames competition with China as an ideological battle, yet they wage this competition by trampling over the very principles that uphold the system they purport to defend. When we start viewing our strengths as weaknesses because they don't look like our competitors', then we start to become the very thing we are working to oppose. Nevertheless, most concerning about this amendment is that it helps the CCP achieve exactly what it wants. It wants to cut its citizens off from the outside world and have them consume ``Wolf Warrior 2'' instead of ``Mission Impossible.'' Why would we aid the CCP in its goal of removing American cultural influence on its people by urging Hollywood to stop showing its films in China? In addition, why would we not want to actively support and aid an industry that is sharing American stories with the people of China? In trying to be anti-China, this bill somehow becomes pro-CCP. Forcing U.S. companies out of the Chinese film market only benefits state-sponsored Chinese studios whose propaganda will have a monopoly on the Chinese audience. It will eliminate one of the most powerful mechanisms for illuminating the weaknesses of the PRC's authoritarian model and showcasing the appeal of openness, democracy, human rights, and freedom of expression, not to mention the thousands of American actors, writers, and production workers in my district whose livelihoods will be caught in the crosshairs of this legislation which impacts my constituents more than anyone else. Hollywood is about telling stories that showcase our promise and open doors for empathic thought, and they are pretty good at it, so why would we tie their hands? We should be working to help American films reach Chinese audiences on freer and fairer terms, not working to punish and shut down our own industries and disadvantage our workers. Therefore, Madam Chair, I strongly oppose this measure, I urge my colleagues to do the same, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Chair, I echo opposition to this amendment. As a member of the Transatlantic Legislators' Dialogue and the Foreign Affairs Committee, I consistently encourage and push our NATO allies to get to the 2 percent goal on defense spending. It should be the floor. Nevertheless, this amendment looks to gut our support for NATO immediately and goes against what we, the United States, stand for. Just last week, we cut sessions short so that Democrats and Republicans could go to France to commemorate the 80th anniversary of D-day. Planes, trains, and automobiles were used to get there. Why? Because D-day is antithetical to isolationism and is a lasting example of a successful, important partnership with a core key member of NATO. No victories happen without help. This amendment calls for an isolationist approach at a time when we need our friends more than ever. Many NATO countries are over the 2 percent, and many recognize the need to contribute more. This amendment gives Moscow what it wants, it gives China what it wants, and it gives the isolationist strain in the United States what it wants. History continues to show us that this approach does not work, it will not keep us safe, and it will not keep us free.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I rise as a Representative of Los Angeles County, which is home to over 30,000 foster youth. As a co- chair of the Congressional Foster Youth Caucus, uplifting our most vulnerable young people is one of my key priorities in Congress. That is why, today, I am highlighting three bills I have sponsored to do just that. The Expanding Coverage for Former Foster Youth Act is a bipartisan and bicameral bill that would ensure that the more than 23,000 youth annually who lose healthcare coverage when they age out of the foster care system stay covered through age 26. These individuals, like all individuals, deserve access to comprehensive healthcare, regardless of family status. The Higher Education Access and Success Act would level the playing field for homeless and former foster youth seeking higher education and ensure that they are supported once enrolled. Higher education is integral to success, stability, and financial security. It must be accessible to all. Next week, I will introduce the Promoting Permanency Through Kinship Families Act, which would help keep foster children with family members permanently. We know that children achieve better outcomes when they remain with their families, and we can and must prioritize these existing relationships while also ensuring healthy and safe care.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from Vermont for hosting this Special Order hour on mental health. Mr. Speaker, so long before I came to Congress when I served on the board of the Los Angeles Community College, we would hold monthly board meetings throughout the district, and it is the largest community college district in the country. We had nine campuses, and so we would visit them regularly. These meetings were oftentimes very long, they were open to the public, and lots of people would come. Lots of people, lots of characters, and lots of mental wellness issues were often on display. The Los Angeles County Sheriff's Department was contracted with the district, and it was the sheriff's department that would provide security for these meetings. I would watch these officers, mostly men, but I would keep my eye on them to see how they were doing. I would watch them take into account the changing surroundings based on the meeting and the topics and adapt to the circumstances of the evening. On occasion, these men, these good men, would have to manage a mental health episode by an attendee of the meetings, a mental health episode that verged on the unsafe. I have to tell you; these sheriffs were not trained for that. They did not apply to become a sheriff to do that kind of work. In reality, they should not have been doing that. Yet, we dump more and more social, economic, mental, and physical healthcare issues on their plate. We are asking ill-equipped law enforcement members to be responsible for managing the mental health crises of our communities. No wonder they are under duress. Police officers report higher rates of depression. Thirty percent of responders develop some kind of behavioral health condition, compared to 20 percent of the general public. Law enforcement officers have a 54 percent increase in suicide risk when compared to the civilian population. Correctional officers in our prisons have suicide rates much higher than other law enforcement agencies or even the military. Yet, Republicans want to crack down on mental unwellness in every instance except in cases regarding fentanyl. I wonder why that is the case? By bolstering the institutional policy status quo, you are not helping the mental health of our officers or those that they interact with. I am actually floored that Republicans have the audacity to talk about supporting police when they have done nothing but put these folks in more danger. For the past 2 years, House Republicans have closed the Labor, Health, and Human Services account for Community Project Funding requests, obstructing funding from flowing into our districts to support those struggling with mental health. House Republicans also barred nonprofits from applying for Community Project Funding within the Community Development Fund--Economic Development Initiative for HUD, preventing organizations that specialize in addressing homelessness from receiving vital Federal funding and placing additional burdens on law enforcement. It is hypocritical to say this is Police Week and you want to support law enforcement when you are vehemently opposed to funding, supporting, or uplifting any of the initiatives that actually would do the most to help police, including their mental health, and including