Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4\1/2\ minutes to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Berman).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent, so that the debate will not be stifled, that the gentleman from New York (Mr. Gilman) and the gentleman from West Virginia (Mr. Rahall) each be granted 5 additional minutes.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, there have been many calls for the United States to be an honest broker. I share those calls. We have been an honest broker since President Carter brought the parties together at Camp David, but there were two willing parties. We can be an honest broker when both sides are eager to move towards peace, as President Sadat and Prime Minister Begin did. Arafat's latest contribution to this dialogue was to tell the Prime Minister of Israel to go to hell. It is difficult to be an honest broker under those circumstances. Under those circumstances, our job is to stand up with the only political democracy in the entire Middle East that has gone way beyond anything that anybody in this body thought would be offered the Palestinians and, as a reward, had a walkout by Arafat and the fermenting of an uprising. This resolution must be passed as the overwhelming voice of the conscience. We all grieve for every single person who lost his life. All lives are of equal value. But the cynical exploitation of little children who are sent into harm's way with financial rewards is not very impressive. It is the most cynical exploitation of the young who do not know any better. Peace has to come, but in order for peace to come, both parties must be willing to return to the negotiating table with good intentions and the determination that was present at Camp David.

Mr. LANTOS. No, Mr. Speaker. I favor the resolution.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I first want to commend my colleagues, the gentleman from California (Mr. Campbell) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), for taking the lead on this most important issue. Afghanistan has existed as an independent and sovereign nation from the middle of the 18th century. But in recent times, under the rule of the Taliban, it has sunk to unprecedented levels of depth in all aspects of everyday living. Afghanistan today is the country on the face of this planet where the rights of women are least observed and most abused. Afghanistan has given haven to some of the worst terrorist groups on the face of this planet. The former king of Afghanistan, who ruled his country peacefully for 40 years, is now asking for a grand assembly, which is the traditional method in Afghanistan for settling policy issues. I strongly support this call, although the chances of its success are certainly not assured, but clearly the goal of this grand assembly would be to restore to the Afghan people their fundamental human rights; to reestablish representative government in that country; to rebuild civil institutions; to bring stability; and most importantly, to end the terrorist activities and the appalling human rights abuses which prevail in Afghanistan today. I call on all of my colleagues to join us in approving this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I speak with great feeling on this legislation because I introduced this legislation; and obviously, I rise in strong support of the measure. This measure condemns the assassination of Father John Kaiser and others who fought for human rights and justice in Kenya. Father Kaiser worked as a missionary in Kenya for over 30 years, was highly respected by all Kenyans whose lives he touched. He was an outspoken champion of human rights and justice in Kenya. But the government arrested him, placed him under house arrest, and eventually contributed to his assassination. Prior to his death, Mr. Speaker, Father Kaiser confided in family and friends that he feared for his life. On August 23, 2000, just a few months ago, his body was found shot to death on a road not far from his home. Kenyan police immediately ruled out suicide, but there are few clues regarding his mysterious death. I strongly applaud our Federal Bureau of Investigation for becoming involved in the effort to solve the crime, which took away one of the finest Americans ever to serve in Africa. I strongly urge all of my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 410 in memory of Father Kaiser. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, first I want to commend my distinguished colleague, the gentleman New York (Mr. Gilman), and all the sponsors of this resolution both in the House and in the Senate. During the last 17 years, the civil war in the Sudan has resulted in 2 million people being killed or starving to death. It is long overdue that this incredibly bloody and brutal conflict come to an end. Our legislation condemns the most heinous atrocities perpetrated by the government of Sudan and its allied rebel groups. We specifically condemn the use of raiding and making slaves of vast numbers of innocent men, women, and children. The government of Sudan obviously will have to be pressured by the international community to negotiate a peace agreement with opposing groups. Unfortunately, Sudan continues to receive huge oil revenues, given the current high prices of oil; and they may not be willing to negotiate peace unless international pressure is brought to bear on them. If Sudan would like to see an end to its international isolation, the time is long overdue, Mr. Speaker, to stop killing innocent civilians and to get about the serious business of making peace. I urge all of my colleagues to support this legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, recent very disturbing trends in Russia with respect to press freedom have raised serious doubts about democratic development in that country. The current effort by Russian President Vladimir Putin to eliminate the independent news media in Russia is a serious threat to Russia's democratic future. It will take a long time to build democracy in Russia, Mr. Speaker, but one of the very few encouraging signs of the last decade in Russia was the presence of a free press. Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, I am using the past tense--it was an encouraging sign. I sincerely hope that Mr. Putin's administration puts an end to the persecution and harassment of whatever is left of the free media in Russia. But the attack against the independent media is serious and systematic, and it is deadly earnest. Mr. Speaker, the Washington Post (October 2, 2000) published an excellent editorial expressing serious concern about freedom of the press in Russia. I ask that the text of this editorial be placed in the Record. I urge my colleagues to read this important editorial. Image and Reality in Russia [The Washington Post, Oct. 2, 2000] Russian President Vladimir Putin tends to his international image with skill. He dines with American media heavyweights in new York City and professes his commitment to a free press. He lunches with former dissident Nathan Sharansky in the Kremlin and insists on his love of human rights. For a pathetically small price--a bit of attention--he co-opts Mikhail Gorbachev, who in turn says nice things about the young Russian president to foreign media. All this impresses Western leaders. Meanwhile, Mr. Putin is in the process of destroying the independent media in Russia. If he succeeds, democratization will be severely set back. On a small scale, you can see Mr. Putin at work in the case of Andrei Babitsky, who is scheduled to go on trial in southern Russia today. Mr. Babistsky is a reporter for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty who reported honestly on brutal Russian behavior in Chechnya. Russian security forces arrested him for this affront and then arranged for him to be kidnapped by Chechen criminals. President Putin pretended to know nothing about this until international pressure became a liability, at which point Mr. Babitsky was freed. But the bullying did not stop. Mr. Putin's administration is prosecuting the reporter for carrying false documents-- documents forced on him by his kidnappers. Mr. Putin's assault on Media-Most is potentially more serious. The company owns NTV, the only Russian television network not controlled by the government. It also owns a radio station and publishes a daily newspaper and, in partnership with The Washington Post Co.'s Newsweek, a weekly magazine. Its survival now is threatened by a commercial dispute with the giant natural gas company, Gazprom, that lent it money. As in the Babitsky case, Mr. Putin pretends not to be involved in this dispute. But the Kremlin owns a large piece of Gazprom and effectively controls the firm. Mr. Putin's administration set the stage for the dispute by throwing Media-Most's owner into prison for three days. After this KGB-style intimidation, the owner, Vladimir Gusinsky, was pressured--by a member of Mr. Putin's cabinet acting in close consultation with the Kremlin--to sign an unfavorable contract. Mr. Gusinsky was promised in return his freedom, which President Putin apparently feels is a commodity to be bargained, not a fundamental right. Now, despite Mr. Putin's protest of noninvolvement in a commercial dispute, his prosecutor-general has opened a criminal fraud case against Mr. Gusinsky. The West has little leverage over Russia. Oil prices are high, meaning that Russia, an oil-producing country, no longer needs Western loans. But as his image campaign suggests, Mr. Putin does crave acceptance in the West. Western leaders should welcome him as long as he respects democracy at home. If he does not--if he persists in undermining Russia's independent media--the G-8 group of leading industrialized nations should return to being a G 7. A Potempkin democrat does not belong in the club of democracies.