Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no additional requests for time, I strongly urge all of my colleagues to vote for this resolution, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this important resolution, and I want to commend my good friend from Indiana for submitting this very important piece of legislation. Mr. Speaker, although Nicaragua narrowly averted a political and constitutional crisis recently, the country remains gripped by an epic struggle to maintain its democratic form of government and its respect for the rule of law and civil society. Former Nicaraguan President Arnoldo Aleman and former communist dictator Daniel Ortega conspired to subvert the administration of the democratically elected President Enrique Bolanos to their perverse interpretation of Chinese water torture. Through their control of the National Assembly in Nicaragua, Aleman and Ortega slowly, but methodically, packed the Supreme Court, the Electoral Council, the comptroller's office, and other institutions with their stooges. They then planned to carve away key revenue-raising administrative offices, like TelCor, the agency in charge of telecommunications in Nicaragua, and place them under legislative control. The last step for the unholy Aleman-Ortega alliance was to begin the process of removing several members of Bolanos' cabinet and other senior officials from their government positions on very questionable grounds. Mr. Speaker, the dubious legal proceedings against President Bolanos' government sparked a resounding and near universal international outcry. From the Organization of American States to the Central American Court, to members of this body, led by my friend and colleague, Mr. Burton, chairman of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, a cacophony of respected voices reiterated their unwavering support for true democracy and the rule of law in Nicaragua and their determined opposition to the return of corrupt caudilloism. Undoubtedly feeling the intense pressure, Sandinista leader Ortega broke ranks with former President Aleman and entered into a new agreement with President Bolanos that postponed the most onerous constitutional and administrative changes until after the end of Bolanos' presidential term in 2007. Mr. Speaker, while the new agreement between Bolanos and Ortega defused a volatile confrontation between the executive and the other branches of Nicaragua's government, it did not remove Aleman or Ortega loyalists from their government positions, at least to the extent that the Aleman-Ortega Pact still remains in place. Under normal circumstances, the influence that Aleman and Ortega are able to continue to wield, either individually or jointly over the operation of Nicaragua's government, would be troublesome enough. With presidential and legislative elections scheduled to be held within a year's time in Nicaragua, their influence over the electoral process threatens to undermine the prospects for free, fair, transparent, and inclusive elections next October. Mr. Speaker, President Bolanos visited us last week and spoke of the many tasks that remain. ID cards need to be distributed to all eligible voters without discrimination based upon political affiliation. All willing and qualified candidates must be allowed to contest the elections. Perhaps most importantly, credible international observers from the Organization of American States and other institutions must be invited and encouraged to monitor the electoral process as soon as possible. Mr. Speaker, it is my hope that, through international interventions like the resolution before us today, Aleman and Ortega will recognize the destructive folly of their previous acts, maintain Nicaragua on the path of economic and political liberalization, and once again permit the Nicaraguan people to express their choice for the future in next year's elections. I strongly urge my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich). (Mr. KUCINICH asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker we have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of our time to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis), a champion for human rights.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and yield myself such time as I might consume. Mr. Speaker, at the outset, I want to commend my friend and fellow Californian, Mr. Issa, for preparing a significant, important and well- crafted piece of legislation. Mr. Speaker, Syrian brazenness knows no bounds. With his press conference and report to the U.N. Security Council this week, Detlev Mehlis has made clear that Syrian interference with his investigation into the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri has only increased. We now know for certain what we previously only suspected, that Syria has ignored Security Council warnings and persisted in obstructing Mehlis's investigation, using delaying tactics, destroying documents, withholding witnesses and pressuring key individuals involved in these matters by threatening their families, all quite sickening, Mr. Speaker. But on Monday, Syria appears to have reached a new height