Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. I strongly support this legislation, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, will my friend yield?

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, before yielding to my friend from Massachusetts, I yield myself such time as I may consume to make a comment about Mr. Paul's observation as he calls for neutrality. Calling for neutrality between a democratic ally of the United States and a gang of terrorists is not worthy of this body. There is no neutrality between a gang of terrorists who indiscriminately kill and the democratic state. May I also say that it was Hezbollah terrorists who killed the largest number of U.S. Marines in Beirut a quarter century ago. Some of us were there visiting with them just a couple of weeks before they were all killed. Lee Hamilton, a distinguished former Member of this body, and I visited with our marines just days before they were all killed by Hezbollah terrorist activity. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Frank), the distinguished ranking member of the Financial Services Committee.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, in view of the fact that this is one of the most substantive debates of the year, that colleagues have been waiting for a long time, I respectfully ask unanimous consent that we extend the debate by 40 minutes, equally divided between Ms. Ros- Lehtinen and myself.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. The conflict now raging in the Middle East is between a stable, pro-Western democracy and the terrorists who seek to destroy it. It is obviously in our country's interest and that of the civilized world as a whole to oppose and denounce the vicious war against Israel by Hezbollah and Hamas. We simply cannot accept a world in which terrorist bands can trigger cross-border conflicts in violation of international law. Even the 22 member states of the Arab League have recognized this fact. They unequivocally denounced Hezbollah for provoking the current crisis because they know that Hezbollah's nihilism threatens not just Lebanon but their own stability. Hezbollah's contempt for human suffering is total, as it showed once again this morning when its rockets murdered two Israeli Arab children in Nazareth. Mr. Speaker, Israel is doing all it can to limit the civilian suffering as any civilized, responsible, legitimate government would do. Its air bases, weapons and other military assets are located as far from population centers as they can be. But Hezbollah and Hamas have deliberately placed their weapons among the people, in their homes, in their schools, in their mosques. In a struggle between the two sides, the risk of civilian casualties is naturally disproportionate. The terrorists care nothing for human life, and care only to the extent that they can cynically leverage the damage in their favor in the court of public opinion. Of course, Mr. Speaker, Israel is not facing just the terrorists Hamas and Hezbollah. Those criminal groups are merely proxies for the real masters of terror, Syria and Iran. If there was ever any doubt as to whether Hezbollah is a wholly owned subsidiary of Iran, it has now been put to rest. The unprovoked murder and kidnapping of Israeli soldiers on undisputed Israeli territory clearly served Tehran's interests. It occurred just days before the G-8 summit in St. Petersburg, which was set to focus on Iran's nuclear projects and transgressions. And, Mr. Speaker, the plot worked. The G-8 was indeed preoccupied with events in the Arab-Israeli arena, rather than with Iran's unrelenting march to secure nuclear weapons. But it is a mark of how alarmed the G-8 members were at the current situation that even Russia joined in the final communique condemning Hezbollah's actions. Mr. Speaker, U.N. Security Council Resolution 1559, passed in 2004, declared that all foreign forces should be removed from Lebanon, all militias dismantled, and the Lebanese Armed Forces be deployed to the entire border with Israel. In fact, none of this happened. Iranian Revolutionary Guard troops roam freely. And thanks to Hezbollah, Iran has established, effectively, a base in southern Lebanon right on Israel's border. This is the same Iran that has called for Israel to be wiped off the map, the same Iran that has armed Hezbollah with 13,000 deadly missiles. Meanwhile, Mr. Speaker, the Lebanese Government stands by, helplessly watching its sovereignty evaporate. Hezbollah and Iran are holding Lebanon hostage as surely as they are holding the two Israeli soldiers. Mr. Speaker, there will never be real Lebanese democracy or real Lebanese sovereignty as long as Hezbollah is armed and occupies southern Lebanon. We also know that Syria is the primary culprit behind the Hamas kidnapping of an Israeli soldier, which also took place, unprovoked, on undisputed Israeli territory. It strains credulity to believe that the Syrian regime is merely a passive host for the Damascus-based Hamas leader, Khaled Meshaal. Syria is his master. Mr. Speaker, how often have we heard the complaint that there would be peace in the Middle East if only the Israelis ended their occupation? The watchword of this school of thought was land for peace. But as events of the last week have shown, it should have been land for war. Israel ended its occupation of Lebanon and of Gaza. There was not one