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, last Thursday with some of our distinguished Republican and Democratic colleagues, I introduced House Concurrent Resolution 425 which expresses the sense of the Congress that continued participation by the Russian Federation in the Group of Eight (G 8) must be conditioned on Russia's own voluntary acceptance of and adherence to the norms and standards of democracy. Let me give some background on this resolution, indicate the need for it, and discuss our hope about what it will achieve. In 1991, Mr. Speaker, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Group of Seven (G 7)--the key democratic industrialized nations of this world, which are the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, France, Italy, Canada and Japan--invited the president of the new Russia, Boris Yeltsin, to attend meetings with the leaders of the G 7, the President of the United States and his counterparts. This invitation for President Yeltsin to meet with the G 7 following the formal conclusion of the meeting, was a down payment on our expectation that Russia would develop in a democratic way. After several years of informal Russian participation at meetings following the formal meetings of the G 7, in 1998 Russia was officially invited to become a member of the expanded G 7, which was renamed the G 8. So for the last few years, the seven leading industrial democracies of the world opened up their very exclusive club to Russia in anticipation that democratic tendencies and developments will grow in Russia, and that Russia will take what we hope will be its rightful place as one of the great industrial democracies of the world. We realized, of course Mr. Speaker, that economically it will take a long time for Russia to become a significant power. At present Russian gross domestic product (GDP) is about the same as that of Belgium. It certainly cannot be argued that the economic state of Russia qualifies it for membership in the G 8, but our hope for democratic developments in Russia gave us the justification for continued membership by Russia in the G 8. Mr. Speaker, recent very disturbing trends in Russia with respect to press freedom and a number of other issues, such as the war in Chechnya, have raised very severe doubts concerning democratic development in that country. The handling of the submarine tragedy, where the Russian Government reverted to the worst practices of the former Soviet Union, and the handling of the fire at the television tower, where, incredibly, it took President Putin's approval to cut power to the television tower as the fire was raging, raised some very serious questions with respect to the democratic direction that the new Russian Government is taking. Our resolution--which is cosponsored by the Chairman of the Helsinki Commission, our Republican colleague Mr. Chris Smith of New Jersey; the Chairman of the House International Relations Committee, Mr. Gilman of New York; a senior Democratic member of the International Relations Committee, Mr. Berman of California--is designed to hoist the flag of caution to Mr. Putin's government. Our resolution indicates that while we are anxious and eager to build good and cooperative relations with Russia along the full spectrum of issues, we simply cannot countenance continued Russian participation as a member of the G 8 as long as there are blatant attacks on press freedom and other actions that undermine democracy. Mr. Speaker, it will take a long time to build democracy in Russia, but one of the very few encouraging signs of the last decade in Russia was the presence of a free press. Political leaders clearly do not like to be criticized and Mr. Putin does not like to be criticized, but if the Russian President wishes to be the head of a democratic country, not a newly totalitarian Russia, he will have to get accustomed to the fact that criticism is part and parcel of political leadership in democratic societies. Mr. Speaker, we are hoping that Mr. Putin's regime will put an end to the persecution and harassment of whatever is left of the free media in Russia. If that happens, we will be pleased to see continued Russian participation in the G 8. But if the Russian government's onslaught on the free media continues, I am certain that the vast majority of my colleagues, will join us in saying that Russia should no longer belong to the G 8. It is my understanding that some of the leaders on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee are contemplating the introduction of parallel legislation. We are very pleased to see this because the Congress of the United States will speak with a unified voice on this issue. Mr. Speaker, I ask that the full text of House Concurrent Resolution 425 be placed in The Record, and I urge my colleagues to join as cosponsors of this legislation. H. Con. Res. 425 Expressing the sense of the Congress that the continued participation of the Russian Federation in the Group of Eight must be conditioned on Russia's own voluntary acceptance of and adherence to the norms and standards of democracy. Whereas in 1991 and subsequent years the leaders of the Group of Seven (``G 7''), the forum of the heads of state or heads of government of the major free-market economies of the world which meet annually in a summit meeting, invited Russia to a post-summit dialogue, and in 1998 the leaders of the Group of Seven formally invited Russia to participate in an annual gathering that thereafter became known as the Group of Eight (`G 8'), although the Group of Seven have continued to hold informal summit meetings and ministerial meetings that do not include Russia; Whereas the invitation to President Yeltsin of Russia to participate in these annual summits was in recognition of his commitment to democratization and economic liberalization, despite the fact that the Russian economy has been weak and its commitment to democratic principles has been uncertain; Whereas those countries which are members of the Group of Seven are pluralistic democratic societies with democratic political institutions and practices, and they have committed themselves to the observance of universally recognized standards of human rights, respect for individual liberties and democratic political practices; Whereas a free news media and freedom of speech are fundamental to the functioning of a democratic society and essential for the protection of individual liberties, and such freedoms can exist only in an environment that is free of state control of the news media, that is free of any form of state censorship or official coercion of any kind, and that is protected and guaranteed by the rule of law; Whereas the Russian Federation has engaged in a series of government actions that are hostile and threatening to privately-owned, independently operated media enterprises, particularly those new outlets that have been critical of government policies and government actions; and Whereas the continued participation of the Russian Federation in the Group of Eight must be conditioned on Russia's own voluntary acceptance of and adherence to the norms and standards of democracy; Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That it is the sense of the Congress that the participation of the Russian Federation in the Group of Eight must be linked to the Russian Federation's adherence to the norms and standards of democracy, including: (1) the existence of a free, unfettered press that fosters the development of an independent media and the free exchange of ideas and views, including opportunities for private ownership of media enterprises, the right of people to receive news without government interference and harassment, and the freedom of journalists to publish opinions and news reports without fear of censorship or punishment; (2) the freedom of all religious groups freely to practice their faith in Russia, without undue government interference on the rights and the peaceful activities of such religious organizations; (3) equal treatment and respect for the human rights and the right to own private property of all citizens of the Russian Federation; (4) initiation of genuine negotiations for a just and peaceful resolution of the conflict in Chechnya, including a full investigation of the conflict and bringing to justice those individuals, civilian or military, who in a court of law are found to be guilty of violating human rights; (5) respect for the rule of law and improvement of civil and legal institutions to implement and defend these rights; and (6) reform of the judicial system to prevent the arbitrary detention of citizens and provide for a speedy trial and equal access to the judicial system. The President and the Secretary of State are requested to convey to appropriate officials of the Government of the Russian Federation, including the President, the Prime Minister, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, this expression of the views of the Congress.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today with a heavy heart to say good- bye to one of my dearest friends in this Chamber. I know that the entire House shares my sense of loss in the departure of one of the truly great legislators who has served this body for now over 20 years, the gentleman from Illinois, my friend John Edward Porter, I know that not only the 10th District of Illinois will miss him sorely. Mr. Speaker, when I was a very junior Member of this House, I one day received a request from a young but already distinguished Republican, who wanted to meet with me. As you can imagine, I was impressed and honored to receive such a request, and I happily agreed to this meeting. I still remember vividly that day in my office with John, his wife Katharine Cameron Porter, and my wife Annette. What resulted from this meeting was not only the start of our long friendship with John and Katharine Porter, but also that John and Katharine suggested the creation of what I consider one of the most important entities in this body--the Congressional Human Rights Caucus. John and Katharine both experienced government harassment first hand, when the female members of their congressional delegation to the former Soviet Union were strip searched. Mr. Speaker, John and I have proudly co-chaired the Congressional Human Rights Caucus since its inception in 1983, and have seen it grow into easily the most active working group on any issue on the Hill with currently over 257 Members from both sides of the aisle. No one can ever measure how many countless people John Porter has helped, how many people he has given hope, how many times he has spoken out in the defense of human rights, how often he has fought human rights violations wherever they occurred. The Caucus Mandate states, that the purpose of our organization is to ``focus bipartisan attention on the most fundamental American values: the sanctity of the individual and the inalienable rights on which the Founders created our country,'' In doing that, and in continuing to do that, John Porter is a true American hero. I am grateful that John Porter invited me to serve with him as co- chairman of the Human Rights Caucus. Annette and I are proud and honored to be his friends, and I know that he and I will continue to work on human rights issues. Farewell and Godspeed, and good luck in all your future endeavors. Mr. Speaker, a few days ago the Congressional Human Rights Caucus formerly said good-bye to our outstanding Co-Chairman in a moving reception. Let there be no mistake, John Porter is still needed, and I know that he will always be closely involved with the human rights community in whatever capacity. For those Members of the Caucus who unfortunately could not attend our farewell to John, let me just say that it was one of the most moving events the Caucus has held. Leaders of the human rights community representing organizations from around the world came to pay tribute to his outstanding leadership. Mr. Speaker, I submit for the Record