Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and yield myself such time as I might consume. Mr. Speaker, at the outset, I want to commend my friend and fellow Californian, Mr. Issa, for preparing a significant, important and well- crafted piece of legislation. Mr. Speaker, Syrian brazenness knows no bounds. With his press conference and report to the U.N. Security Council this week, Detlev Mehlis has made clear that Syrian interference with his investigation into the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafiq Hariri has only increased. We now know for certain what we previously only suspected, that Syria has ignored Security Council warnings and persisted in obstructing Mehlis's investigation, using delaying tactics, destroying documents, withholding witnesses and pressuring key individuals involved in these matters by threatening their families, all quite sickening, Mr. Speaker. But on Monday, Syria appears to have reached a new height of cynicism and treachery. The murder of Gebran Tueni, a parliamentarian and the publisher of the most respected Lebanese daily, an-Nahar, was a devastating response to Mehlis's report on the eve of its release. Of course, Mr. Speaker, Syria denies involvement in the assassination, but, like so many hit jobs before it, including the one on Hariri, it has all the hallmarks of a product ``made in Damascus.'' Tueni is the latest of several courageous leaders to be the object of a murderous Syrian attack. All of these victims have had one thing in common: A strong commitment to Lebanese independence and sovereignty and the powerful opposition to Syria's control of Lebanon. Tueni is a special case. His newspaper emerged in recent years as the leading journalistic opponent to the Syrian occupation, and he is the second journalist of that newspaper to be killed in the past 6 months. The former occupiers bided their time, but they got their revenge just a few short months after Tueni prophetically and tragically told the world in August that he was on the top of Syria's list of those marked for assassination. I would ask, Mr. Speaker, for a moment of silence from this body for Mr. Tueni and all the others, including Prime Minister Hariri, who have lost their lives this year in Syria's murderous and shadowy war on Lebanese patriots. If my colleagues would join me in a moment of silence for these Lebanese heroes who gave their lives for their country's independence. Thank you. On October 31, the U.N. Security Council passed Resolution 1636 which warned that ``Syria's continued lack of cooperation with the U.N. inquiry would constitute a serious violation of its obligations.'' Mr. Speaker, in my view, the clock has now run out on Syria. With its arrogant disregard for human life and all international norms, Damascus has now put the ball squarely in our court. I suggest that we respond, and do so forcefully. I fully support this resolution's call for the administration to use its influence in the Security Council to seek punitive measures against the Syrian leadership and to utilize all the tools made available in the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act to convince the Assad regime in Damascus that its behavior carries a heavy price. We cannot let the cruel regime in Damascus escape unscathed. Its crimes in Lebanon are but one dimension of Syrian transgressions against all standards of decency. We could go on at length citing Syria's support for terrorists, including the Iraqi terrorists, and its internal repression of all peaceful dissent and its more than 2,000 political prisoners, including most recently the arrest last month of Dr. Kamal al-Labwani following his visit here as a guest of our Department of State's International Visitors Program. Mr. Speaker, I would be remiss were I not to make one additional observation: International pressure on Syria to withdraw from Lebanon began in a serious way in September 2004 with the passage of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1559, but that resolution not only called for Syrian withdrawal, it also called for the disarming and disbanding of Hezbollah and all other Lebanese militias. That latter point has been woefully neglected by the international community, as well as by the Lebanese government, which has even seen fit to include a Hezbollah representative in its cabinet. Now I fear international, and Lebanese, neglect is coming home to roost. The shadowy figures who are carrying out Syria's instructions to murder Lebanese patriots may or may not be Hezbollah operatives. But I do know that as long as Hezbollah remains armed, there will be thousands of killers available to carry out the Syrian regime's evil whims, thousands of jihadist killers who are loyal to Syria and care not a whit for Lebanese unity or Lebanese independence. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this resolution, which sends a powerful message to the Assad regime. I urge all of my colleagues to do likewise. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in very strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend my good friend, the chairman of the International Relations Committee, Henry Hyde, for introducing this resolution of which I am the principal Democratic cosponsor. I also want to thank my friend from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for his strong support. Mr. Speaker, under Vladimir Putin, Russia is marching back towards its totalitarian past. It has rejected democratic institutions, undermined democratic procedures, and reversed the progress made as the Cold War came to an end. Not long ago, the world looked with hope and optimism towards the emergence of a truly democratic Russia, but then Putin came to power. Under Putin, the Kremlin first focused its attention on stifling independent television, restricting open, free and unrestricted news coverage. That was followed by a heavy-handed effort to intimidate the business community. The leaders of Russia's largest, most successful and most transparent private corporation, Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev, were arrested on trumped-up charges, held in prison for many months, put in a cage and tried before a kangaroo court. Then they were sentenced to draconian prison terms and are serving as we meet here tonight in Siberia. Shades of the gulag. The latest and in many ways one of the most insidious steps is an effort that will take Russia back to the era of the czars and the commissars: legislation was recently introduced in the Russian Duma that would severely restrict the establishment or the activities of domestic and foreign nongovernmental organizations within Russia. Mr. Speaker, in countries around the globe, civil society is promoted by nongovernmental organizations, some domestic and some international. They foster the values and the virtues that are key to any modern society, limited government, democratic elections and the rule of law and respect for human rights. They promote free association and freedom of expression. They encourage the conditions that are essential for open market-oriented economies. They promote assistance for the poor, the elderly, the sick, and the disabled. Such organizations foster political pluralism, individual liberty, and the rights of individual men and women. Mr. Speaker, the resolution we are considering today was introduced by my good friend, the distinguished chairman of the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde). I was pleased to join him as the principal Democratic sponsor. Our resolution is timely, and it is important. It urges the Russian government to withdraw proposed legislation that would restrict and limit the activities of nongovernmental organizations in Russia. It is in Russia's own interest to have a vigorous and energetic civil society to contribute to the richness and to the diversity of the country. Mr. Speaker, Russia would like to be treated and to be seen as a leading democratic nation. It wants to be considered a member of the group of industrialized democracies. Putin wants to host the next round of meetings of the G-7 in St. Petersburg, but this is an organization to which Russia, marching towards authoritarianism, does not properly belong. Russia is not an advanced industrial democracy. It is a resource-rich country whose economy is kept afloat by crude oil and natural gas revenues. As the actions of the Putin government continue to demonstrate, it certainly is not a democracy. Mr. Speaker, our resolution is a warning to the government of Russia that it is taking a dangerous and counter-productive course, a course that is destructive of the goals that the government and its people seek. As the text of our resolution notes, ``Russia's destiny and the interests of her people lie in her assumption of her rightful place as a full and equal member of the Western community of democracies,'' but the proposed NGO legislation is ``incompatible with membership in that community.'' Let me also add, Mr. Speaker, that just recently we were profoundly disturbed that Russia agreed to sell to Iran, clearly the number one terrorist-supporting nation on the face of this planet, sophisticated air defense equipment. This is clearly not the action of a democratic and pro-Western society. I urge all of my colleagues to support this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, at the outset, I want to commend my friend from New Jersey for his eloquent and powerful statement. It was my great pleasure, Mr. Speaker, to join my good friend and colleague, my co-chairman of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Wolf) in introducing this important measure regarding China's continued use of forced labor. Mr. Speaker, the horrendous treatment of prisoners of conscience in China's legal system is legendary. Courtrooms are closed to families. Defense lawyers are imprisoned if they defend their clients vigorously. And the judges themselves make their decisions based on orders from the Communist Party, not based upon the law or the facts of the case. The other failure of the Chinese State to allow freedom of expression and religion is only exacerbated by the treatment of prisoners upon their arrival in forced labor camps. Prisoners of conscience are forced to work under horrendous, life-threatening conditions for years on end, often with little or no contact with their families. Thanks to the groundbreaking work