Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. LANTOS. I thank the gentleman for his contribution. Mr. Speaker, further reserving the right to object, I yield to the gentleman from New York [Mr. Engel].

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, and I do not intend to object, I would merely like to ask the gentleman from New York to explain the resolution before us.

Mr. LANTOS. I yield to the gentleman from New York.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, further reserving the right to object, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Gingrich], our Speaker.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, under my reservation of objection, I yield to the distinguished gentleman from New Jersey [Mr. Saxton].

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and under my reservation of objection I yield to the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Moran]. Mr. Speaker, the suicide attacks today in Jerusalem's open air market are cause for deep sadness on everyone's part. First and foremost, the sympathies of all people of conscience go to the victims and their families. The loss of life and limb in such circumstances is painful beyond words. Our heart goes out to those who have suffered from this callous act of terrorism. These were innocent people who did not deserve to die, who did not deserve to have their bodies mangled for life. Beyond the individual tragedy is the impact this crime will have upon the peace process. The risks which any government is willing to take for peace are limited by its concerns for the security of its citizens. The limits of trust between negotiating parties are defined by the integrity of each in resolutely safeguarding the security of the other. Both sides have been disappointed. Israel has been repeatedly disappointed in its request from the Palestinian Authority for a return to previous cooperation in preventing attacks on civilians and bringing perpetrators to justice. It is not likely that there will be concessions of autonomy and territory if the result is going to be terrorism. Without mutual cooperation, the cycle of hostility will continue delaying, perhaps destroying, the peace which Israelis and Palestinians alike desire. Mr. Speaker, I condemn entirely the terrorist act in Mahane Yehudah and the terrorists who perpetrated and who strategized it. They must be brought to justice, and there must be no gain for them from this crime. I urge all the parties involved to find constructive responses which preserve the ability of citizens to live peaceful lives and prevent the extremists from achieving their goal of derailing the peace process. Mr. Speaker, this was a clearly calculated effort to destroy progress toward peace between Arabs and Jews. Let us resolve not to let it succeed.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise with a sense of profound outrage and steely determination to denounce the murderous terrorist attack against children, women, and elderly men in Jerusalem's open marketplace by the assassins of Arab extremism, who are hell-bent on destroying the peace process so desperately craved by millions of decent Israelis and Arabs in the region. It is long past time for Arafat to order his huge police force to destroy the countless terrorist nests scattered through the territory under his control. Until Arafat focuses his vast resources on destroying terrorism, there can be no progress toward peace in the region. This morning I am introducing a resolution condemning today's terrorist attack in Jerusalem, expressing the solidarity of the Congress and the American people with the grieving families and people of Israel and calling on Arafat to begin in earnest a war against the assassins of people and peace in the Holy Land. This resolution is cosponsored by the distinguished Republican chairman of the House Committee on International Relations, Mr. Gilman, and the distinguished ranking Democratic member of the Committee on International Relations, Mr. Hamilton. It is supported by the Democratic leader, the gentleman from Missouri, Mr. Gephardt, and Senator Helms and Senator Biden are concurrently introducing it in the other body.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, earlier this week, our Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights, John Shattuck, appeared before a meeting of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus to present to the Members of Congress the State Department Report ``United States Policies in Support of Religious Freedom: Focus on Christians.'' This report is an indepth summary of the particular measures taken by the administration to address the issue of Christian persecution as an element of U.S. Government policy to fight against religious persecution and discrimination around the world. This report, Mr. Speaker, was prepared by the Department of State in response to a request by the Congress in the statement that accompanied the Omnibus Consolidated Appropriations Act for fiscal year 1997. That request is principally the effort of our colleague from Virginia, Congressman Frank Wolf, who is one of the most active of our Members in leading the fight against religious persecution around the world. Mr. Speaker, I commend the administration for its efforts in dealing with the problem of religious persecution. The State Department's annual ``Country Reports on Human Rights Practices'' provides indepth information about religious freedom issues, and in the most recent editions of this important human rights document, Secretary Shattuck singled out religious persecution as an area of special attention and