two of the most moving tributes. The first one is by our outstanding Assistant Secretary for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, Harold Hongju Koh, and the second by Gerald LeMelle, Deputy Executive Director for Amnesty International USA. Statement for the Record by Assistant Secretary Harold Hongju Koh I am honored to join Members of Congress in this special tribute to the remarkable Rep. John Porter. A friend and ally to human rights activists and survivors, John has used his extraordinary talents and his time in Congress for decades to bring human rights issues and concerns to their rightful place on the national agenda. The work of John and the brilliant Tom Lantos in forming the Congressional Human Rights Caucus captures everything we seek in an American human rights policy: bipartisan, principled, global, executed by a genuine partnership between the executive and legislative branches, and deeply committed not just to addressing broad policy questions, but to improving the plight of individual people. Those of us in the Department of State, in particular at the Bureau for Democracy, Human Rights and Labor, are blessed because our work receives such strong bipartisan support on Capitol Hill. There are many Members, on both sides of the aisle, who care deeply and passionately about human rights and fundamental freedoms. But passion needs a leader. And John, along with Tom Lantos, has been more than their leader--he has been their inspiration. Let me also take this occasion to pay tribute to John's own inspiration--Katharine Porter--who by her own witness, has given so much of herself for so many years to improving human rights for so many. To highlight John's many accomplishments would take the rest of the evening. Let me say only that Congressional leadership on human rights issues has largely been the result of John's and Tom's joint vision, activism, and hard work. John not only established himself as a leader in the struggle for human dignity, by calling upon Colleagues to join the Caucus, he has focused their combined energies on a range of human rights issues that others said were losing propositions. From East Berlin to East Timor, the positive developments of the past seventeen years demonstrated again and again just how wrong John's critics were. Together with Katherine and their partners in this endeavor, Tom and Annette Lantos, John has challenged all of us to season after season of work on behalf of human rights victims. He initiated briefings, speeches, letters, phone calls, prayer vigils, and even fasts so that cause after cause was heard. He challenged us to remain dedicated to the principle that the cause of liberty is always worth the effort. John Porter has been the conscience of the Congress on human rights. Although he now changes venue, whatever path he now chooses, he will surely remain a powerful ally in the struggle for human rights. As the Assistant Secretary for Democracy, however, I have half a mind to move to his district and exercise my vote, repeatedly, to force him to stay in office! Congressman Porter, Katharine: Good Luck and Godspeed. Speech Delivered by Gerald LeMelle, Deputy Executive Director for Amnesty International USA Distinguished member of Congress, distinguished staff, dear friends and colleagues, it is my bittersweet pleasure to be here to bid farewell to our dear friend and Co-Chairman of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, Congressman John Porter. Chairman Porter has been a key leader in ensuring that the Congressional Human Rights Caucus did not just survive the abolition of caucuses, but has managed to thrive--even ``thrive'' might be an understatement! Today, the Human Rights Caucus has an almost frantic pace of briefings-- Guatemala, Burma, Algeria, East Timor, Turkey--it matters not the range of countries or even issues, all these countries are covered in a week, with recognized experts or with the activists who are on the front line of these issues! But the Caucus does not cover only countries in the headlines but countries and peoples forgotten by the glare of CNN. The Caucus is here to ensure that human rights around the world remain a focal point for congressional activity--even when Congress gets caught up in other business. And for that, we salute you. But Chairman Porter has gone beyond the Caucus in his pursuit of human rights. When Native American leaders converged on Washington earlier this year to call for the release of Leonard Peltier, they found a receptive ear in Chairman Porter who posted an important briefing in which we in Amnesty International were honored to participate. When the Turkish government has gone on a public relations offensive, or when the Administration despite its wiser counsel had decided to pursue arms transfers to that NATO ally, it is Chairman Porter who has been publicly on the side of human rights. In 1995, at a briefing organized by the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, when Nigeria was suffering under the oppression of the late dictator Sani Abacha, Chairman Porter was one of few voices calling Abacha what he was--a dictator--and one of the lone voices blasting the Administration's policy. And of course we cannot talk about the Chairman without talking about Kathryn Porter, a human rights activist in her own right. While her work on behalf of the Kurdish people and Afghani women is widely recognized and celebrated, we also remember the singular courage she exhibited when she spent time with Jennifer Harbury in Guatemala, on a lonely stretch of rural road outside an Army base. While a politician might boast of the state dinners he or she has attended, Chairman Porter attended a ``stateless'' dinner on behalf of Chinese dissidents. While politics is well tuned to the powerful and the popular, Chairman Porter has stood by the underdogs, supporting the rights of religious and ethnic minorities throughout the world, including the Armenians and the Ba'hais. While many in Congress have shunned the challenge of confronting the violations by powerful allies such as Saudi Arabia, Chairman Porter seems to embrace such opportunities. While governments and their representatives tend to have relationships with other governments, we can safely say that Chairman Porter has built relationships with peoples. We in Amnesty International USA with its 30,000 members in the United States and more than a million members worldwide can say that we are greatful people for your leadership and your support. I should also add, if I want my staff not to kill me, that your staff has also been fabulous, including Rachel Helfand, Karen Davis, Heidi Gasch, Katharine Fisher, Kelly Currie, and Jeanette Windon. We have grown to respect and rely on them as well. Whether from your keynote speech at the Latin American Ambassadors Colloquium in 1991 or your steadfast support in issue after issue, you have always been there for us and for human rights, with integrity and principle that is second to none. Dear Chairman Porter, it's not just staffers who voted you number one Congressperson who will be missed most--we also read Washingtonian magazine--we too will miss you deeply. Thank you sir for your wonderful example and contribution to human rights. You are a real hero to us.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I welcome House consideration of H.R. 4281, the ICCVAM Authorization Act of 2000, and I want to take this opportunity to commend my colleague from California, Mr. Calvert, for his work on this important issue and for bringing this bill to the floor. Mr. Speaker, on March 27, 1996, I introduced H.R. 3173, the Consumer Products Safe Testing Act. This legislation was introduced to promote more humane business practices, increase the efficiency of the Federal Government, encourage scientific innovation and, most importantly, ensure continued consumer safety while eliminating unnecessary and inhumane product safety testing on animals. Today, H.R. 4281, the ICCVAM Authorization Act of 2000--legislation that is the successor to the bill I originally introduced in early 1996--represents the culmination of efforts which began over 5 years ago. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 4281 is a non-partisan, non-controversial bill that emphasizes the protection of both human health and animal welfare by facilitating the development, acceptance and implementation of non- animal product safety tests. This bill comes to the floor with an impressive marriage of diverse interests working together to support it. Distinguished Members from both political parties, industry leaders and animal welfare organizations have joined forces to produce a common-sense piece of legislation that safeguards both human and animal well-being. I am honored and delighted that H.R. 4281 is supported by the Procter & Gamble Company, the Gillette Company, the Colgate-Palmolive Company, the American Chemistry Council, the American Humane Association, the Humane Society of the United States, the Doris Day Animal League, and millions of Americans who have demanded safe and reliable alternatives to product safety testing on animals. Mr. Speaker, for over fifty years, federal regulators have conducted product safety tests on animals. In the last decade, however, biotechnology companies have researched, developed, and manufactured alternative testing procedures that have proved to be just as safe, reliable, and in many cases, much more cost effective. Yet, these innovative technologies have never had an established protocol for receiving approval by federal agencies. In addition, industries desiring to implement alternative testing methods have endured a frustrating and confusing federal process for alternative test method review and approval, despite the fact that many industries have committed themselves to ensuring human safety while eliminating unnecessary, inhumane animal test methods. Now, for the first time, this legislation which we are considering here on the floor of the House today will enable industries to cut through bureaucratic red-tape and speed the implementation of safe and reliable non-animal test methods. While functioning solely on an ad-hoc basis, the Inter-Agency Coordinating Committee for the Validation of Alternative Methods (ICCVAM) has established sound criteria for the validation and acceptance of alternative methods to product safety testing on animals and it will require federal agencies to consider the ICCVAM's recommendations on alternative test methods. More importantly, H.R. 4281 eliminates the incentive for industries to prefer status quo animal tests by giving the ICCVAM the authority to make an otherwise fragmented regulatory process coherent, cost effective, and more readily accessible. Mr. Speaker, the adoption of H.R. 4281 will demonstrate a commitment to increasing the health and environmental safety of all Americans by simplifying the process by which industries implement more technologically advanced methods of research into their product safety testing protocols. We must ensure that as we enter the 21st century the Federal Government is working efficiently to incorporate scientific progress into product safety tests and not solely relying on antiquated and inhumane animal tests to safeguard human health. With this in mind, Mr. Speaker, I strongly urge my colleagues to join me by supporting H.R. 4281.