of former political prisoner, our friend Harry Wu, we now have documentation that political prisoners have been forced to labor in dangerous mines and in toxic chemical factories with no protective clothing. Other prisoners of conscience are forced to work on assembly lines for up to 18 hours a day, generating cheap clothing and other products destined for sale in the United States and other developed Nations. Despite two different agreements between the United States and China on the forced labor issue in the early 1990s, prison labor products continue to flow into our Nation and are sold by some of America's largest retailers. It is also important to remember, Mr. Speaker, that many people are dispatched to the Laogai prison labor system without any trial whatsoever. Tens of thousands of Falun Gong members have been sent involuntarily to psychiatric institutions and other labor camps. Upon arrival, they have been subjected to forced labor, cruel beatings, violent torture, and even death. Mr. Speaker, our resolution once again puts Congress firmly on record against the Laogai prison labor system, and it demands that the Chinese open up their prisons and work camps to international inspectors. Our resolution also calls on the United States to aggressively implement laws prohibiting the importation of forced labor products. Mr. Speaker, the existence of the Soviet Gulag is now acknowledged as one of the darkest chapters of modern Russian history. When the history of Communist rule in China will be written, maybe 50 years from now, China's Laogai prison labor system will undoubtedly be treated as a tragic and despicable act perpetrated by the Chinese leadership upon the people of China. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), the distinguished chairman of the Democratic Caucus, who will soon move over to the other body to continue his good works. (Mr. MENENDEZ asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley), a co-author of this resolution, my dear friend and distinguished colleague.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich). (Mr. KUCINICH asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. I want to commend my colleagues and friends, Mr. Cantor and Mr. Menendez, for introducing this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask my colleagues on both sides to suspend disbelief for a moment and imagine that this body included not just Democrats and Republicans but also representatives of an armed terrorist militia. Imagine that colleagues knew that those who opposed the militia's proposals might be killed as a result. It would certainly change the dynamics of this body just a bit, would it not, Mr. Speaker? Well, that is exactly the circumstance that the Palestinian Legislative Council will face when it convenes after the January 25 elections, when Hamas, by current projections, is likely to hold over a quarter of the council seats. Mr. Speaker, corruption of the legislative process is just one of many reasons that parties, so-called parties representing militias have no place in a Democratic system. When terrorist militias participate in elections, voters are intimidated. The concepts of the will of the majority and the rights of the minority are rendered meaningless. Mr. Speaker, terrorist Hamas has no business participating in a Palestinian election that is supposed to advance the cause of peace; indeed, in a Palestinian election for a legislative body whose very basis is an Israeli-Palestinian agreement in which the Palestinians agreed to foreswear all violence. In fact, Hamas should be disqualified on two grounds: as a terrorist group and as a group that denies Israel's right to exist. And there is a third reason as well: Hamas is a fundamentalist jihadist organization that has nothing but contempt for democracy, though it is more than happy to exploit democracy for its own nefarious ends. Mr. Speaker, the participation of Hamas in the January 25 Palestinian election now appears likely. Just today, Hamas submitted its list of candidates. But Hamas participation will be a mistake of historic proportions for the cause of Israeli Palestinian peace. The very first clause of the Middle East roadmap requires that the Palestinians dismantle all terrorist infrastructure. If that is what Abu Mazen wants to do, he is going about it in an entirely wrong way. With Hamas inside the legislative chicken coop in huge numbers, supported there in the cause of violence and gun-bearing by numerous other factions from Abu Mazen's own Fatah party, it will be more difficult than ever for Abu Mazen and the Palestinian authority to take the necessary action to dismantle Hamas' terrorist infrastructure, much less to convince it and other terrorist groups to disarm peacefully. I deeply regret that Abu Mazen has welcomed Hamas' unconditional participation in the upcoming Palestinian elections. In passing this resolution, we will call on Abu Mazen to reverse course at the eleventh hour to prevent Hamas from participating and thereby try to help these elections prepare the ground for meaningful post-election peacemaking. But, Mr. Speaker, even if Abu Mazen does not heed our advice, this resolution sends a powerful message to all