Israeli citizen in either Gaza or Lebanon when this murderous and cynical pair of attacks took place. And where did the murderers and kidnappers attack from when they invaded Israeli territory? The very places from which Israel withdrew. How are we ever to establish peace? How will decent people in the region ever believe in peace if Arab terrorists interpret every gesture of peace as a display of weakness and then act accordingly? Israel has withdrawn from Lebanon and Gaza. But where is the goodwill on the other side? Since Israel evacuated Gaza, more than 1,000 Hamas rockets have been fired at Israeli homes and Israeli schools. Since Israel evacuated Lebanon, the terrorist gang Hezbollah that occupies south Lebanon has stockpiled 13,000 rockets. As we have learned in recent days, these rockets travel farther and are far more deadly than had been previously believed. No wonder, Mr. Speaker, that Israeli support for Prime Minister Olmert's plan to withdraw from large areas of the West Bank has been plummeting even while Olmert himself enjoys wide support among his people. Given the stakes, I believe that the United States must support Israel in combating enemies who will not be mollified by anything less than Israel's total destruction. Any result of this fighting that leaves Hezbollah in occupation of southern Lebanon will be a victory for Iran and for Syria, for fanaticism and for terror, and the defeat for Lebanon and for Middle East peace. That, in my view, is the message of the resolution before us today, Mr. Speaker. And that is why I strongly support this resolution, and that is why I urge all of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to do likewise. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to my good friend, a distinguished member of the International Relations Committee, Mr. Blumenauer.

Mr. LANTOS. I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to my good friend, the distinguished member of the International Relations Committee, Mr. Engel.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished member of the International Relations Committee, my friend from New York (Mr. Engel).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to yield 1 minute to the distinguished Democratic leader with whom I have the privilege of sharing representation of the great city of San Francisco (Ms. Pelosi).

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. I would first like to commend my good friend and colleague from American Samoa, Eni Faleomavaega, for introducing this important measure. He has been the leader in Congress on matters related to the legacy of nuclear testing, both in the former Soviet Union and in the Pacific, and we greatly appreciate his hard work. Madam Speaker, upon the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the newly- minted independent nation of Kazakhstan found itself in possession of the fourth largest nuclear arsenal in the world. Kazakhstan inherited more than 1,000 nuclear weapons and a squadron of heavy bombers armed with 370 nuclear warheads from the Soviet Union. Rather than embrace their nuclear status, the people of Kazakhstan made a farsighted decision fifteen years ago. They closed their nation's nuclear test site, and yielded all of their inherited nuclear arsenal and weapons materials back to Russia. Kazakhstan, the victim for so long of Soviet domination, completely and voluntarily rescinded their membership in the nuclear club. The nation proudly joined the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons, or ``NPT'', as a non-nuclear weapon state, the first time a state that had possessed such a massive nuclear arsenal had done so. While Kazakhstan made a wise decision to rid itself of its nuclear arsenal, the damage to the environment and to the health of the people of Kazakhstan will be felt for decades to come. Between 1945 and 1991, more than 450 nuclear tests were conducted at the Semipalatink test site, exposing more than 1.5 million innocent people to radiation and causing massive damage to the environment. It is for that reason that the United States should work with Kazakhstan to establish a joint working group to help assess the environmental damage and health affects caused by the nuclear testing. Madam Speaker, Kazakhstan's commitment to nuclear non-proliferation, and to nuclear disarmament, is an inspiring one, and a shining example for others to follow. It has strengthened immeasurably the global nuclear nonproliferation regime, and we greatly appreciate these actions. Madam Speaker, I strongly support this resolution, and I urge all of my colleagues to join me in doing likewise.