of cynicism and treachery. The murder of Gebran Tueni, a parliamentarian and the publisher of the most respected Lebanese daily, an-Nahar, was a devastating response to Mehlis's report on the eve of its release. Of course, Mr. Speaker, Syria denies involvement in the assassination, but, like so many hit jobs before it, including the one on Hariri, it has all the hallmarks of a product ``made in Damascus.'' Tueni is the latest of several courageous leaders to be the object of a murderous Syrian attack. All of these victims have had one thing in common: A strong commitment to Lebanese independence and sovereignty and the powerful opposition to Syria's control of Lebanon. Tueni is a special case. His newspaper emerged in recent years as the leading journalistic opponent to the Syrian occupation, and he is the second journalist of that newspaper to be killed in the past 6 months. The former occupiers bided their time, but they got their revenge just a few short months after Tueni prophetically and tragically told the world in August that he was on the top of Syria's list of those marked for assassination. I would ask, Mr. Speaker, for a moment of silence from this body for Mr. Tueni and all the others, including Prime Minister Hariri, who have lost their lives this year in Syria's murderous and shadowy war on Lebanese patriots. If my colleagues would join me in a moment of silence for these Lebanese heroes who gave their lives for their country's independence. Thank you. On October 31, the U.N. Security Council passed Resolution 1636 which warned that ``Syria's continued lack of cooperation with the U.N. inquiry would constitute a serious violation of its obligations.'' Mr. Speaker, in my view, the clock has now run out on Syria. With its arrogant disregard for human life and all international norms, Damascus has now put the ball squarely in our court. I suggest that we respond, and do so forcefully. I fully support this resolution's call for the administration to use its influence in the Security Council to seek punitive measures against the Syrian leadership and to utilize all the tools made available in the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act to convince the Assad regime in Damascus that its behavior carries a heavy price. We cannot let the cruel regime in Damascus escape unscathed. Its crimes in Lebanon are but one dimension of Syrian transgressions against all standards of decency. We could go on at length citing Syria's support for terrorists, including the Iraqi terrorists, and its internal repression of all peaceful dissent and its more than 2,000 political prisoners, including most recently the arrest last month of Dr. Kamal al-Labwani following his visit here as a guest of our Department of State's International Visitors Program. Mr. Speaker, I would be remiss were I not to make one additional observation: International pressure on Syria to withdraw from Lebanon began in a serious way in September 2004 with the passage of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1559, but that resolution not only called for Syrian withdrawal, it also called for the disarming and disbanding of Hezbollah and all other Lebanese militias. That latter point has been woefully neglected by the international community, as well as by the Lebanese government, which has even seen fit to include a Hezbollah representative in its cabinet. Now I fear international, and Lebanese, neglect is coming home to roost. The shadowy figures who are carrying out Syria's instructions to murder Lebanese patriots may or may not be Hezbollah operatives. But I do know that as long as Hezbollah remains armed, there will be thousands of killers available to carry out the Syrian regime's evil whims, thousands of jihadist killers who are loyal to Syria and care not a whit for Lebanese unity or Lebanese independence. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this resolution, which sends a powerful message to the Assad regime. I urge all of my colleagues to do likewise. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise in support of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, this simple and straightforward bill amends certain authorities of the Department of State so that the Secretary can better manage that global institution. Many of the provisions have already passed the House in one form or another. One provision of note is the authority for the United States to become a member of the Regional Emerging Diseases Intervention Center which is being established in Singapore. This regional institution, originally designed to address the threat of SARS that was recognized at the end of 2003, now can be a focal point for addressing issues arising out of the avian flu outbreaks that we have seen earlier this year. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this legislation. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), the distinguished chairman of the Democratic Caucus, who will soon move over to the other body to continue his good works. (Mr. MENENDEZ asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich). (Mr. KUCINICH asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. I want to commend my colleagues and friends, Mr. Cantor and Mr. Menendez, for introducing this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask my colleagues on both sides to suspend disbelief for a moment and imagine that this body included not just Democrats and Republicans but also representatives of an armed terrorist militia. Imagine that colleagues knew that those who opposed the militia's proposals might be killed as a result. It would certainly change the dynamics of this body just a bit, would it not, Mr. Speaker? Well, that is exactly the circumstance that the Palestinian Legislative Council will face when it convenes after the January 25 elections, when Hamas, by current projections, is likely to hold over a quarter of the council seats. Mr. Speaker, corruption of the legislative process is just one of many reasons that parties, so-called parties representing militias have no place in a Democratic system. When terrorist militias participate in elections, voters are intimidated. The concepts of the will of the majority and the rights of the minority are rendered meaningless. Mr. Speaker, terrorist Hamas has no business participating in a Palestinian election that is supposed to advance the cause of peace; indeed, in a Palestinian election for a legislative body whose very basis is an Israeli-Palestinian agreement in which the Palestinians agreed to foreswear all violence. In fact, Hamas should be disqualified on two grounds: as a terrorist group and as a group that denies Israel's right to exist. And there is a third reason as well: Hamas is a fundamentalist jihadist organization that has nothing but contempt for democracy, though it is more than happy to exploit democracy for its own nefarious ends. Mr. Speaker, the participation of Hamas in the January 25 Palestinian election now appears likely. Just today, Hamas submitted its list of candidates. But Hamas participation will be a mistake of historic proportions for the cause of Israeli Palestinian peace. The very first clause of the Middle East roadmap requires that the Palestinians dismantle all terrorist infrastructure. If that is what Abu Mazen wants to do, he is going about it in an entirely wrong way. With Hamas inside the legislative chicken coop in huge numbers, supported there in the cause of violence and gun-bearing by numerous other factions from Abu Mazen's own Fatah party, it will be more difficult than ever for Abu Mazen and the Palestinian authority to take the necessary action to dismantle Hamas' terrorist infrastructure, much less to convince it and other terrorist groups to disarm peacefully. I deeply regret that Abu Mazen has welcomed Hamas' unconditional participation in the upcoming Palestinian elections. In passing this resolution, we will call on Abu Mazen to reverse course at the eleventh hour to prevent Hamas from participating and thereby try to help these elections prepare the ground for meaningful post-election peacemaking. But, Mr. Speaker, even if Abu Mazen does not heed our advice, this resolution sends a powerful message to all the Palestinian people. The United States will have no interest in dealing with a Palestinian government that includes Hamas. Abu Mazen and his colleagues will have to keep that in mind when they form their cabinet. Moreover, the inclusion of Hamas representatives in the government of the Palestinian Authority will have a profound effect on the attitude of the United States, both our government and the American people, toward Palestinians. It will inform every decision that this body makes regarding any issue related to the Palestinians, including economic assistance. I urge Abu Mazen in the strongest terms to reconsider his decision to welcome Hamas participation in Palestinian elections. I urge all of my colleagues to support Middle East peace and to fight terrorism by voting for this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley), a co-author of this resolution, my dear friend and distinguished colleague.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, as the sponsor of this resolution, I would first like to express my appreciation to Chairman Henry Hyde for his strong support for this measure and for his help in getting it to the floor. I also wish to thank my colleagues for their cosponsorship and concerns expressed for the people of Zimbabwe. Mr. Speaker, for over two decades, the United States has tried to influence the government of Zimbabwe in the right direction. Many in this body supported the liberation of Zimbabwe from the oppressive, colonial rule of Ian Smith's Rhodesia. And for years after independence, Zimbabwe's political leaders made great progress for their people in education, economic development, and agricultural production. Until a few years ago, Zimbabwe was considered the breadbasket of southern Africa. But, Mr. Speaker, all of that changed in 2000 when President Robert Mugabe and his party realized they were losing their monopoly on political power, and changed from being a government of liberation to one of tyranny and ruthless oppression. In 2001, Congress passed the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act