the Palestinian people. The United States will have no interest in dealing with a Palestinian government that includes Hamas. Abu Mazen and his colleagues will have to keep that in mind when they form their cabinet. Moreover, the inclusion of Hamas representatives in the government of the Palestinian Authority will have a profound effect on the attitude of the United States, both our government and the American people, toward Palestinians. It will inform every decision that this body makes regarding any issue related to the Palestinians, including economic assistance. I urge Abu Mazen in the strongest terms to reconsider his decision to welcome Hamas participation in Palestinian elections. I urge all of my colleagues to support Middle East peace and to fight terrorism by voting for this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, as the sponsor of this resolution, I would first like to express my appreciation to Chairman Henry Hyde for his strong support for this measure and for his help in getting it to the floor. I also wish to thank my colleagues for their cosponsorship and concerns expressed for the people of Zimbabwe. Mr. Speaker, for over two decades, the United States has tried to influence the government of Zimbabwe in the right direction. Many in this body supported the liberation of Zimbabwe from the oppressive, colonial rule of Ian Smith's Rhodesia. And for years after independence, Zimbabwe's political leaders made great progress for their people in education, economic development, and agricultural production. Until a few years ago, Zimbabwe was considered the breadbasket of southern Africa. But, Mr. Speaker, all of that changed in 2000 when President Robert Mugabe and his party realized they were losing their monopoly on political power, and changed from being a government of liberation to one of tyranny and ruthless oppression. In 2001, Congress passed the Zimbabwe Democracy and Economic Recovery Act establishing sanctions on specific individuals who had grossly mismanaged the Zimbabwean economy, instituted draconian legislation in opposition to the rule of law, and used violence to suppress civil society and political opponents during their elections. In that legislation, Mr. Speaker, we also provided incentives for Zimbabwe's leaders to return to the rule of law, to create new political space, and to pursue economic policies that would benefit their citizens. Instead of responding to our incentives, conditioned only on their respect for the rule of law and economic common sense, Zimbabwe's leadership lashed out even more strongly against its own citizens. Mr. Speaker, the event this past spring, called ``Operation `Throw Out the Trash','' by the Mugabe regime, has taken the government of Zimbabwe to a new low. When a government begins to describe its own citizens as ``trash,'' it has lost its sense of purpose and become an enemy to its people. Mr. Speaker, I have monitored carefully the situation in Zimbabwe and want to share with you some of the devastation documented by the United Nations, our own Agency for International Development, and Zimbabwean human rights organizations. First, Operation ``Throw Out the Trash'' occurred as the Zimbabwean economy is in a chronic state of decline. Inflation is well over 300 percent. At a time when 70 percent of Zimbabweans are unemployed, food for a family of six can increase by 160 percent in one month alone. Compounding these economic woes is the HIV/AIDS crisis. Mr. Speaker, one-quarter of Zimbabweans is infected with HIV/AIDS. With complete disregard for the suffering of its people, the Mugabe's regime launched ``Operation Throw Out the Trash'' on May 25, 2005, and within a few weeks, displaced 700,000 individuals from their homes or businesses or both, and indirectly affected 2.4 million people. Of the 700,000 directly displaced, an estimated 172,200 were living with HIV/ AIDS. To carry-out the Operation, the government ordered individuals to tear down their own homes and businesses, then loaded men, women and children onto trucks, and dumped them in transit camps outside the cities with no shelter, food, clothing, medicine, or sanitation. This occurred during the dead of Zimbabwe's winter where night temperatures can fall to freezing. During the Operation, babies were born in the cold winter air and the weak and frail died from exposure. Mr. Speaker, ``Operation Throw Out the Trash'' devastated the most vulnerable in Zimbabwean society including the elderly, the mentally ill, the physically challenged, malnourished children, and the chronically ill. Most devastated, perhaps, were individuals living with HIV/AIDS. The Operation indiscriminately tore down health clinics where individual received voluntary counseling and testing. Patients on antiretroviral treatment were cut off from their doctors and medicines, while home- based care programs for HIV/AIDS patients were decimated. Most shocking, the Operation destroyed several HIV/AIDS orphanages where the children, who had lost both parents and had no family caretakers, also were living with HIV/AIDS. In response to an international outcry, the U.N. Secretary General appointed a Special Envoy to assess the situation and report on ways