concern. Last year, then-Secretary of State Warren Christopher established the Advisory Committee on Religious Freedom Abroad, with a membership of some 20 prominent Americans representing a wide range of religious groups and nongovernmental organizations. This group has had an auspicious beginning to its work, and I look forward to its recommendations and activities in support of religious liberty around the world. I applaud Secretary Shattuck and our Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, for their commitment to human rights and to dealing with religious liberty. Mr. Speaker, Secretary Albright was particularly eloquent in her foreword to the report in expressing the commitment and the reasons for the commitment of the United States to the principles of religious freedom. I would like to quote for the benefit of my colleagues her statement in the introduction of the report: Religious liberty, the freedom to proclaim a religious identity and practice it without fear, is an aspiration and an inalienable right of people everywhere. When practiced with tolerance, it can be one of the keys to a stable, productive society. But generations of hatred may be sown when it is delayed or denied. It is central to the strength of free peoples. Its protection and promotion are important elements of America's support for human rights around the globe. First, because the right to profess and practice one's religion is basic to the life of every human being and is recognized in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Second, people who are free to profess their beliefs without fear and to live by them without impediment will do more to enrich their societies than people held back by prejudice. Where the rights of persons of any faith are not secure, no one's rights are secure. And violent persecution that begins with one group all too often engulfs whole nations in conflict. And third, freedom of religion is central to American history and identity. Because our country has chosen ever since its creation to stand for universal principles of tolerance and liberty, free people around the world have chosen to stand with us. That is why our commitment to religious liberty is even more than the expression of American ideals: it is a fundamental source of our strength in the world. We simply could not lead without it. We would be naive to think we could advance our interests without it. Mr. Speaker, I wholeheartedly endorse this statement by our distinguished Secretary of State. Freedom of religion is a fundamental principle of human rights, a fundamental aspect of our foreign policy, and I welcome the support of the administration for this fundamental right. Mr. Speaker, Secretary John Shattuck made an outstanding presentation regarding the administration's report to the members of the Human Rights Caucus yesterday. Secretary Shattuck, as always, was well prepared, articulate, and concise. The report deals primarily with the restrictions and persecution against Christians, although as I and my colleagues in the Congressional Human Rights Caucus have repeatedly emphasized, human rights are indivisible. A government that abuses ethnic minorities is also likely to restrict religious freedom, and a government that abuses its Jewish or its Muslim or its Baha's believers is also a government that is likely to persecute members or portions of its Christian community as well. The death, imprisonment, and persecution of Christians for their religious beliefs affects some 150 million people around the world. The violation of the rights of Christian believers include discrimination in employment, political harassment, restrictions on the exercise of political rights, the imposition of harsh prison sentences, torture and inhumane conditions in prison, and in some cases the enslavement of women and children. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call to the attention of my colleagues some of the countries which are serious violators and which were identified in the State Department report. China is one of the principal violators of freedom of religion, despite its own constitutional promises of freedom of belief. The report notes: ``The government of China has sought to restrict all actual religious practice to government-authorized religious organizations and registered places if worship.'' In a classic catch-22 situation, Roman Catholic church organizations which recognize the authority of the Pope will not be registered because they recognize and owe spiritual allegiance to an authority out of China. Any Vatican-affiliated Catholics are considered unregistered. The Government in Beijing has cracked down on unregistered Roman Catholic and Protestant groups, and it has raided and closed down groups that simply gather to worship in each other's homes. Religious leaders of these groups have been detained and been subjected to lengthy interrogation and in some cases beating and physical abuse. A number of other countries were identified in the report because of official policies limiting or prohibiting freedom of religious expression. In Sudan religious persecution of Christians has reached incredible levels, including torture, outrageously long prison sentences, and enslavement of women and children. Similar problems exist in a number of Islamic countries. Saudi Arabia prohibits public and private religious observances by members of all non-Muslim religions. Countries which recognize Islamic Shari's Court rulings also have a serious record of violations of religious freedom. A Lebanese Christian, Elie Dib Ghalib, was arrested in the United Arab Emirates some 18 months ago in connection