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, the departure of Slobodan Milosevic as President of Yugoslavia was greeted with almost universal rejoicing. More than most other national leaders in recent memory, Mr. Milosevic has come to identified with the excesses and atrocities of nationalism run amuck. Mr. Milosevic encouraged and fostered excessive Serbian nationalism in order to further his own personal political goals, and he bears a heavy responsibility for the barbarities and savagery of the conflicts in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosova over the past decade. The international community recognized his personal responsibility for events in the former Yugoslavia by indicting him as a war criminal. Mr. Speaker, in Belgrade general enthusiasm greeted the news that Mr. Milosevic had lost the presidential elections and that the people of Serbia would not tolerate his continued political manipulations to preserve himself in power. The change is a welcome one, and one that I sincerely hope will lead to the restoration of stability in the former Yugoslavia. While the departure of Mr. Milosevic is most welcome, the arrival of Mr. Kostunica does not mean the resolution of all problems involving Serbia. I think it is important that we temper our rejoicing with a note of caution. It is important, Mr. Speaker, to place these changes in some perspective. This change is not the result of an upsurge of democratic sentiment, nor is it a rejection of the excesses of Serbian nationalism that have resulted in so much bloodshed and violence over the past decade. To a great extent, Mr. Speaker, it is a rejection not of the bankrupt policies of Mr. Milosevic, but a rejection of the consequences of those policies--the economic hardship created by the international sanctions against Serbia, the destruction in Serbia that resulted from the NATO campaign to halt the depredations against the Kosovars, and international isolation. Mr. Speaker, Leon Wieseltier published an excellent article in the more recent issue of The New Republic (October 23, 2000) which focuses on these critical issues and the significance of the changes in Serbia. I submit excerpts of Mr. Wieselteir's article to be placed in the Record, and I urge my colleagues to give his views the thoughtful attention they deserve. [The New Republic, October 23, 2000] The Trouble with Exhilaration: Kostunica, Then (By Leon Wieseltier) . . . The uprising in Belgrade established justice incompletely. The limitations of Kostunica and his revolution are disturbing. He is an unembarrassed Serbian nationalist, who does not see or does not wish to see that the tribal sentiment of his people, their ``national question,'' has been not the solution but the problem. He translated The Federalist Papers into Serbo-Croatian, but during the Bosnian war he was sympathetic to the Serb separatism of Radovan Karadzic, and during the buildup to the Kosovo war he was photographed brandishing an automatic rifle in the company of some Kosovar Serbs . . . He has declared that he will not deliver the war criminal whom he has deposed to the tribunal in The Hague, whose legitimacy he has contested. He is a democrat who wants his country to become a member of the European Union, but he welcomes the machinations of the Russian foreign minister, whose government was singularly unmoved by the democratic ascendancy in Serbia. In all these ways Kostunica seems genuinely representative of his people, whose ethical energies are ominously circumscribed by ethnic energies. The press accounts of the election that Milosevic lost, and of the uprising that followed his refusal to abide by its results, describe a population that was angry about the consequences of the sanctions that the West had imposed upon Milosevic's country, the poverty and the pariahdom. They were also tired of Milosevic's abuses of state power, especially his authoritarian control of the media. What motivated their rebellion, in other words, was their outrage at all that Milosevic had done to them. What was missing from the hue and the cry (at least as it was reported in the Western press) was outrage at what Milosevic had done to others--to Croatians, to Bosnians, to Kosovars. It was not his mass rapes, mass expulsions, and mass murders that brought Milosevic down. What brought him down were the unhappy consequences for Serbia of his failure in his ugly adventures. And the notion that the opprobrium that was visited upon Milosevic's Serbia was in any way deserved--that it was the right result of Belgrade's criminal actions--seems not to have figured prominently in the thinking of the Serbian crowds. They revolted against their leader, but not against themselves. Is it asking too much that a society revolt against itself? It is surely asking a lot. Yet it has happened before; and there are circumstances in which a new beginning requires nothing less. The weight of history is heavier for being unacknowledged. In this sense, President Clinton erred significantly when he remarked that ``this is just as big a blow for freedom as we saw when the Berlin Wall was torn down, when Lech Walesa led the shipyard workers in Poland.'' This was precisely the wrong parallel. I do not doubt that there are many genuine democrats in Serbia; but the striking fact, the discouraging fact, about the Serbian opposition during the past decade is that it has not been characterized by the stringent and exalted kind of dissidence that was produced elsewhere in the orbit of communism, where figures arose who directed their criticism at the foundations of their own societies, and who expressed their criticism in ferociously universal terms. Kostunica is certainly not such a figure. He is not proposing such a fundamental examination. It has often been remarked that Milosevic's regime was communism surviving in the form of nationalism; but it is important to observe that in Serbia anti-communism, too, takes the form of nationalism. For this reason, it has been only partially an uprising of conscience. And for this reason, one's exhilaration at the denouement in Belgrade is a little spoiled. . . .

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, many times we hear, ``Our children get into trouble because their time is not occupied with worthwhile pursuits.'' Today, I want to recognize a project that has shown great success in dealing with that very problem. Mr. Speaker, I would like to inform to my colleagues about a project that helps bridge the gap between childhood and the adult world. ``Lights on Afterschool'' is a project of the Afterschool Alliance. It is a nationwide event, taking place today, October 12, 2000, to recognize the critical importance of quality after school programs in the lives of children, their families, and their communities. The project is sponsored by J.C. Penney Inc. and the National Community Education Association. Lights on Afterschool will spotlight innovative and effective after school programs. Parents, community and business leaders, elected officials, and the media will have an opportunity to see firsthand how after school programs help our children discover the heroes within themselves! Mr. Speaker, the Afterschool Alliance was launched September 1999 by U.S. Secretary of Education, Richard Riley. It is a coalition of public, private, and nonprofit organizations dedicated to raising awareness of the importance of after school programs. The goals of the project are to increase funding for after school programs and to ensure top quality resources for all participants in after school programs. The alliance was created to facilitate public awareness and advocacy work. Its primary purpose is to offer positive choices to the children of our nation. After school programs provide safe, structured, and supervised activities, utilizing the physical resources provided by our schools, without taxing or overburdening the existing educational system. Statistics indicate that 15 million children are left unsupervised during non-school hours, and juvenile crime is three times higher in the period after the school day ends. The time spent in these after school programs means less time spent unsupervised, and more time spent challenging and developing a child's mind. Students who participate in after school programs are only half as less likely to use drugs, and a third as likely to become teen parents. The after school programs teach respect for others, and integrate valuable social skills into lessons. After school programs now exist in thirty percent of K-8 schools. This is a tremendous beginning, yet it leaves over two-thirds of potential sites not used during this critical period of time. The Afterschool Alliance wants to ensure all children will have access to these programs by the year 2010. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in commending the efforts of the Afterschool Alliance and wish them success on their project, Lights on Afterschool.