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I rise today as a cosponsor and strong support of H.R. 9 the Fannie Lou Hamer, Rosa Parks, and Coretta Scott King Voting Rights Act Reauthorization and Amendments Act, and urge all of my colleagues to vote for this important legislation. As a representative democracy the most precious right afforded to our citizens is the right to vote. Unfortunately, we are all aware that for most of America's existence this instrumental right was denied to African Americans. And while the passage of the 15th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1868 ensured all American men the right to vote, true equality for all voters was not achieved for another century with the passage of the Voting Rights Act in 1965. This not only guaranteed the fundamental rights of minority voters but provided the necessary enforcement mechanisms to make sure that any American who wanted to exercise their right to vote would be able to. Mr. Chairman, the Voting Rights Act of 1965 truly transformed our Nation and helped make the dream of freedom a reality. The Voting Rights Act has subsequently been renewed four times, in 1970, 1975, 1982 and most recently in 1992. Despite the success of the 1965 Act, obstacles still exist which prevent minority voters from exercising their full and unfettered franchise, including unauthorized redistricting and last minute changing of poll locations. Because of these and other concerns about full and fair access to the polls for minority voters in this country, the Voting Rights Act continues to need to be renewed. The legislation before us today reauthorizes three key enforcement provisions of the Voting Rights Act which have been essential to eliminating and deterring voting discrimination and preventing the denial of access to the ballot box. While progress on these crucial areas of voting protection has been made, it is clear from the mountains of evidence that the House Judiciary Committee received during its extensive hearings on this legislation that an ongoing and persistent level of discrimination still exists in our country necessitating the renewal of the Voting Rights Act. Mr. Chairman, in my home State of California, perhaps one of the most diverse states in the Nation, the renewal of the Voting Rights Act will continue to ensure that the citizens of California can exercise their right to cast a fully informed vote. Section 203 of the Voting Rights Act will require 28 of the State's 58 counties to provide the necessary language assistance so that over 1.5 million voters at the polls are able to comprehend the ballot before them in the booth. My unwavering commitment to the principles of this important legislation extends to opposing the four amendments considered during the debate today which would either undermine or weaken the act. I am pleased to state that I will vote for this legislation and urge all of my colleagues to join me in continuing to protect the civil rights of all Americans.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to celebrate the life of Dr. Walter Meyerhof, an extraordinary physicist who fled the horrors of Nazi occupied Europe and made his mark in the world as an American citizen. Dr. Meyerhof died in Los Altos, California on Saturday, May 27, 2006 at the age of 84. Walter Meyerhof was born on April 22, 1922, in Kiel, Germany, into a family of German-Jewish intellectuals. Walter's father Otto received a Nobel Prize in Medicine in 1922. The elder Meyerhof sought to protect his family from rising anti-Semitism in Germany which accompanied the growing political power of the Nazi party. In 1936, the family fled Germany and went to England for three years, and then in 1939 they moved to France, which was attacked by Nazi German military forces not long after their arrival. In 1941 when France was under Nazi occupation, the Meyerhof family came into contact with Varian Fry, a United States consular official in France during this turbulent period who played a critical role in saving Jewish intellectuals, scholars, and others from Nazi death camps. Fry was a Harvard-educated academic who was not Jewish, but who recognized his obligation to save Jews who were under the threat of death by viciously anti-Semitic Nazi thugs. Fry successfully helped save the lives of more then 2000 Jews, including some of the 20th Centuries leading intellectuals and artists. Fry saved the lives of artists Marc Chagall and Max Ernst, writer Hannah Arendt, sculptor Jacques Lipchitz, the Otto Meyerhof family, and many others. Mr. Speaker, Walter Meyerhof never forgot the efforts of his rescuer and dedicated himself to honor Varian fry by establishing and directing a foundation in memory of this man who saved his life. Through the efforts of Meyerhof and the foundation he created, Varian Fry was given the Croix du Chevalier of the French Legion of Honor as well as the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Eisenhower Liberation Medal. Also, thanks in part to Meyerhof's efforts, Fry became the first American to be honored as one of the ``Righteous among the Nations'' by the state of Israel at the Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial. Perhaps the Varian Fry foundation's greatest achievement was the production of the film about Fry entitled Assignment: Rescue. The film, which has been distributed to over 35,000 schools, is educating hundreds of thousands of students about the horror of the Holocaust and the extraordinary courage exhibited by Varian Fry and others who fought the Nazis. After arriving in the United States, Walter Meyerhof became a leading professor and educator. After receiving his doctorate from the University of Pennsylvania, he taught briefly at the University of Illinois and then accepted an appointment at Stanford University. He had a distinguished career at Stanford, served as head of Stanford's physics department, and wrote two textbooks which are still in use today. In 1977, Walter Meyerhof was given the Dinkelspiel Award, an honor given each year to the top Stanford professor in the teaching of undergraduate students. Mr. Speaker, I invite my colleagues to join me in paying tribute to the remarkable legacy of Walter Meyerhof, whose scholarship made an important contribution to contemporary physics, whose excellence in teaching helped mold the minds of some of our Nation's brightest students, and whose unswerving commitment to Varian Fry, the man who saved his life during the Holocaust, established a legacy of remembrance that is a beacon to all of us who respect human dignity and human rights. We join Miriam, his wife of 59 years, his two sons, Michael and David, and his grandson, Matthew in mourning the passing of Walter Meyerhof.