to address the conditions of those affected. The Special Envoy reported that the Zimbabwe government's purported effort to clamp down on illegal dwellings and illicit activities, was carried out in an indiscriminate and unjustified manner and with disregard for national and international law. She called for bringing those immediately responsible to account and for immediate reparations to those who had lost property and their livelihood. Mr. Speaker, on top of this grave injury to his people, Mugabe lashed out recently at U.S. Ambassador Christopher Dell, who simply told the truth about the regime in power. Ambassador Dell stated the simple fact that Zimbabwe's current crisis is due to economic mismanagement and corrupt rule. Mr. Speaker, we must reinforce Ambassador Dell's message by passing this resolution today. This resolution sends a clear message to President Mugabe and his tyrannical government that we will speak out against his ruling party's harsh abuse of its citizens and condemn any actions that harm innocent people. Mr. Speaker, before I close, I want to commend our U.S. AID staff members for their efforts to provide emergency shelter, food, clothing, blankets, and medicine to Mugabe's victims of ``Operation Throw out the Trash.'' The Mission Director, Paul Weisenfeld, and his team, worked around the clock with local partners to provide relief for the affected people. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I want to express my deep appreciation to my good friend and distinguished colleague, Pearl-Alice Marsh, for the extraordinary job she has done in connection with this issue. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. LANTOS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield the balance of our time to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis), a champion for human rights.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support and as a cosponsor of House Concurrent Resolution 218, a resolution that recognizes the centennial of sustained immigration from the Philippines to the United States and acknowledges the contributions of our Filipino-American community to our country over the last century. The mark that the Filipino-American community has made on my district is immeasurable. It is a privilege to live with and to serve such a culturally rich and vibrant community. As the premier gateway from Asia, the Bay Area has been the starting point for many Filipino immigrants in America. I am truly proud that many Filipino-Americans decided to make the Bay Area their permanent home. I represent one of the largest populations of Filipino-Americans in the United States, and I would like to recognize two of the many shining lights from our community. Mr. Speaker, my dear friend Alice Bulos has worked tirelessly in the community at large and with the Filipino-American community in particular. After immigrating to the United States in the late 1970's, Alice became an outspoken leader among Filipino-Americans. She tirelessly worked to urge Filipino-Americans to become politically active. With her husband, she founded the Filipino American Grassroots Movement, a voter registration drive that sought to involve Filipinos in the political process. Alice became one of the most visible members of the community when she was appointed by President Clinton to serve on the Federal Council on Aging in 1993. In 1998, she was again called upon to serve on the Commission on the Status of Women by the San Mateo County board of Supervisors. Earlier this year, the board appointed her to another term. I am proud to count Alice as a friend, and her work has made the Peninsula a better place and strengthened the Filipino-American community throughout the United States. Alex Esclamado left his homeland to pursue a better life and has been inspirational in my district and across America with his newspaper, the Philippine News. Mr. Esclamado began publishing the paper out of his garage, and from the beginning has worked to publish original content with staff-written reports. His operation has grown by leaps and bounds. He no longer drives across the country handing out his newspaper; the Philippine News is now available for delivery in 47 states and is distributed through retailers in many of the largest cities in the nation. I am proud to say that the newspaper calls my district home. Mr. Speaker, these are but two of the many extraordinary individuals in the Filipino-American community. The vibrancy of my district can be directly attributed to our diversity, and I am proud to celebrate 100 years of sustained immigration that has so influenced the Bay Area and all of the United States. I urge all of my colleagues to join me in stridently supporting this legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this important resolution. The human suffering and economic devastation caused by natural disasters in 2005 seem to know no bounds. The year began with the aftermath of the horrendous tsunami in Southeast Asia, only to be followed by a brutal hurricane season which included hurricanes Katrina and Rita. While we in the United States have rightly come to associate these hurricanes with the apocalyptic destruction that they