the mental health of those they interact with. Instead, let's commit to legislation like H.R. 6202, the Counseling Not Criminalization in Schools Act. This legislation diverts Federal funding away from supporting the presence of police in schools and toward evidence-based and trauma-informed services that address the needs of marginalized students and improve academic outcomes. I have to tell you, the most common reasons why police officers are called are for issues related to parking, noise nuisance, poverty, domestic violence, and mental health episodes, and none of these, truthfully, require police intervention. Most demand mental health intervention, especially when you are dealing with someone in crisis. By investing in mental health crisis intervention initiatives, we can actually better ensure the safety of both our communities and law enforcement. I generally don't like to talk about another State or somebody else's district, but I want to share a little bit about what has been happening in Oregon. In Eugene, Oregon, they instituted this initiative called CAHOOTS, Crisis Assistance Helping Out On the Streets, a program with the city's police department, and it has had resounding success. For nearly 30 years, the program has dispatched crisis response professionals to assist people who are intoxicated, mentally ill, and/ or disoriented to assist the responding officers, reducing police service calls by almost 9 percent every year. It has also cut down on workers' compensation issues and other liability claims. This program actually inspired me to introduce and pass into law the C.R.I.S.E.S. Act in the California State Legislature, which established a pilot grant program to support similar community organizations that provide stability, safety, and culturally informed and appropriate responses to mental health crises to people experiencing homelessness, to challenges with domestic violence, and also to natural disasters. Law enforcement was supportive of this because they don't want to take mental health crisis calls, but I don't know if Republicans care about them or about this country's mental wellness because they are certainly unwilling to support policy changes and crucial investments at the Federal level that would address mental health crises and mental health episodes. In closing, I am going to think back to my time in the California State Legislature working with the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation and listening to stories of correctional officers battling depression, battling alcoholism, feeling isolated, being abused by other correctional officers, and being afraid to talk about it. I think about the conversations I had with the parents of correctional officers who died by suicide at their job. All of these examples are examples of a mental health crisis happening in our homes, our streets, and our facilities, where we are asking folks to show up every day of sound mind and work on behalf of a locality, county, or community to help keep it safe, and we are not even doing our part. Republicans are not even doing their part to help them be safe. I hope that Republicans are done playing hooky at a courthouse in New York today and will come back here and focus on this immediate, critical, and important epidemic that has taken hold of the very people they claim to support.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Madam Speaker, yes, California is a great State. Madam Speaker, six Republicans joined Democrats in voting to stop this bill and send it back to committee, something that hasn't happened in 32 years. Of the Republicans who voted to send the bill back to committee, one had an amendment to say that if a company is guilty of human rights abuses, including slave labor in other countries, than they are not welcome to our land and minerals for free. By the time the bill came to the House floor last week, Republican leaders had stripped the amendment right out. I guess Republicans want to take the win on supporting drug cartels and child sex traffickers, groups that benefit from human rights violations. In addition, the Republican chair of the Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party also filed an amendment to close the loophole. That one was blocked twice by Republican leaders. Republicans have voted to keep foreign adversaries from accessing our oil and gas. How are our minerals different? Insert side eye here because it doesn't add up. Pardon my skepticism that there is not bipartisan concern here. This bill is a toxic national security giveaway to our foreign adversaries. It undercuts our competitiveness, and it is unconscionable on human rights. That is why we are seeing some Republicans buck their party on it, and I hope they will stand strong.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to oppose H.R. 3397, legislation that would require the Bureau of Land Management to withdraw a finalized Biden administration rule that expands conservation on Federal land. The rhetoric surrounding the BLM final rule has claimed it is nothing more than a mere land grab by the Federal Government, which could not be further from the truth. The final rule is an avenue to conserving not only our public lands but also Tribal sacred sites and cultural resources. The final rule allows sacred sites and cultural resources to be placed under conservation leases for preservation and protection. It is a step in the right direction to strengthen cultural prevention. The United States has a shameful history of dispossession of land through Federal policy, statutes, and cultural and physical violence inflicted upon indigenous peoples, such as the Indian Removal Act and the dissolution of Tribal governments and reservations under the termination era. Our government's past actions were not only a land grab from indigenous peoples but left a lasting impact on the generations to come. These policies have led to many Tribal communities losing access to sacred sites, traditional foods, medicine, and resources, and they have led to intergenerational trauma. As Members of Congress, we have an obligation to uphold the trust and treaty responsibility. While we have legislation such as the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act and the National Historic Preservation Act, they are not implemented to the full degree of their intent. BLM's final rule is an opportunity to strengthen existing protections for Tribal sacred sites and cultural resources. We must ensure that all legislation passed through this Chamber strengthens Tribal sovereignty and cultural preservation. For this reason, at the appropriate time, I will offer a motion to recommit this bill back to committee. If the House rules permitted, I would have offered the motion with an important amendment to this bill. My amendment would simply ensure that Tribal sacred sites and cultural resources would not be adversely impacted before the enactment of the legislation. I hope my colleagues agree that we should ensure all legislation passed does not further contribute to cultural loss and destruction of sacred sites. Instead, the legislation we pass should bring together Federal land managers and Tribal nations to develop land management policies that integrate traditional ecological knowledge and protections for sacred sites and cultural resources when proposed projects could impact Tribal nations and their citizens. I ask unanimous consent to include in the Record the text of this amendment immediately prior to the motion to recommit.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I hope my colleagues will join me in voting for the motion to recommit.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, I have a motion to recommit at the desk.

Ms. KAMLAGER-DOVE. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.