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to call the attention of my colleagues in the Congress to the Israel Air Force Center Foundation--a private non-profit charitable organization which has done a great deal to strengthen ties between the American people and the people of Israel and between the military organizations of the United States and Israel and to enhance the peaceful commercial uses of air and space technology. I do this today, Mr. Speaker, because a group of the American leaders of the Israel Air Force Center Foundation will be visiting Washington next week. During their visit they will meet with leading Members of the Congress as well as other public and private leaders here in our nation's capital in an effort to strengthen the work of the Foundation and introduce American leaders to their work. Mr. Speaker, the Israel Air Force Center is a unique Israeli institution--part think-tank (along the lines of the Rand Corporation in the United States) and part media, history, and resource center which focuses on Israel's emergence as a world leader in science and technology. The Center is located in Herzliya, Israel, and housed in a stunning building which opened in the summer of 2003. The Israel Air Force Center was established by the Israel Air Force Association, a private organization which provides non-official support for Israel's fabled Air Force. The Association is similar to organizations in the United States which provide support for our own military organization such as the Association of the United States Army (AUSA), and like its American counterparts, it was founded by former Israeli Air Force officers. The Israel Air Force Center was established to emphasize the link between the Israeli Air Force, its veterans, the people of Israel, and an international community committed to improving quality of life through science and the peaceful application of aerospace technology. Sponsors have established major research chairs at the Center, including one in aviation security, to aid policy makers in key decisions and to strengthen the economy and security of Israel and advance human knowledge. Mr. Speaker, the Israel Air Force Center Foundation is a private, non-profit, tax-exempt organization in the United States which has as its objective providing financial support for the Israel Air Force Center and the activities of the Israel Air Force Association. I commend these patriotic Americans who participate in the Foundation's activities. Their efforts to strengthen the ties between the United States and Israel are important for both countries, and the support they give to the research and development activities of the Israel Air Force Center are beneficial to both the United States and to Israel. As my colleagues know, American support for Israel is more critical than ever in today's unstable world. As the only stable democracy in the Middle East, it is our responsibility to help protect Israel from the multiplicity of dangers on its borders and its region, including threats from Iran and Syria. The Israeli military forces, including the Israel Air Force, are a vital deterrent to those threats. The partnership between the U.S. Air Force and the IAF sets an excellent example for military cooperation. Israeli-developed systems boost the American Air Force's targeting and navigation ability in Afghanistan and Iraq, and Israeli-developed Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) are a vital component of U.S. military efforts on both those fronts. Virtually every senior IAF officer has trained in the United States, and most IAF equipment is U.S.-origin, including the F-15 and F-16 fighter jets, which form the backbone of the IAF's strike force. In addition, the Israel Air Force Center provides fundamental information to the international community on current air force research. The Center's think-tank, the Fisher Brothers Institute for Air and Space Strategic Studies, fosters the growth of ideas and public debate by holding seminars and international conferences. The Aviation Safety and Security Center at the Institute is dedicated to enhancing and disseminating IAF expertise on aviation safety and security throughout the world. In addition to its strategic function, specific programs of the Israel Air Force Center undertake numerous charitable activities. The Adelson Institute for Academic Studies reintegrates Air Force servicemen and women into civilian life through training courses, personal guidance and links to the private business sector. The Family Service Center assists Air Force families cope with trauma and bereavement. The Center provides tremendous support and an emotional outlet to those whose loved ones have been killed or injured in the line of duty. The Center also seeks to help the larger Israeli citizenry by adopting developing towns and supporting educational programs in underprivileged communities. The Association funds day-care centers, kindergartens and schools in need in addition sending members to tutor school children. Mr. Speaker, I had the opportunity to witness the work of the Israel Air Force Center firsthand during a recent visit to Israel. That reinforced how critically important it is for the U.S. Air Force and the Israel Air Force to continue working together during this crucial time of instability and tension within the Middle East. At the same time, I was able to see the vital importance of the Center in contributing to the U.S.