inflicted on our Gulf Coast States, Hurricane Katrina and Hurricane Rita also tore through much of Mexico, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua. Some of the worse loss of life as a result of these storms occurred in Guatemala, where more than a thousand men, women and children were killed and where more than 120,000 people had the normalcy of their lives shredded to bits by the avalanches of mud and debris. The hurricanes brought similar havoc in Mexico and Central American countries. In Mexico, some 400 people in southern states like Oaxaca were forced to evacuate to shelters and up to 40 percent of the homes in popular tourist destinations like Cancun were severely damaged. Mr. Speaker, as we continue to contribute to the rebuilding and recovery efforts in Mexico and in affected Central American countries, we must ensure that our joint efforts to reconstruct homes, health facilities, schools and other buildings increase the likelihood that these structures will withstand similar natural disasters which are sure to come in the future. Working with volunteers from two organizations based in my congressional district, I believe twin strategies are necessary to help guarantee that these structures are safe and strong. A friend and neighbor of mine, David Rivard, created an organization called Codes and Safety for the Americas, CASA, while his wife created an organization called Airline Ambassadors International. David and Nancy Rivard are extraordinary and exemplary citizens, giving of their own time, energy, effort, and resources to help our neighbors in this hemisphere. Mr. Speaker, we must ensure that reconstruction which is financed by the United States taxpayer is less likely to succumb to hurricane-force winds or be built in mudslide-prone areas. Building projects funded by USAID must be models of quality construction. We also must cultivate a culture of code compliance in developing countries through exchanges of building professionals, educational seminars, and other expertise- sharing programs. I look forward to working with the administration and these two organizations in making the strategies a reality in our rebuilding efforts around the globe. In the meantime, today's resolution achieves the objective of building safe and sturdy dwellings by supporting the adoption and implementation of disaster-mitigation techniques by the governments and construction sectors of countries which are prone to natural disasters. I urge all my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Resolution 479. The 1956 Hungarian uprising against Soviet occupation and domination was the defining event for Hungary in the 20th century. It continues to be a critical element of the Hungarian people's identity and the defining moment in the world's perception of Hungary well into the 21st century. The 1956 Hungarian Revolution was also a decisive event for the Soviet Union, for the United States, and for the entire world during the Cold War. Beginning this fall and continuing through November of 2006, the Hungarian people in Hungary and wherever they live around the globe are proudly celebrating the 50th anniversary of their 1956 fight for freedom, democracy, and independence. Mr. Speaker, the Hungarian struggle for freedom and recognition as an independent nation among the nations of the world has been long and difficult. In 1848, the Hungarian people united in the fight to assert their independence from the Hapsburg Empire, only to have their liberty denied by Russian troops which came to the aid of Austria. Although Hungary was given a measure of autonomy in the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, it was not until the end of World War I that it became a fully independent state, though with considerably reduced territory. After independence, Hungary suffered increasingly authoritarian governments, fell into the Nazi Germany sphere of influence, was eventually occupied by Nazi Germany military forces, and at the end of World War II was occupied by the Soviet Army, when it began nearly a half century of Soviet communist domination. One of the brightest moments in the Hungarian struggle for freedom and independence came in October 1956 when university students, workers, and Hungarians of all walks of life rallied against the Soviet occupation of their country. The local allies of the Soviets fought against the popular uprising, but Soviet troops initially withdrew from Budapest. The reform government of Prime Minister Imre Nagy took steps to establish a multiparty democracy, called for the removal of all Soviet troops, announced Hungary's withdrawal from the Warsaw Pact and requested United Nations aid in establishing Hungarian neutrality. The Kremlin saw the events in Hungary as a fatal danger to communist dominance of Central Europe and their international status. Soviet troops were ordered into Budapest. Massive aerial and artillery bombardments and 6,000 Soviet tanks were launched against the city. Struggling against overwhelming odds, the Hungarian workers and students continued the fight, but in the end, they were overcome by the crushing Soviet force. The black and white television and newsreel pictures of the fight for Budapest