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to bring to the attention of our colleagues an outstanding young man--14 year old Eric Karlan, who in his short life has already made important decisions that can serve as a model for others to follow. His outstanding academic record, his musical gifts, his athletic prowess, his social activism, and the leadership roles he fulfills are by themselves exceptional achievements for a 14 year old. But what impresses me most about Eric, Mr. Speaker, is his willingness to acknowledge and honor what is best in the history of humanity and to demonstrate his appreciation for what is a truly heroic legacy. I am referring to Eric's decision to celebrate his coming to manhood through the Bar Mitzvah ritual by going to Denmark to visit important historic sites as an expression of his gratitude to the Danish people for rescuing almost the entire Jewish community of Denmark from extermination by the Nazis during World War Two. Mr. Speaker, Bar Mitzvah celebrations have too often become showpieces of affluence, more extravagant than meaningful. Eric's decision to honor this occasion with simple dignity, remembering the suffering and hardships of his own people and paying respect to those Danes who came to their rescue in a time of greatest need, was indeed a wise and noble choice, and it demonstrates extraordinary character and maturity in one so young. Mr. Speaker, I commend Eric for the intelligent choices he has already made in his life, for his dedication to genuine values, for his wisdom in following in the footsteps of those who light a candle in the darkness of the world, and for his understanding and appreciation of true heroism. Mr. Speaker, I ask that excerpts of Eric's moving description of his journey of discovery in the footsteps of Danish heroes be placed in the Record. My Bar Mitzvah in Denmark (By Eric Karlan) My family has always had a reputation for doing unconventional things. When I received my Bar Mitzvah date at the age of 11, I was told that I wouldn't be getting a big party or presents like everyone else. My parents said I would be able to pick a meaningful place to visit, and select a charity for any Bar Mitzvah money I might receive. I wanted to choose a place that would give me a unique Bar Mitzvah experience. I read a book called Number the Stars, by Lois Lowry. I learned that the Danish people saved all but 116 of the approximately 8,000 Jews in Denmark by helping them escape to neutral Sweden during the Holocaust. This book was instantly a favorite of mine. It was then that I decided for my Bar Mitzvah I was going to research this story, and Denmark would be the destination for my trip. My parents gave me the opportunity to work with a modern orthodox Rabbi, David Kalb. Instead of studying the Torah portion that was near my birthday date, Rabbi Kalb helped me select a portion that was related to my trip. For our explanatory style service, I chose Beshallach, the story of the Parting of the Red Sea. We picked this story because it was uplifting, involved hope, and most importantly dealt with the liberation and freedom of the Jewish people. I connected this to the story of the Danish Resistance and how they brought the Jews from the clutches of the Nazis into freedom. Both of those stories shared positive and miraculous attributes. And both stories shared the water as the avenue to freedom. In the Midrash, Shemot Rabah, there is a story about how the Red Sea did not part until Nachshon Ben Aminadav, walked neck deep into the water. This makes a major statement that no one can expect miracles to happen unless someone takes the first step. The Danish people took the first step and a miracle occurred; all the Danish Jews were transported to Sweden secretly within a matter of days. In fact, there is a Disney movie called ``Miracle at Midnight'' that tells the story. Together, the Rabbi and I retraced the Rescue Route and learned more and more about the Exodus of the Danish Jews going to Sweden and what risks were taken. We also learned how leadership can have such a huge impact on the people. King Christian X and the Danish Bishop played an important role, setting a superb example for the Danes and leading them to do the right thing when they were surrounded by evil. We arrived early on a Wednesday morning in Denmark and immediately started to learn new things about the Danish experience during the Holocaust. As we were telling the driver on our way to the hotel about what we were doing in Denmark, he told us another very powerful story about Denmark's leadership. One day, a Nazi officer came to King Christian X and told him that if any soldier were to put up the Danish flag the next morning, he would be shot on the spot. The King replied that he would be that soldier, and from that day on, the flag of Denmark flew every day for the rest of the war. We visited the Bispebjerg Hospital, where over 2,000 Jews passed en route to Sweden. The head nurse told us that to hold the Jews in the hospital secretly was tough. To start, they had to register the Jews under Christian names. Next, they would make them look pale by putting powder on their faces and make them sick by drugging them. She told us that doctors found out that there was an informer, so they locked him up in the psychiatric ward. After the meeting we toured the hospital and the meaningful places there. As we reached one of the doors, the nurse told us a fascinating, scary story. Every door with a lock had 16 square panes of glass on it. On each of the doors, one of the panes of glass was different because when the Nazis broke into the hospital, they punched through the glass so they could stick their hand through and unlock the door. Finally, we reached an office where the chief surgeon used to work. The office was on the third floor of the building where we were told that when one of the doctors tried to escape out the window, he was shot and fell to his death. After thanking the nurse, we asked where we could find out even more information and we were directed straight to the hospital chapel. At the chapel, we met with one of the people who worked there. He told us how Jews escaped out of the hospital and on to the next part of the Rescue Route. He said they would have fake funeral processions and Jews were transported out of the chapel right under the Nazis' noses. Before leaving the hospital's premises, we learned about some underground tunnels that the doctors now use for work. During the war though they made great hiding places. After this, we went to the Grundtvig Church of the Lutheran Church of Denmark. When the Jews were in need, Grundtvig Church played a key role in helping them. When the Nazis declared martial law, the bishop of the church explained the situation, almost all Christians agreed to help the Jews. They helped hide the Jews in their homes and the church, and during the two-year period in which the Jews were in Sweden, Grundtvig Church hid Torah scrolls and other Jewish family valuables. After leaving the Grundtvig Church, we made our way to the beautiful Church of Denmark. This church also played a key role in helping the Jewish people. During the occupation, this church's bishop played Hatikvah, now known as Israel's national anthem, on the church bells. Like Grundtvig, the Church of Denmark hid Jews, Torah scrolls and other Jewish valuables. We had to start early Thursday morning for the long 30-mile car ride up the coast to visit all the fishing ports where the Jews escaped. The first fishing port we came to was Niva, a port where a large number of Jews were sent. To get to Niva, the Jews had to take trains where they had to sit in the same cars as Nazis without them knowing. When they reached the port, they were held in a large tile factory where they were hidden or acted as workers. At night, there was, and still is, a tile path that leads from the factory to the port itself that the Jews followed to get to the boats safely. Next up the coast was Sletten, where Sweden is never farther than two to four miles away. After that was Snekkersten, a port that had the second most Jews depart from. Here we had a quick memorial service in honor of H.C. Thomsen, an owner of an inn who hid Jews. He was caught and executed at a concentration camp, so in his memory and in memory of those like him, we held the memorial service in front of a rock, which was marked with a plaque honoring him and surrounded by flowers. We continued up the coast to pass or stop at more small fishing ports like Elsinore and Hornbaeck. As we drove up the coastline, Sweden was never out of sight. You can only imagine how frustrating that was for the Danish Jews to have freedom less than five miles away, yet you could die from hypothermia just by trying to swim across the water. Finally, at the tip of the coast, we reached Gilleleje, the site where the most Jews left and where the most Jews were caught. We visited a small church where more than half the captured Jews in all of Denmark were caught. The church hid 80 Jews in the attic, when an informer tipped off the Nazis and 79 were caught and sent to the concentration camp at Theresienstadt. From Gilleleje we returned to Copenhagen where a recently completed ten-mile bridge goes across the water to Sweden. We decided that touching Swedish soil would be a symbolic end to the morning since that is where the Jews escaped to from the fishing ports. We crossed the bridge by car, got our passports stamped, and returned to the hotel. We awoke to a gorgeous Friday morning, the day of my Bar Mitzvah. I was very excited and eager to start the service. The decision for where my Bar Mitzvah would be held was made a few days before. It would be in Mindelunden, a memorial park right outside the city where 106 Resistance members were killed. It was hard to believe that brutal executions had ever happened at such a beautiful place. As we walked in, there was a long wall of plaques with all the people's names that had been killed, with a little information about them. Farther on, we found the graveyard. It was an unbelievable site. There was a magnificent statue near the back with a Resistor holding up one of his fallen comrades. In front of the statue were 106 graves, each with a marble plaque on top identifying the person and their life span. One of the graves is now covered in heather because later that man was identified as a traitor. We had a memorial service for all the fallen resistors at the site. Past the graveyard we found the execution pit. In the pit were three stakes and a plaque. This was a very scary sight and only my mom and my brother went past the plaque to touch the stakes. We still hadn't done the Bar Mitzvah service and the decision of where it should be held was still undecided. While walking back from the execution pit, we passed an open field with a tree near the side. Since the tree was approximately halfway between the pit and the graveyard, the choice was made that the Bar Mitzvah would be under the tree. The service lasted about fifteen minutes and included my Torah portion, some prayers, texts that Rabbi Kalb (who had a Notre Dame hat on) personally selected, and the Israeli national anthem ``Hatikvah.'' It was a wonderful service and ended with the Rabbi picking me up on his shoulders and dancing around. Our congressman, Jim Maloney, had arranged a meeting for us with the United States Ambassador to Denmark to discuss my Bar Mitzvah experience. After passing through the gates of the embassy and getting our passports checked, we were finally greeted and led up to the Ambassador's office. The Ambassador's name is Richard Swett. We found out later that his in-laws were survivors of the Holocaust. Another man from New York named Gabriel Erem, owner of the magazine Lifestyles, was already there and wanted to stay to hear about my experience. Gabriel had heard about my story and seemed very interested. We sat down in the office and I started to explain everything that had led up to the trip and how it had been going so far. We retraced the Rescue Route on the maps the Ambassador had up in his office and told almost all the stories we learned. Questions were exchanged from both sides about the Bar Mitzvah. A while later it was time to go, but not before we got one more surprise. The Ambassador had extra tickets to the Danish premiere of ``The Last Days,'' a documentary film made by Steven Spielberg about five survivors of the Holocaust. The Grand Theater was busy