-Israel cooperative relationship. Mr. Speaker, I invite my colleagues to join me in commending the Israel Air Force Center Foundation for their significant contribution to U.S.-Israel relations, and I wish the Foundation increasing success in its important work.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I first want to thank my good friend and colleague, Congressman Ben Cardin, for his leadership on trade and human rights issues. I also want to express my appreciation to Ways and Means Committee Chairman Bill Thomas for his strong support, over many years, for import sanctions against Burma, and for moving this legislation to the floor expeditiously. As always, I also remain deeply appreciative of the work of the Ranking Democrat on the Ways and Means Committee, my friend and colleague Charlie Rangel. Mr. Speaker, former South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu--the winner of the Nobel Peace Prize for his tireless and ultimately successful fight for freedom in South Africa--spoke eloquently about the key role of the international community in helping to free oppressed nations. He said, ``If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor. If an elephant has its foot on the tail of a mouse and you say that you are neutral, the mouse will not appreciate your neutrality. Mr. Speaker, with passage of this legislation, Congress will once again signal firmly that the United States is not neutral when it comes to Burma. We are firmly on the side of imprisoned Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi and all those who are oppressed by Burma's ruling thugs. Some argue the U.S. sanctions do not help those who suffer the most under Burma's oppressive political and economic system. Again, I would respectfully refer them to Archbishop Tutu, whose homeland of South Africa is free today because the international community refused to remain silent about the brutal system of Apartheid. By voting to maintain our Nation's tough approach towards Burma, we once again lead the world by example. Step by step, we will move assertively towards a global sanctions regime against Burma involving all of the world's leading economic players. In fact, Mr. Speaker, there are signs that American leadership on Burma is paying off. Just a few short months ago, the United Nations Security Council held an unprecedented debate on Burma's horrendous human rights situation and its destabilizing role in Southeast Asia. Further Security Council action against Burma is on the near horizon, particularly since the Burmese leadership thumbed its nose at Kofi Annan's hand-picked special envoy to Burma, and refused to release Aung San Suu Kyi. The political leadership of the Association of Southeast Asia Nations--ASEAN--has also long maintained that Burma's political situation was an ``internal affair.'' But Singaporean Foreign Minister George Yeo recently said that Southeast Asia may need to ``distance itself'' from Burma if it does not undergo political reform, and the ASEAN leaders refused to let Burma become chairman of the important regional organization in 2006. The European Union has also firmly resisted the entreaties of the European commercial class--always eager for new trade opportunities with the world's rogue regimes--to reduce sanctions against Burma. Mr. Speaker, while these are positive developments, we remain a long way from a comprehensive, global sanctions regime. But Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to wait as long as it takes to convince the international community to act properly. The only hope for promoting far-reaching political change is by making Burma's thug-ocracy pay an economic price for running their nation into the ground. I would welcome a negotiated solution to the crisis in Burma, but I believe firmly that such negotiations will only bear fruit once those pulling the levers of power feel a strong economic pinch. Today, we will act decisively to renew import sanctions against Burma, and send an unmistakable signal of support for the restoration of democracy and human rights in that impoverished nation. One day, Aung San Suu Kyi will lead a democratic Burma, and I look forward to being at her inauguration before a throng of her countrymen, all finally free. Until then, we in this country must do what we can to hasten that day. I urge all of my colleagues to support this important legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I commend to my colleagues a very important op-ed by a very distinguished American diplomat, the former U.S Permanent Representative to the United Nations, Ambassador Richard Holbrooke. His article, ``Turning to the U.N., Again,'' which appeared in the Washington Post on June 28th, provides