with his marriage to a Muslim woman. A Shari's Court ruled that the marriage was null and void, their relationship was determined to be immoral, and he was sentenced to 39 lashes and a year of imprisonment. Mr. Speaker, even some of our closest allies have legislation and government practices which are surprisingly restrictive of religious freedom. Greece, a country widely acclaimed as ``the birthplace of democracy,'' has a religious registration law that is surprisingly restrictive for all non-Orthodox religious communities. Similar serious problems exist in Russia and other republics of the former Soviet Union, where post-Communist governments are dealing with demands of existing religious organizations to limit other, primarily Christian groups, from establishing a presence in these newly independent countries. In this context, Mr. Speaker, I was most encouraged by the decision, announced the day of our briefing with Secretary Shattuck, by Russian President, Boris Yeltsin to veto the highly restrictive law on religions that was passed by the Russian Duma and Federation Council a few weeks ago. His action took great political courage, and I welcome his action. I do want to call the attention of my colleagues to some countries where governments have taken action to assure religious freedom, despite strong pressures against such policies. In striking contrast with the restrictive practices of the Government of the People's Republic of China, the Government of the Republic of China on Taiwan has shown tolerance for religious diversity and respect for religious liberty. India, a country with strong indigenous religious traditions, has also shown considerable understanding of the importance of assuring freedom of religion. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to give careful consideration to this important document on U.S. Policies in Support of Religious Freedom. The Department of State has compiled an excellent report on the current status of religious liberty around the world. We must continue to work together with the administration and intensify our efforts to assure that governments around the world respect the religious rights of their citizens. As Secretary Albright noted in quoting Thomas Jefferson: ``It behooves all who value liberty of conscience for themselves to resist invasions of it in the case of others; or that case may, by change of circumstances, become their own.''

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize the accomplishments of Soviet born artist, Nikolai Getman, a refugee of the Soviet Gulag, the immense series of prison camps that extended across the length and breadth of the former Soviet Union. His paintings have given us a unique insight into the ghastly life of the Gulag. This exhibition, a collection of paintings depicting life at the Gulag, is of immense historical importance. Over the past several months the Jamestown Foundation, a nonprofit organization which focuses on the former Soviet Union, has raised funds to bring these paintings to the United States and save them from possible destruction. The paintings will be available for viewing in the Rotunda of the Russell Senate Office Building between July 21 and July 25. In 1946, Soviet police imprisoned Nikolai Getman in the Gulag, the Soviet Union's state operated system of prisons and forced labor camps. He is one of the millions of victims of Josef Stalin's purges and political repressions. Getman's crime was that he had been present in a cafe with several fellow artists, one of whom drew a caricature of Stalin on a cigarette paper. An informer told the authorities about the drawing, and the entire group was arrested for anti-Soviet behavior. Getman spent 8 years in Siberia at the Kolyma labor camp where he witnessed one of the darkest periods of Soviet history. Although he survived the camp, the horrors of the Gulag were burned into his memory. Upon his release in 1954, Getman returned to his career as a painter, painting prominent members of state. In secret, however, he drew many pictures depicting his memories of the camps. He told no one, not even his wife, what he was doing because to do so meant risking imprisonment or even death. Despite the danger, he undertook the project believing that he must record the plight of the millions of dead prisoners so their fate would not be forgotten. For more than four decades, Getman worked at his task of creating a visual record of the Gulag. During those years, his secret collection grew to 50 paintings which depict all aspects of life in the camps. The Getman collection is outstanding. It is the only known visual record to exist of this tragic period in Soviet history. If film or other visual representations of the Soviet Gulag existed, they have been largely destroyed or suppressed. The Getman collection stands alone as a most unique historical document. Getman, now 79, lives in Oryol, Russia. He feared that when he died his paintings would be destroyed or sold off. He asked the Jamestown Foundation to assist him in moving the paintings to a place of safety in the West and to develop a plan for their preservation and exhibition. After 6 months of effort, the paintings are now safely in the United States. It is important that Nikolai Getman's painting act as a public reminder, a means of education, and a testament to the more than 50 million people who died in one of the most vicious and brutal acts of political repression. Getman's perservance, determination, and bravery, as well as the hard work of the people at the Jamestown Foundation, have guaranteed that the visual record of the atrocities exists despite concerted attempts on the part of the Russian authorities to make the memories disappear. Mr. Speaker, I take great pride in the fact that the first exhibition of such important works will take place inside the U.S. Congress.