with people coming to see the premiere. We started to talk to the people in front of us and soon found out that when they were three and four, they were two of the Jews who were taken by boat to Sweden. A few minutes later, the Ambassador entered and went up to the podium to make his opening speech. He mentioned lots of important people, the survivors that were present that night, his co-workers, his wife and in-laws, etc. And then near the end of the speech, he spoke about my story and me. As soon as he finished my story, he introduced me and had me stand up in front of all the people. That made my night! Soon after the moment of glory, the documentary began. The documentary was very impressive and moving. After it ended, the survivors all went up to the podium and made a little speech. As we stood up to leave, Renee Firestone, one of the four survivors present that night came up to wish me ``Mazel Tav.'' After meeting her, a man came up to introduce himself to me. He was not one of the survivors, but a student in Copenhagen at the time of the war who rowed Jews to Sweden in October of 1943. His name was Munch Nielsen, and I didn't realize I already knew about him till my Rabbi told me so. In some of our notes, we had quotes from him. This was very cool. Following that, we met up with Gabriel Erem, who introduced us to Congressman Tom Lantos, the Ambassador's father-in-law, and another one of the survivors in the movie. After a quick chat, we all went to the reception. The first thing I wanted to do was go over and thank the Ambassador for making my Bar Mitzvah day the best. I went over to him and his whole expression changed. A nice smile came over his face and he told me to follow him because there were some people he wanted me to meet. First he introduced me to the Israeli Ambassador in Copenhagen. The next person I met was his mother-in-law Mrs. Annette Lantos. She was also a survivor of the Holocaust, but she was not in the documentary. She was very sweet and made a big fuss over what I was doing. Then the Ambassador introduced me to Irene Weisberg- Zisblatt. As soon as she saw me, she smiled and said, ``It is such an honor to meet you.'' I responded the same way and we both laughed. Out of everyone, she was the coolest and the most interested in my story. Around her neck were diamonds in the shape of a teardrop. In the movie, she said that those diamonds were from her mother and anytime the Nazis went to check if any of the prisoners had anything, she would swallow them, and then when she went to the bathroom, she would fish them back out, clean them off in the mud and swallow them again. And now, they were around her neck in real life, which was very hard to believe. Irene, the Rabbi and his wife, my family and myself all talked for the longest time. People started to leave and my exciting day started to come to a close. We wrapped up our conversation with Irene, said good night to the Rabbi and his wife, and headed back to the hotel after a perfect ending to a great Bar Mitzvah day. Imagine celebrating your Bar Mitzvah one morning in a World War II Resistance memorial park and ending the day with actual survivors that eluded Nazi death. I can't speak for other countries, but I know in America the schools only teach the negative and scary things about the Holocaust. Even though that was really what most of the Holocaust was, the Denmark story should be taught everywhere as well. It is positive and uplifting, gives hope and sets the example for remarkable leadership, brotherhood, and respect for humanity. The Danes should be admired for their gallantry and I am glad I did what I did for my Bar Mitzvah.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, today marks the 89th anniversary of the founding of the Republic of China on October 10, 1911, under the leadership of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. This is the day which the people of Taiwan celebrate as their national holiday. Mr. Speaker, I extend my sincerest congratulations and best wishes to the people of Taiwan on this special occasion. Mr. Speaker, this is a unique celebration of this anniversary, and one that reflects the great progress which the people of Taiwan have made in institutionalizing democratic principles and democratic practices. I want to congratulate President Chen Shui-bian, the recently elected President of Taiwan. Today is especially significant because it marks the first national day under a President elected from the Democratic Progressive Party. Taiwan has done something that very few nations have been able to do successfully--complete the peaceful transition of power based on a free and democratic election. Furthermore, Mr. Speaker, this transition did not come at an economic cost--quite the contrary, Taiwan is an economic powerhouse. In just the first six months of this year, Taiwan's exports exceeded $74 billion, an increase of 21 percent. I hope other countries facing political issues will look at Taiwan's success in both business and politics as a sign that democracy does work, that democracy does not have to come at an unacceptable economic price. Mr. Speaker, I also want to take a moment to extend my congratulations and best wishes to the new Representative from the Republic of China on Taiwan, Ambassador C.J. Chen. While Ambassador Chen is no stranger to Washington, this is the first time he has come here as the head of the Taipei Economic and Cultural Representative Office. As the Ranking Member of the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific of the House International Relations Committee, I look forward to the opportunity to continue working with Ambassador Chen in building an ever-stronger relationship between the United States and Taiwan. Mr. Speaker, on this very special holiday for the people of Taiwan, I invite my colleagues in the House to join me in extending our warmest congratulations and best wishes to the 22 million inhabitants of this remarkable island.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, a few days ago the Embassy of Lithuania here in Washington held a Memorial Concert honoring the victims of the Holocaust in Lithuania. The event here was held in connection with the government of Lithuania's designation of September 23 as a National Mourning Day for Holocaust Victims in Lithuania. That date was chosen, Mr. Speaker, because on September 23, 1943, all of the Jews remaining in the Vilnius ghetto were killed by the Nazi forces occupying Lithuania at that time. Because of the press of Congressional business, I was not able to attend the Memorial Concert, but my wife Annette was there and made remarks in my behalf. I want to recognize Ambassador Stasys Sakalauskas for hosting this important event here in Washington to remember the Holocaust victims in Lithuania, and I want to acknowledge the effort of the Lithuanian government for establishing this national day of mourning for Holocaust victims. In Lithuania, 95% of the pre-war Jewish community of approximately 220,000 perished in the Holocaust. In fact, some say that no other nation lost a larger percentage of its Jewish population. Before World War II, Vilnius--``the Jerusalem of the North''--was an impressive cultural and intellectual center of Jewish life. After the war, almost all Jews were gone and everything was destroyed. Mr. Speaker, my wife and I have been to Lithuania many times. Last January, we visited the beautiful forest at Panarai, where serenity and peace now stand in stark contrast to the unimaginable horrors that took place in that killing field during World War II. We also visited the KGB museum, where we laid a wreath at the memorial for the martyrs, not just as a protocol procedure or diplomatic gesture, but as a deeply felt tribute to the many men and women who gave their lives for freedom and independence. As Hungarian Holocaust survivors, we both have lived under Communist and Fascist governments, as well as democratic ones, so we both identify emotionally and personally with many of the triumphs and tragedies of Lithuania's national past. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to report to my colleagues that Lithuania has made significant progress since its independence a decade ago in remembering and making restitution for the horrors of the Holocaust. I welcome the many positive steps that the government of Lithuania has taken. Mr. Speaker, at the Memorial Concert here in Washington D.C., just a few days ago, Ambassador Sakalauskas made particularly appropriate remarks. I ask that his statement be place in the Record, and I urge my colleagues to give thoughtful attention to his comments and to the progress that Lithuania has made. Remarks at Memorial Concert at the D.C. Jewish Community Center, September 27, 2000 Ambassador Stasys Sakalauskas Ladies and Gentlemen, first, I want to thank you all for joining us at this first joint event with the District of Columbia Jewish Community Center. I take this opportunity to express my deep appreciation to the leadership of the Jewish Community Center for co-sponsoring this event. We are gathered here today for a very special, meaningful and sad occasion--the 23rd of September 1943, when the Vilnius Ghetto was liquidated in Nazi-occupied Lithuania. In Lithuania, this day is a national day for mourning, and since 1993, the 23rd of September is marked as Lithuania's national day for the commemoration of victims of the Holocaust. The absolute majority of the 220,000 strong pre-war Jewish community--colorful, flourishing, full of joy and sorrows-- vanished in Nazi-occupied Lithuania. It is shameful that the hands of local collaborators were marked with the blood of innocent children, elderly women and men--people killed because they were Jews. No words are enough to express the pain of the immeasurable loss, and we understand that. At the same time we pay our highest respect to those citizens, who despite the threat of death to themselves and their families saved their Jewish neighbors. Emerging 10 years ago from the Soviet and Nazi occupations, Lithuania has gone through an awakening of consciousness and conscience. We, individually, and as a people, made mistakes. But the fact we recognize our mistakes and try to do everything to correct them is encouraging and shows our resolve to do better. We are committed to continue the investigation and prosecution of persons suspected in collaboration with Nazi Germany and participation in the mass murders of innocent people. One accused war criminal died yesterday. We did a lot to bring Aleksandras Lileikis to justice, even resorting to amending the Lithuanian criminal code. He was already on trial, but, unfortunately, we were late to give him a verdict. Today the Office of the Prosecutor General of Lithuania has expressed its regret that due to the defendant's death the course of justice was obstructed. At the same time the Prosecutor strongly pledged to continue the work of bringing