us with a critical reminder that the UN, though a flawed institution, remains ``indispensable to the United States.'' Ambassador Holbrooke points out that, earlier this month, President Bush once again turned to America's great ally in New York, United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan, to help the Administration secure its most pressing foreign policy goal, cementing a political compact for Iraq. Kofi Annan is a great friend of the United States and a great personal friend of mine. I share Ambassador Holbrooke's confidence that the distinguished Secretary General, will use his good offices to convene a series of international meetings with the purpose of hammering out a new ``Iraq Compact.'' Mr. Speaker, after noting this latest instance of the United States turning again to the UN for help, Ambassador Holbrooke argues that it is critical to America's core interests to strengthen the United Nations. As he so eloquently states, it is time for the Administration to move past its internal debate about the UN, ``whether to support it or abandon it, to use it or bypass it.'' Ambassador Holbrooke is absolutely correct that this ambivalence toward the UN has undermined our Nation's ability to lead the effort to reform the UN. Mr. Speaker, I ask that the full text of Ambassador Holbrooke's important article be placed in the Record and I urge my colleagues to read it carefully and thoughtfully. [From the Washington Post, June 28, 2006] Turning to the U.N., Again (By Richard Holbrooke) In a little-noticed announcement in President Bush's news conference on June 14, the day he returned from Iraq, he said that he would send two personal emissaries to New York to consult with U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan on the political and economic future of Iraq. The next day, still with remarkably little public attention, Philip Zelikow, the counselor of the State Department, and Deputy Treasury Secretary Robert Kimmitt met with Annan and his deputy, Mark Malloch Brown, at the secretary general's Sutton Place residence. There was no one else present. The two presidential envoys asked Annan to use his unique ``convening powers'' to help organize international meetings that would lead (by this fall, the Americans hope) to the unveiling of a new ``Iraq Compact''--an agreement between the Iraqi government and major international donors that would commit Baghdad to a series of political and economic reforms in return for substantially more international aid. (Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki called Annan the same day to make an identical request.) This is a good idea--and quite similar to suggestions from many administration critics. With the battle for Baghdad raging, it remains to be seen whether an Iraq Compact will work--or even get off the ground--but it is certainly an important step in the right direction for Iraq and for American policy. For Annan and the United Nations, Bush's request poses an ironic and difficult challenge. On the one hand, the administration is asking for help on the worst problem it faces, acknowledging, however belatedly and reluctantly, that once again, the United Nations is not only relevant but at times indispensable to the United States. On the other hand, the resentment among the majority of U.N. member states over the way the institution has been treated recently, especially by Washington's current U.N. ambassador, makes any effort to get the United Nations to help the United States far more difficult. How to treat the United Nations has been a particular dilemma for President Bush, since opponents of the organization form an important part of the administration's core constituency. Internal disagreements over the past five years about whether to support it or abandon it, to use it or bypass it, have both weakened the organization and led to reduced U.S. influence even as more and more intractable issues are thrown into its hands. The United Nations is facing major budgetary problems caused primarily by American insistence on a six-month budget cycle instead of the normal two-year cycle. It must deal with growing shortfalls in the U.S. contribution to peacekeeping funding, despite Washington's calls for more peacekeepers in Darfur and elsewhere. And it is confronted by a deadlock over rebuilding the headquarters complex in New York--a deadlock whose main cause is the administration's failure to push Congress for proper funding. (This is particularly difficult to understand, since the U.N. signature building, its 38- story East River office tower--built in 1950 and never subject to modern safety codes--is widely acknowledged to be the major building in New York most vulnerable to a terrorist attack. For example, when the president visits it, the Secret Service closes down FDR Drive beneath it--but what about the rest of the time?) Still, even though Annan and the world body have been diminished by Washington, he and his colleagues simply cannot refuse to help on the Iraq matter; it is their responsibility as international civil servants to go where the problems are worst and then to do their best. And, on the basis of private talks with Annan, Malloch Brown and administration officials, I have no doubt that they intend to do just that. In fact, Malloch Brown has already agreed to travel to Baghdad very soon for preliminary meetings that the United