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, last week marked the third anniversary of the most brutal terrorist attack in the Western Hemisphere. Eighty-six people were killed and over 300 injured when a terrorist bomb ripped through the Jewish Social Service Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina, on July 18, 1994. The building which was destroyed in that bombing houses social services and other agencies for the Jewish community of Argentina. To this day, Mr. Speaker, the perpetrators of this despicable and cowardly act of violence have gone unpunished. I am deeply concerned at the inability of the Argentine Government thus far to bring a successful conclusion to this investigation. The families of the victims of that horrendous crime still await the final information about those who committed this crime, and all law-abiding citizens everywhere await justice for the victims and appropriate punishment for those murderers who carried out this dastardly act. It is essential that these outlaws be apprehended and punished. For 3 years, the people of Argentina and citizens throughout the world have been waiting for justice in this horrendous bombing. But this is not the only unresolved terrorist crime in Argentina. In addition to the 1994 Jewish Social Service Center bombing, the 1992 bombing of the Israeli Embassy also in Buenos Aires, Argentina, also remain unsolved. Swift and certain justice is the only effective way to deal with terrorists. If we do not bring this matter to a close, we fail families and survivors of those who lost their lives and those who have been maimed and injured in these bombings. This only encourages terrorists. It is essential that the international community work together to confront terrorism and to ensure that terrorists understand that we will not be swayed by such ruthless and underhanded tactics. It is the responsibility of all of us living under the threat to terrorism to keep up the pressure to see this issue solved. In memory of those victims of 3 years ago, I urge the Government of Argentina renew its efforts to bring those responsible for this most horrendous crime to justice.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas [Ms. Jackson-Lee], who in the very short time that she has been with us has made a remarkable impact on the work of this body.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from the District of Columbia [Ms. Norton], who has been a champion of all issues relating to women.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 1585, the Stamp Out Breast Cancer Act, which will allow postal patrons to continue funding for breast cancer research through the voluntary purchase of newly created specially issued U.S. postage stamps. As a cosponsor of a similar bill, H.R. 407, introduced in the Congress by the gentleman from California [Mr. Fazio], my friend, I am pleased to join the gentleman from New York [Mr. McHugh], the chairman, in bringing this piece of legislation to the floor of the House. The idea of creating a breast cancer research stamp originally surfaced in the 104th Congress, when the gentleman from California [Mr. Fazio], at the suggestion of his constituent, Dr. Ernie Bodai, introduced this legislation. H.R. 3401 will provide additional funding for breast cancer research through the sale of a semipostal stamp. The term ``semipostal'' means stamps with a surtax on the regular postal rate with the extra revenue earmarked for a designated charity. An identical measure was introduced by Senator Dianne Feinstein in the other body. At the opening of this session of Congress, Senator Feinstein joined the gentleman from California [Mr. Fazio], following his leadership, and reintroduced her breast cancer research stamp bill, S. 726, in the Senate. In May, the gentlewoman from New York [Ms. Molinari] adopted the idea by introducing her version of the special breast cancer postage stamp. The incidence of breast cancer continues to far outstrip available resources and funds, and the statistics are as sobering as they are rising. Breast cancer kills almost 50,000 women every year. Every 12 minutes an American woman succumbs to breast cancer. It is the leading cause of death for women between the ages of 35 and 62, and it is the second leading cause of death for all women. More than 1.8 million women in America have been diagnosed with breast cancer, and an additional million more are unaware that they have breast cancer. It affects our wives, our sisters, our mothers, our daughters, all American women. The financial resources to fight breast cancer are just not enough. That is why the Stamp Out Breast Cancer Act is before us today. It provides a vehicle for those of us who are concerned about breast cancer research and the funding to buy a semipostal stamp. The language of this legislation has now been changed. The price of the semipostal breast cancer stamp can be anywhere from 1 to 8 cents more than the regular postage stamp. And we have an opportunity of funneling significant funds to the National Institutes of Health for breast cancer research. The program is entirely voluntary. It does not affect the regular rate of the postal stamp. It will allow the U.S. Postal Service to cover its administrative costs prior to directing the funds to cancer research. And, of course, this experiment will run only 2 years, after which it will be evaluated. Last week, Mr. Speaker, the other body overwhelmingly adopted by a vote of 83 to 17 this same legislation. I strongly urge all of my colleagues, on a bipartisan basis, to join us in approving this legislation. I want to commend the gentlewoman from New York [Ms. Molinari], my friend, for her leadership on this matter. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California [Mr. Fazio], the original author of this legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor and recognize my friend and colleague, the Honorable John Lewis of Georgia. During his tenure in the House of Representatives, he has distinguished himself as a man of highest integrity and commitment to improving human relations in our country. His accomplishments in the area of civil rights are as remarkable as they are numerous. Congressman Lewis' concern with spreading awareness of the civil rights movement and its importance in contemporary society is reflected in his desire to educate not only those who reside in his district, but outside of his district as well. This desire clearly manifested itself in 1989, when at the request of a parent concerned with the fact that her daughter's predominantly white eighth grade class did not possess an understanding of the enormity of the civil rights movement, he traveled to Shawnee Mission, KS, to speak about his firsthand experience. Over 200 eighth grade students sat mesmerized as Congressman Lewis delivered an emotionally charged speech which included his involvement with sit-ins at segregated lunch counters, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee which he chaired, and his participation and subsequent beating during the freedom rides. His modesty would have prevented the students from knowing that he was one of the ``big six'' in the civil rights movement, had it not been for the research they had conducted on their own prior to his arrival. Congressman Lewis conveyed the importance of commitment to a cause, and relayed his extraordinary experiences while maintaining a demeanor marked with humility. Two years later, he returned to the school in Shawnee Mission as he once again embraced the opportunity to tell his story in an attempt to educate and enlighten a small group of our Nation's younger generation. The selflessness he exhibited in traveling a thousand miles from his district, motivated solely by a desire to educate and share, is unique in a world where many individuals succumb to monetary or press related incentives. This anecdote is but one of many instances where Congressman Lewis has exhibited his unchallenged commitment to civil rights in the United States. Born in 1940 to a sharecropper in Alabama, he was the first in his family to finish high school. At 18, he met Martin Luther King and by 19, had already become a force in the civil rights movement through activities such as organizing the first lunch counter sit-in. He actively participated in the 1961 freedom rides, the 1963 March on Washington, and the coordination of the Mississippi Freedom Project. He led the Selma to Montgomery March for voting rights in 1965, and was attacked by policemen in his quest for equal rights for all. His strong participation in these events eventually led to the passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. On Friday, June 27, Congressman Lewis hosted a luncheon for senior citizens residing in the high-rises of his district. His goal was to provide them with an opportunity to interact with their representative in a fun, relaxed environment. This annual event has grown from a gathering of 250 senior citizens to a community event of over 900. Funded entirely through private donations, Congressman Lewis has been able to sustain this event for 7 years. Congressman John Lewis is a shining example of how one individual can persevere in the fact of extreme adversity. His commitment to all individuals, young and old, is a testament to his impeccable character. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in commending Congressman John Lewis. His accomplishments speak for themselves, yet his humility surpasses all he has done for his district, his country, and the rights of all Americans. It is with a great sense of pride that I refer to Congressman John Lewis as a colleague and friend.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, several days ago our colleagues in this House rose in support of the Flag Burning Amendment. We voted to protect our flag and all that it stands for in America's past as well as its future. Today, I rise to urge my colleagues in this Congress to consider and adopt legislation that will protect the children who live under that flag. I welcome the fact that a number of our colleagues have begun to look at the problems American children are facing. Our colleague from Texas, Nick Lampson, and our colleague from Alabama, Robert E. (Bud) Cramer, Jr., should be recognized for their efforts in establishing the Caucus on Missing and Exploited Children. We also owe particular gratitude for the bipartisan efforts of our colleague from Florida, Ileana Ros- Lehtinen, and our colleague from Texas, Sheila Jackson-Lee, who have begun to set the agenda for the newly formed Children's Caucus. These two caucuses reflect the concern of Members of Congress and the concern of the American people for our children. Mr. Speaker, it is within this framework that I am delighted to inform my colleagues that I have introduced H.R. 1870, The Young American Workers' Bill of Rights. I am pleased that our distinguished colleague and my neighbor in California, Tom Campbell, has joined me as the principal cosponsor along with another 30 of our colleagues have joined us in introducing this legislation. This