establishing sanctions on specific individuals who had grossly mismanaged the Zimbabwean economy, instituted draconian legislation in opposition to the rule of law, and used violence to suppress civil society and political opponents during their elections. In that legislation, Mr. Speaker, we also provided incentives for Zimbabwe's leaders to return to the rule of law, to create new political space, and to pursue economic policies that would benefit their citizens. Instead of responding to our incentives, conditioned only on their respect for the rule of law and economic common sense, Zimbabwe's leadership lashed out even more strongly against its own citizens. Mr. Speaker, the event this past spring, called ``Operation `Throw Out the Trash','' by the Mugabe regime, has taken the government of Zimbabwe to a new low. When a government begins to describe its own citizens as ``trash,'' it has lost its sense of purpose and become an enemy to its people. Mr. Speaker, I have monitored carefully the situation in Zimbabwe and want to share with you some of the devastation documented by the United Nations, our own Agency for International Development, and Zimbabwean human rights organizations. First, Operation ``Throw Out the Trash'' occurred as the Zimbabwean economy is in a chronic state of decline. Inflation is well over 300 percent. At a time when 70 percent of Zimbabweans are unemployed, food for a family of six can increase by 160 percent in one month alone. Compounding these economic woes is the HIV/AIDS crisis. Mr. Speaker, one-quarter of Zimbabweans is infected with HIV/AIDS. With complete disregard for the suffering of its people, the Mugabe's regime launched ``Operation Throw Out the Trash'' on May 25, 2005, and within a few weeks, displaced 700,000 individuals from their homes or businesses or both, and indirectly affected 2.4 million people. Of the 700,000 directly displaced, an estimated 172,200 were living with HIV/ AIDS. To carry-out the Operation, the government ordered individuals to tear down their own homes and businesses, then loaded men, women and children onto trucks, and dumped them in transit camps outside the cities with no shelter, food, clothing, medicine, or sanitation. This occurred during the dead of Zimbabwe's winter where night temperatures can fall to freezing. During the Operation, babies were born in the cold winter air and the weak and frail died from exposure. Mr. Speaker, ``Operation Throw Out the Trash'' devastated the most vulnerable in Zimbabwean society including the elderly, the mentally ill, the physically challenged, malnourished children, and the chronically ill. Most devastated, perhaps, were individuals living with HIV/AIDS. The Operation indiscriminately tore down health clinics where individual received voluntary counseling and testing. Patients on antiretroviral treatment were cut off from their doctors and medicines, while home- based care programs for HIV/AIDS patients were decimated. Most shocking, the Operation destroyed several HIV/AIDS orphanages where the children, who had lost both parents and had no family caretakers, also were living with HIV/AIDS. In response to an international outcry, the U.N. Secretary General appointed a Special Envoy to assess the situation and report on ways to address the conditions of those affected. The Special Envoy reported that the Zimbabwe government's purported effort to clamp down on illegal dwellings and illicit activities, was carried out in an indiscriminate and unjustified manner and with disregard for national and international law. She called for bringing those immediately responsible to account and for immediate reparations to those who had lost property and their livelihood. Mr. Speaker, on top of this grave injury to his people, Mugabe lashed out recently at U.S. Ambassador Christopher Dell, who simply told the truth about the regime in power. Ambassador Dell stated the simple fact that Zimbabwe's current crisis is due to economic mismanagement and corrupt rule. Mr. Speaker, we must reinforce Ambassador Dell's message by passing this resolution today. This resolution sends a clear message to President Mugabe and his tyrannical government that we will speak out against his ruling party's harsh abuse of its citizens and condemn any actions that harm innocent people. Mr. Speaker, before I close, I want to commend our U.S. AID staff members for their efforts to provide emergency shelter, food, clothing, blankets, and medicine to Mugabe's victims of ``Operation Throw out the Trash.'' The Mission Director, Paul Weisenfeld, and his team, worked around the clock with local partners to provide relief for the affected people. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I want to express my deep appreciation to my good friend and distinguished colleague, Pearl-Alice Marsh, for the extraordinary job she has done in connection with this issue. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. LANTOS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. LANTOS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I would first like to commend my good friend and colleague, Juanita Millender-McDonald, for introducing this important resolution. Her leadership on behalf of all Cambodian- Americans is greatly appreciated. Mr. Speaker, 30 years ago, one of the saddest chapters in world history began to unfold in the nation of Cambodia. With the victory of the Khmer Rouge, millions of men, women and children were forced from their homes into the countryside and prison labor camps throughout the nation. They were told they faced ``reeducation.'' Instead they suffered crimes against humanity that became a genocide. Entire categories of Cambodians were immediately marked for torture and execution by the Khmer Rouge--educated Cambodians, wealthy Cambodians, individuals associated with the previous government, even Cambodians who wore glasses. Thousands of innocent people were herded into Phnom Penh's infamous S-21 prison. Once behind bars, they were tortured by the Khmer Rouge until they confessed to their so-called crimes. After the confessions were duly recorded and the photos of the doomed were taken and filed away, the imprisoned individuals were summarily executed. When the killing was over 4 years later, over 1.7 million Cambodians were dead. Many had been executed, hundreds of thousands more were victims of starvation and malnutrition. Some Cambodians were fortunate enough to escape the madness and brutality of the Cambodian Genocide, making their way as refugees to various Southeast Asian nations. Nearly 150,000 Cambodians ultimately resettled in the United States, and today, there are more than 200,000 Americans of Cambodian descent. As Cambodians build new lives in the United States, it is appropriate and timely for the Congress to recognize the victims of the Cambodian Genocide, and to welcome the establishment of an international criminal tribunal to bring long-overdue justice to the perpetrators of the Cambodian genocide. Mr. Speaker, the international tribunal established for Cambodia is not a perfect institution, and only time will tell if those who carried out the genocide will be brought to justice. It remains our profound hope that the work of the tribunal will be carried out according to international standards of justice. Mr. Speaker, nearly 1 in 7 Cambodians lost their lives during the horrible 4 years of Khmer Rouge rule. With passage of this resolution, we remember the innocent victims of the genocide, and hope that justice prevails. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as she might consume to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Millender-McDonald), my dear friend and distinguished colleague, the author of this important piece of legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, as we meet today, Iraq has begun to conduct a historic election that will select a national government for the next four years. Under the Iraqi Constitution approved this past October, the government that emerges from these important elections will have tremendous responsibilities. It must fill in the many blanks left in the Constitution regarding a new social compact for the Iraqi people and the sharing of oil revenues among all ethnic groups. The creation of a truly independent judiciary is one of the greatest and most important challenges that will face the new Iraqi government. Mr. Speaker, as we all know, a political settlement that would create a stake by all ethnic groups in a unified, peaceful Iraq has to date eluded the major political factions in Iraq. In fact, Iraqi society is facing a convulsion of violent sectarian conflict and suffering from acts of desperate terrorism. While the elections now underway may lead to a consolidation of the political gains that were made in October, the establishment of an independent judiciary is a critical precondition for preserving those gains. Without an independent judiciary that all members of Iraqi society believe will adjudicate disputes fairly, there can be no real peace in Iraq. Without an independent judiciary that stands up to the rest of the national government and defends the new constitution, there can be no real new social compact in Iraq. And without an independent judiciary that respects the religious differences among its people, there can be no real trust of that compact. Mr. Speaker, as we speak, the nascent Iraqi judiciary is trying Saddam Hussein for the horrors of his regime. Based upon his dramatic court appearances, Saddam is clearly living under the delusion that he can orchestrate a triumphal return by manipulating the court for his own political ends. This effort will fail and we will see Saddam Hussein for what he is-- a mass murderer guilty of crimes against humanity who never should have been accorded respect by anyone in the international community. Let us hope that a successful prosecution of Saddam Hussein with all reasonable procedural protections will help launch the independent judiciary for which this resolution calls. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, I have no additional speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I commend my friend from Massachusetts for his singularly moving statement. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).