Nations and the United States hope will culminate later this year in a high- level conference in the region. As Annan moves into his last six months as secretary general, this would be the right way to end a turbulent decade in that office--with a genuine contribution to the cause of peace in Iraq. It is, however, impossible not to note the irony and the implications of what has happened in the past two weeks between Washington and the United Nations. Once again, an administration that has underfunded, undersupported and undermined the United Nations has turned to it, almost in desperation, for help. The lesson should be clear: Despite the enormously self- destructive actions of many other member states, especially the group of developing nations called the G-77, the United Nations still serves U.S. foreign policy interests in many important ways. Not only Iraq but also Iran, Darfur, Afghanistan and the difficult negotiations just started over Kosovo's final status--all issues of vital importance to the United States--have now ended up in the United Nations. To weaken this institution further, as has happened in recent years, serves no clear American national security interest. To strengthen it would make it more valuable to the United States and to every nation that seeks conflict resolution, stability and economic progress. With the maneuvering over the selection of Annan's successor underway, it is time for Washington--and this must include Congress--to put behind it a sorry period of confusion and offer the United Nations more support, both financial and political, in return for the things it needs in Iraq and elsewhere.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in profound sadness to express my deepest sympathy and condolences to the family and friends of William ``Bill'' Lawrence. Bill was a dear friend of mine who touched the lives of all who came in contact with him and I am privileged to have known such a wonderful person. Bill was truly a great man who dedicated his life to our country. He began this service at the young age of 16 when he enlisted in the Navy. Following his four years of naval service in China in 1927, Bill was honorably discharged, and he chose to make his home in San Francisco. Once again, Bill sought a job that would benefit the public. He first worked as a cable car conductor on the Market Street Railway, one of the few union jobs in San Francisco at that time. In 1938, Bill began working for the U.S. Postal Service in San Francisco, and he became an active and dedication member of the Golden Gate Branch 214 of the National Association of Letter Carriers. He delivered mail in the City of San Francisco for 35 years and worked as Secretary of Golden Gate Branch 214 of the NALC for 6 years. Bill remained a member of the National Association of Letter Carriers until the day he died. Bill's dedication to his local community was even more evident when he began his political career. In 1970, Bill was elected to the Brisbane City Council and over the next two decades he continued in that position, serving twice as Mayor. In an effort to better his community, he oversaw the construction of Crocker Industrial Park. After his tenure on the City Council, Bill continued to act as the Legislative Liaison for the California State Association of Letter Carriers. Bill's love of public service and his desire to improve the quality of life of Brisbane residents led him to join the Brisbane Lions Cub. His unfaltering dedication was obvious, as he insisted in participating in every Lions Club initiative. Each year, Bill Lawrence painted 1,800 Easter eggs and volunteered at the Christmas tree lot. He continued to attend meetings, even after his hearing and eyesight began to fade. Although Bill Lawrence officially retired at the age of 65, he could not imagine not serving his country and local community. He refused to allow age and deteriorating health to stand in the way of public service. For the past 30 years, Bill has served as Brisbane's ``Santa Claus,'' bringing smiles to many families during the holiday season. Only last year, at age 97, Bill finally was forced to retire from this post, which brought so much joy to him and children throughout the community. Mr. Speaker, I am honored to be able to call Bill Lawrence my friend. He always said that his love of politics stemmed from the rewarding feeling he got from helping people. Indeed, Bill helped thousands of people throughout his lifetime. His naval service, postal work, and political activism allowed him to touch lives throughout the world for the past 98 years. It is rare to come across a man who not only dedicated his life to his country but also to his family, his dear wife, Honey Bee, and his children and grandchildren. Bill Lawrence will be sorely missed by the residents of Brisbane as well as by all who knew him, but Bill's legacy of love for his country and for public service will forever remain alive in our hearts.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Murtha).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to our colleague from Florida (Mr. Wexler).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the ranking member of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia on the Democratic side, Mr. Ackerman of New York. (Mr. ACKERMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to my friend from Ohio (Mr. Brown).