bipartisan bill is an example of the way all of us must work together to make our children's lives safer and more secure as they enter the work force. No bill introduced in the 105th Congress will have greater potential for protecting and helping our nation's young people. As the former chairman of the House Government Operations Subcommittee on Employment and Housing for several years in previous Congresses, I learned first hand about how exploitation, injuries and death have taken their toll on America's young workers. In hearings on child labor, I heard horror stories about young people losing their lives to deliver pizza within a 30-minute time limit. I heard of others who lost their lives or suffered permanent and crippling injuries because they were using equipment which they were not sufficiently trained or sufficiently experienced to use. Unfortunately, the exploitation of child labor in America, which I found during those hearings of the Employment and Housing Subcommittee, is not a thing of the past. It remains a serious problem, it is a growing problem, and it continues to threaten the welfare and education of American teenagers. At the same time, however, we recognize the importance of work and the value of the work experience. The Speaker of the House, Mr. Gingrich, has spoken about the need to encourage the development of a positive work ethnic in this country. I concur. We must do all we can to help our children prepare for their future in the Nation's work force. At the same time, however, we must be certain that our children have safe and secure places to work when they do work as teenagers, and we must be certain that the work experience does not interfere with the education of our young people. Mr. Speaker, it is to address these concerns that we have introduced H.R. 1870. Mr. Speaker, the first matter that our legislation addresses is the concern for our children's safety. A study covering the period 1992-95 by the Bureau of Labor Statistics reported that during that four year period, 720 young people suffered work-related fatalities. Other studies have concluded that an additional 200,000 young people suffer serious work-related injuries each year. Several provisions of our legislation are crafted to deal with this serious matter of workplace safety. Our bill specifies that young people may not use or clean certain types of particularly hazardous equipment and many not work in certain hazardous occupations. The bill also specifies that children are not to work late hours, the times when the most serious injuries and fatalities take place. It also establishes new criminal sanctions for willful violations of child labor laws that result in the death or serious injury of a child. Civil penalties would be established for willfull and repeated violators of our child labor laws. The second concern that our legislation addresses is the problem of work interfering with our children's education. It is essential that we send a message to these young workers that education must be their number one priority. Our legislation makes it clear that excessive work in unsafe environments will no longer be tolerated. The Young American Worker's Bill of Rights will address the needs of children under the age of 18 or those who are eighteen and still a full-time high school student. Students need to spend much of their day in classrooms, libraries and involved in their school's activities. They need to experience young adulthood, not make the quick leap from childhood to adulthood. By entering the world of adults before they are ready, many of these young people become vulnerable to alcohol and drug abuse. They frequently fail to hand in school assignments, if they bother attending school at all. Today many of our teenagers are working more than many adults who are employed full time. Many are working more than 40 hours per week in addition to attempting to attend school. It is no wonder one of the most common phrases heard by teachers from their students today is, ``I am so stressed.'' Testimony of many experts on education have alerted us to the dangers of too much work. In addition to the substance abuse studies, other studies have been done on the effect too many hours have on the grades our children are getting. A study of students in New Hampshire concludes that there is a direct correlation between grades in English and the number of hours worked. The more hours a student works, the slower the student's grade. Teachers often comment that a job is the reason some students drop out. In order to assure that education is given proper priority, the legislation establishes limits on the number of hours that children can work when school is in session, and limits late hours on school days. Teenagers attending school would not be employed more than 4 hours per day while school is in session and they would not be permitted to work after 10 p.m. on school nights. The law also has provisions to insure that schools are informed if students are working. Mr. Speaker, as we enter the next century, we must modernize our Nation's child labor laws. Our legislation amends the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 to reflect conditions in today's world. We must remind ourselves that the romantic notion of an after school job of the 50's and 60's is a thing of the past. Some employers have for too long been able to write off the death of a child as merely the cost of doing business as they pay a modest fine. The Young American Worker's Bill of Rights will impose stricter civil as well as criminal penalties for employers who willingly violate the law to assure protection for our young men and women. Mr. Speaker, I never again want to stand next to parents and listen as they tell of the senseless death of their children. I never again want to listen to the testimony of young workers as they sit before me missing arms or legs because they were asked to operate unsafe equipment or machinery which they were not trained to use. I never want to see the frustration on the faces of teachers who tell me about their students falling asleep in class, failing to hand in assignments, or who just drop out because they cannot keep up both work and school. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to announce the support of the National PTA for H.R. 1870, The Young American Workers Bill of Rights. The PTA is celebrating its 100th anniversary this year. It is interesting to note that in their first year of existence they asked the Congress to do something to protect our nation's children in the workplace. It is a sad commentary that today they are still asking us to protect our teenagers. Some 50 other organizations which focus on youth and education have indicated their support for this legislation. Mr. Speaker, it is time that we took that action. I invite my colleagues to join me and my colleagues to cosponsor this important legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, there are a dozen good reasons to deny most- favored-nation treatment for China, ranging from the persecution of Christians to the selling of weapons of high-technology to despicable countries, to the theft of our intellectual property, to discrimination against American exports. But we all know what is going to happen here. They will get MFN because even if this body should approve this resolution, the administration will veto it, and we do not have the votes to override it. So my plea is to my undecided colleagues, the only thing we are dealing with is the sending of a message to the Communist totalitarian regime in Beijing. Let us send a strong message. Let us tell them that we can stand on principle. When a year ago this body unanimously approved my resolution giving the right to the President of Taiwan to visit his alma mater in Cornell, we stood on principle. When we voted not to move the Olympics to Beijing, we stood on principle. Today at least we should stand on principle.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend for yielding the time to me. I would like to put this debate in somewhat of a historic perspective. When the history of the 20th century will be written from the vantage point of 100 years from now, the Bush administration will deserve and will get a great deal of credit for its performance in the Persian Gulf. It represented American leadership at its best. And the Bush administration will get enormous blame for its pathetic failure in preventing this tragedy that has unfolded in Yugoslavia, following the great victory in the Persian Gulf war. Publicly, publicly and privately, many of us cautioned the administration that what was called for in 1991 was to use the deterrent capability of NATO which would have prevented the death of a quarter million innocent human beings, the creation of 1\1/2\ million refugees, and material damage running into the tens of billions of dollars. The Clinton administration, after a wobbly start, got it right. We are now in the process of destroying what has been gained since Dayton. You do not telegraph your punches. This region is not inherently unstable. It is a misreading of history that these people have been at each other's throats for centuries. That is simply not the case. Throughout most of the period, there was stability and peace. There are ethnic complexities which create great difficulties, but it is a myth which is being perpetuated on the floor of the House today that these people simply cannot live together. Just a few days ago, some of us advocated that one of the constituent republics of the former Yugoslavia, Slovenia, be admitted to NATO now. I look forward to the time that all of the former constituent republics of Yugoslavia will be admitted into NATO and they will be admitted into the European Union. To telegraph our punch now, that on June 30, 1998, everything ceases, is guaranteed to undermine NATO cohesion, NATO solidarity, the participation of our friends and allies, and, the most likely, outbreak of violence, hostility, and bloodshed again. Have we not learned enough from the tragedy of the last few years? Did we not see enough pictures on television of children being massacred in Yugoslavia in the very heart of Europe so as not to advocate neoisolationism, which this proposal is. It is obvious that all those who want to break the peace which exists in the region would love to see nothing more than every single American soldier withdrawn on June 30, 1998. That would be the guaranteed commencement of the new outbreak of hostilities. To tell our NATO allies that this is your job completely misunderstands the nature of NATO. NATO is a collective security system. We do not unilaterally tell our NATO allies what we will and will not do. We have assumed some obligations when we joined NATO. It is now our responsibility to carry through with our obligation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. I yield to the gentleman from New York.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. Frank].

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding. Mr. Speaker, on our part we think the gentleman from Massachusetts makes an extremely valid point, and we are pleased to accept his recommittal concern of burdensharing for the Democratic side.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?