to justice other alleged war criminals. We in Lithuania are committed to examine our history. The Lithuanian historical commission has a mandate from His Excellency Valdas Adamkus, President of Lithuania, to investigate what happened in Lithuania almost 60 years ago and make it public no matter how painful it is. We have to come to terms with our past. We will continue the discussion that went on for the last 50 years in most European countries and in the United States, but was missing in Lithuania due to the Soviet occupation. Our future depends on providing all our children the truth, and knowledge of the most horrible crimes committed in the 20th century. Therefore, we are committed to continue our efforts towards Holocaust education, remembrance and research and to implement to the fullest possible extent the National Holocaust Education program, as a vehicle of preventing injustice, discrimination and extremism. We will stay alert and recognize early signs of extremism and we will continue to combat racism, xenophobia and anti- Semitism. We are committed to secure for the small remaining Lithuanian Jewish community all the possibilities to develop and cherish its ethnic culture, education, traditions. Lithuania must once again be built as an open society and a mature democracy where the people of different cultures and traditions would be always united by mutual sympathy, respect and understanding. Next week Vilnius will host a major International Forum on Holocaust-era looted cultural assets. We see the Vilnius Forum as another important step in paying tribute to the lost Jewish community. We cannot re-write our past. What we can do is to put forth every effort to make sure that horrors like those are never forgotten and never happen again on the Earth. Now, I would like to ask everyone to stand up and honor those who perished with a minute of silence.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I was extremely disappointed that the conference committee on the defense authorization legislation voted to drop the hate crimes provision from the bill. As president Clinton said, yesterday, dropping this provision is a serious error. The hate crimes provision had strong bipartisan support in both the House and Senate. This legislation simply provided that all persons should be treated the same under our nation's laws, and it is a principle that all of us here in the Congress should support. Mr. Speaker, a tragic incident just a few days ago in Roanoke, Virginia, has only served to highlight the need for this legislation. Ronald Edward Gay shot and killed Daniel Lee Overstreet simply because he was gay. Mr. Overstreet worked for Verizon network and was well liked by all who knew him. But he happened to be in a gay bar, when Ronald Edward Gay entered the bar and shot and killed him because, in Gay's words, he wanted to waste some ``faggots''. Like Matthew Shephard before him, Daniel Lee Overstreet was a victim of blind, impersonal hatred and bigotry. The brutal attack in Virginia and the rise in hate crimes based on sexual orientation shows the need for Congress to adopt comprehensive hate crimes legislation. If we fail to enact this legislation, more and more people will continue to suffer from hate crimes in our country. According to the FBI, hate crimes based on anti-gay violence increased 14.3 percent from 1997 to 1998--even as the overall crime rate decreased. Hate crimes based on sexual orientation have nearly tripled since the FBI began collecting statistics in 1991, and in 1998 such crimes comprised 16 percent of all hate crimes--some 1,260 crimes nationally. Mr. Speaker, the majority of Americans believe that now is the time to pass the expanded hate crimes legislation. According to recent polls, 63 percent of independent voters say they are ``less likely'' to vote for a candidate opposed to hate crimes legislation. These voters believe as I do, that hate crimes legislation does not make murdering someone who happens to be homosexual a greater crime than murdering someone who happens to be heterosexual as its opponents charge. Rather, it sends a message throughout our nation that hate crimes will not go unnoticed and they will not go unpunished. Mr. Speaker, with the recent anti-guy violence in Virginia and the increasing number of hate crimes across the nation, it is now time to pass the Hate Crimes Prevention Act. We have the support of the American people. We need to take action to prevent tragedies like those of Matthew Shephard and Daniel Overstreet in the future. I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 1082 so that we can curb this rise in anti-gay violence and send a clear message that hate is wrong and the perpetrators of hate crimes will be punished.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, too often in today's world, our newspapers are filled with stories about all of the things that are wrong with sports. Today, I want to take a moment to honor someone who was an example of all that can be right about athletic competition. I want to report to my colleagues in this House about a man with an innocent passion for sports, who embodied the virtues of good sportsmanship. A man with a kind gentle spirit, who was an institution on the bleachers and the fields of Capuchino High School in San Bruno and other high schools in San Bruno, Burlingame, and Millbrae, California. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to an outstanding man--Carl Renya. A graduate of Capuchino High School and affectionately known as ``Mr. Capuchino,'' Carl was the personification of all that is good about sport. A lifelong fan of our Peninsula high schools, Carl could be counted on to be in the audience for every game. He was such a part of the competition that athletes and made rubbing his bald head a pre-game ritual for good luck. In addition to attending every game, Carl regularly authored a sports column in the San Bruno Herald. Although he did not posses the greatest singing voice, Carl took great pride in telephoning local high school principals at 6:00 a.m. on game day mornings to sing the school's fight song. Mr. Speaker, Carl Renya passed away in March of 1998. It was appropriate that the memorial service for Carl was held in the Gymnasium of Capuchino High School with athletes, cheerleaders, two marching bands, and brightly colored banners which recalled his commitment to the school and its athletic programs. On Sunday October 8th the people of the Peninsula will gather to honor the 50th Anniversary of Capuchino High School. As part of the anniversary celebration, the school's football field will be renamed and dedicated to honor Carl Renya. Mr. Speaker, I cannot imagine a more appropriate honor. During his brief but full fifty-nine years, Carl touched the lives of all those with whom he came in contact. Now that Carl is gone, those whose lives he touched have their opportunity to cheer for him. Mr. Speaker, even though Carl is no longer cheering on the sidelines, his presence will still be felt at every Capuchino High School football game--which now will be played at the Carl Renya Memorial Field.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, last Thursday, I introduced House Resolution 601, a resolution expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that the Olympic Games in the year 2008 should NOT be held in Beijing in the People's Republic of China. Joining me as cosponsors of this resolution are a distinguished bipartisan group of our colleagues who are leaders in the area of human rights the Gentleman from California, Mr. Cox; the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Wolf; the gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith; the gentlewoman from California, Ms. Pelosi; the gentleman from Illinois, Mr. Porter; and the gentleman from California, Mr. Rohrabacher. Mr. Speaker, Beijing is one of five cities currently under consideration by the International Olympic Committee (IOC) to host the games in the year 2008. Four other cities are also still in the running--Istanbul, Turkey; Osaka, Japan; Paris. France; and Toronto, Canada. The decision on the venue for the 2008 Games will be made by the IOC at its meeting in Moscow in July 2001. Since the decision will be made in only nine months, it is important that any expression of the views of the House of Representatives be made known quickly. Mr. Speaker, the human rights record of the People's Republic of China is abominable and it is getting worse, not better. It is completely inconsistent with the Olympic ideal to hold the Games in Beijing. As our resolution spells out in greater detail, according to most recent State Department's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices, the government of China ``continued to commit widespread and well-documented human rights abuses, in violation of internationally accepted norms.'' I reject the argument that holding the games in Beijing will encourage the Chinese government to clean up its act with regard to human rights. The Mayor of Beijing, in connection with the city's bid to host the games, already informed a rally in the city that in preparation for the Games, the government will ``resolutely smash and crack down on Falun Gong and other evil cults.'' If Beijing's bid is accepted, there will be more--not fewer--human rights violations. Mr. Speaker, the venue of the Olympic Games has great significance. Hitler's Berlin Olympics of 1936 were nothing more than a propaganda exercise--an attempt to fool other countries into believing that Nazi Germany was a model world citizen. Holding the games in Beijing will convey a message that is inconsistent with the Olympic ideal. Clearly the venue for the Olympic Games is a decision that will be made by the IOC, but clearly this is an issue on which the U.S. Congress can and should express its opinion. If we do not to express our views in the face of China's egregious human rights violations, we would be derelict in our responsibilities. In 1993, as the IOC was considering the venue for the 2000 Olympic Games, Mr. Speaker, I introduced a resolution which expressed the sense of the House of Representatives that the Olympics in the year 2000 should not be held in Beijing or elsewhere in the People's Republic of China. That resolution was approved by an overwhelming vote in the House of Representatives on July 26, 1993. A Short while later, the IOC voted to accept the bid of Sydney, Australia, as host to the 2000 games. Mr. Speaker, it is imperative that we continue to call the attention of the world community to the serious violation of human rights by the government of the People's Republic of China. Holding the games in Beijing, if human rights violations continue unabated, would be so contrary to the spirit of the Olympics that the Beijing games would go down in history in much the same terms as Hitler's 1936 games. This is an issue on which this House should express its view. Mr. Speaker, I submit the full text of House Resolution 601 to be printed in the Record. The text of the resolution spells out in greater detail the concerns we have regarding China's record on human rights and its inconsistency with the Olympic ideal. House Resolution 601 Expressing the sense of the House of Representatives that without improvement in human rights the Olympic Games in the year 2008 should not be held in Beijing in the Peoples Republic of China. Whereas the International Olympic Committee is now in the process of determining the venue of the Olympic Games in the year 2008 and is scheduled to make that decision at the IOC meeting scheduled for Moscow in July 2001; Whereas the city of Beijing has made a proposal to the International Olympic Committee that the summer Olympic Games in the year 2008 be held in Beijing; Whereas the Olympic Charter states that ``Olympism'' and the Olympic ideal seek to foster ``respect for universal fundamental ethical principles''; Whereas the United Nations General Assembly in resolution 48/11 adopted on October 25, 1993, recognized ``that the Olympic goal of the Olympic Movement is to build a peaceful and better world by educating the youth of the world through sport, practiced without discrimination of any kind and the Olympic spirit, which requires mutual understanding, promoted by friendship, solidarity and fair play; Whereas United National General Assembly in resolution 50/13 of November 7, 1995, stressed ``the importance of the principles of the Olympic charter, according to which any form of discrimination with regard to a country or a person on grounds of race, religion, politics, sex or otherwise is incompatible with the Olympic Movement; Whereas the State Department's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1999 reports that (1) ``The [Chinese] Government continued to commit widespread and well-documented human rights abuses, in violation of internationally accepted norms.'' (2) ``Abuses included instances of extrajudicial killings, torture and mistreatment of prisoners, forced confessions, arbitrary arrest and detention, lengthy incommunicado detention, and denial of due process.'' (3) ``The Government infringed on citizens' privacy rights.'' (4) ``The Government tightened restrictions on freedom of speech and of the press, and increased controls on the Internet; self-censorship by journalists also increased.'' (5) ``The Government severely restricted freedom of assembly and continued to restrict freedom of association.'' (6) ``The Government continued to restrict freedom of religion and intensified controls on some unregistered churches.'' (7) ``The Government continued to restrict freedom of movement.'' (8)The Government does not permit independent domestic nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to monitor publicly human rights conditions.'' (9) ``Violence against women, including coercive family planning practices--which sometimes include forced abortion and forced sterilization; prostitution; discrimination against women; trafficking in women and children; abuse of children; and discrimination against the disabled and minorities are all problems.'' (10) ``The Government continued to restrict tightly worker rights, and forced labor in prison facilities remains a serious problem. Child labor persists.'' (11) ``Particularly serious human rights abuses persisted in some minority area, especially in Tibet and Xinjiang, where restrictions on religion and other fundamental freedoms intensified.''; Whereas, according to press reports, Liu Qi, the Mayor of Beijing, told a rally called to promote Beijing's bid to host the Olympic Games that the government would ``resolutely smash and crack down on Falun Gong and other evil cults'' in preparation for hosting the games; Whereas, the egregious human rights abuses committed by the Government of China are inconsistent with the Olympic ideal; and Whereas on July 26, 1993, the House of Representatives adopted House Resolution 188 in the 103rd Congress which expressed the sense of the House of Representatives that the Olympics in the year 2000 should not be held in Beijing or elsewhere in the People's Republic of China; Now, therefore, be it Resolved that the House of Representatives (1) welcomes the participation of Chinese athletes in the Olympic Games, notes the outstanding competitive effort of Chinese athletes in the games in Sydney, Australia, where Chinese athletes placed third in the number of medals earned, and in Atlanta, Georgia, and Barcelona, Spain, where Chinese athletes also placed third in the number of medals earned, and wholeheartedly welcomes the support of the Chinese people for the Olympic Games; (2) acknowledges that the Chinese people and thousands of Chinese Olympic athletes have shown their strong support for the Olympic spirit through their commitment to excellence, energy, skill, sportsmanship, and good will towards their fellow athletes; (3) expresses the sense of the House of Representatives that the Olympic Games in the year 2008 should not be held in Beijing in the People's Republic of China because the deplorable human rights record of the People's Republic of China violates international human rights standards which that Government has pledged to uphold and its actions are inconsistent with the Olympic ideal; (4) expresses the view that the House looks forward to the day when the House can support a proposal of the People's Republic of China to host the Olympic Games at a time when the Chinese people openly enjoy the tolerance and freedoms espoused by the high ideals of the Olympic tradition; and (5) directs the Clerk of the House of Representatives to transmit a copy of this resolution to the Chairman of the International Olympic Committee and to the United States representative to the International Olympic Committee with the request that it be circulated to all members of the committee.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commend the California National Guard for its vital contribution in helping to reduce drug use among our youth. Throughout the United States the National Guard frequently assists local law enforcement agencies in their fight against illicit drugs, and often Guard members risk their lives to provide necessary support for local law enforcement agencies. Mr. Speaker, the California National Guard performs a variety of tasks and missions in support of local law enforcement agencies. One program in particular that I wish to call to the attention of my colleagues is the Guard's educational efforts as part of ``Red Ribbon Week,'' a nationwide effort to focus on drug awareness and education during the last of October. Since 1988, the California National Guard has been an active participant in Red Ribbon Week. This highly successful program was started initially to commemorate the life of Drug Enforcement Agency officer Enrique (``Kiki'') Camerena, an undercover narcotics agents who was brutally murdered by illegal drug traffickers. To mark his death and honor his life, the week of October 23-31 has been designated Red Ribbon Week. Across the nation, federal and local law enforcement agencies spend the week participating in a variety of programs to educate children about the perils of drug use. The California National Guard has been such an active participant in Red Ribbon Week and its efforts have generated such interest in the program that the Guard has expanded Red Ribbon Week into Red Ribbon Month in order to respond to the numerous requests for education programs. The California Guard uses the power of positive role models to encourage choosing a drug-free lifestyle. I can only imagine the incredibly positive affect that a helicopter pilot has on young childred after they witness the landing of his or her helicopter on the school grounds. Other positive Guard efforts include chaperoning education retreats and speaking at schools. Mr. Speaker, the California National Guard's involvement in Red Ribbon Month is only one aspect of its participation in the battle against illicit drug use. The National Guard participates in the two pronged attack to reduce drug use in our country--simultaneously attacking supply and demand. The Drug Demand Reduction Program (DDR) focuses on education and information about the effects of narcotic use so that individuals will be less likely to turn to drugs. The Guard implements this program through its education work with school children. Already in this year alone, members of the California National Guard have spoken to 123,550 people, 82% of them school-age children and 74% of them in the 8th grade or below. This is particularly important, Mr. Speaker, because studies have shown that the earlier you teach children the dangers of drug use, the greater the chance that the child will embrace that message. The second element of the California Guard's anti-drug program involves removing the supply of drugs from our streets. To this end, the Guard provides support and assistance to local law enforcement agencies in getting the drugs off of the streets. From flight surveillance to assisting local police officers in raids of methamphetamine plants, the California Guard has been involved in numerous seizures of illegal narcotics. This past year alone, in actions supported by the California Guard, law enforcement officials have seized over 8,100 lbs. of cocaine, 750 lbs. of heroin, 1,800 lbs. of methamphetamine, 360 lbs. of opium, 414,677 marijuana plants and 261 lbs. of processed marijuana. Mr. Speaker, I invite my colleagues to join me in paying tribute to the vital efforts of the California National Guard in reducing illicit drugs on our streets and educating of our youth about the perils of drug use. Thanks to their diligent efforts, our state and our nation are a better place.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. I am happy to yield to the distinguished gentleman from New York.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, reclaiming my time, I want to thank my colleague and friend for his most eloquent remarks. Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, may I just say that as one of Hungarian heritage, who is immensely proud of his heritage, it is important for us to realize that this small nation of 10 million people has been a leader globally in science, in music, in art, in sports, in almost every field of human endeavor. In the Sidney Olympics just concluded, again the Hungarian Olympic team acquitted itself with remarkable success. There is a tremendous list of Nobel laureates from Hungary, testifying to the scientific and educational and academic achievements of this small country. I strongly urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution and, more importantly, to work along with those of us who have special interests in Hungary to continue building ties of business and culture and academic exchange and good fellowship with the people of Hungary.