seen by the American people and the entire world were one of the most powerful and enduring images of the entire Cold War. In many ways, the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 defined the Cold War. The uprising of the Hungarian people dramatically confirmed the widespread contempt in which the Soviet Union was held even by its supposed allies. The uprising exposed the underlying weakness of the Communist system imposed by the Soviet Union, and it was a spectacular demonstration of the strength of support for democracy and the right of peoples to determine their own national destiny. The revolution of 1956, Mr. Speaker, remains a defining element of the identity of the Hungarian people. In the late 1980s, as the Soviet noose around Hungary and the other Soviet-dominated countries of Central Europe began to loosen, the Hungarian people again returned to the events of 1956 to express their love for freedom and their desire for independence. In 1989, the official rehabilitation and public reburial of Prime Minister Imre Nagy who was tried and executed by the Soviets for his role in 1956 was a key marker of the reassertion of Hungarian independence. At the same time, the rehabilitation of other individuals who played a role in 1956 and the public celebration of the uprising itself were important in affirming Hungarian sovereignty. One of the most important symbolic Hungarian actions during this time was the government decision to formally designate October 23 the date on which the Hungarian uprising began, as a national holiday of the Republic of Hungary. It is significant, Mr. Speaker, that one of the key events bringing down the Berlin Wall and bringing an end to the Soviet Union and its dominance of Central Europe was the Hungarian decision in August of 1989 to open the Hungarian border with Austria to East German citizens. East Germans who could not pass through the Berlin Wall could travel through Hungary and after August 1989 could go to Austria and then to West Germany. More than any other event, this bold Hungarian initiative led to the collapse of the East German communist regime and the opening of the Berlin Wall. Mr. Speaker, as Hungarians in Hungary and around the world mark the half century since the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, it is so appropriate that we in the United States Congress, on behalf of the American people, join in affirming the significance of that event, and that we express the condolences of the American people to those who lost their lives and their futures in their fight for freedom and liberty. The changes that have transformed Hungary and its people in the last 15 years, the entry of Hungary into NATO, its accession to the European Union, its embrace of a free, open and democratic society are possible because of what happened a half a century ago. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution which affirms our friendship and cooperation with the Hungarian government and the Hungarian people. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, the resolution before the House today honors the memory of one of the 20th century's most remarkable leaders. It has now been more than a decade since Yitzhak Rabin was laid to rest. Just 3 weeks ago, it was my great honor to represent the Congress at the official remembrance ceremony for Prime Minister Rabin at his grave on Mount Herzl in Jerusalem. It was a deeply emotional event and a spell-binding experience. Rabin was eulogized by many, but none spoke more eloquently and with more feeling than former President Bill Clinton and our current Secretary of State, Dr. Condoleezza Rice. As is the custom in Israel, I placed rocks on the graves of both Yitzhak Rabin and his wife, Leah, who were friends of mine and my wife, Annette, as well. I was privileged to attend the opening of the Yitzhak Rabin Center for Israeli Studies housed in Tel Aviv in a building designed by the incredibly talented architect Moshe Safdie. Through exhibits, seminars and scholarship, it will serve as an appropriate and permanent memorial to the late, great Prime Minister. Many of us in this Chamber remember where we were and what we were doing and the devastation we felt on November 4, 1995, as if the tragedy had happened just moments ago. I was reading a book about Abraham Lincoln, the first American President to be assassinated. I remember telling my wife that despite all their difficulties, troubles and turmoil, the Israelis at least escaped seeing their leaders assassinated; and an hour later, the television reported that Rabin had just been shot to death. Rabin's life was more majestic than the moment of his murder was horrible, powerful as the memory of that moment is. His life was rich with legendary achievements and, as befits the first native-born Israeli to lead his Nation, his life was also rich with symbolism: He played a key role in Israel's War of Independence, and he was critical, of course, to Israel's historic success in the Six-Day War. As Ambassador to the United States, he helped lay the groundwork of U.S. support for Israel in the Yom Kippur War. His honest, piercing insights and sometimes gruff style seemed to epitomize a Nation renowned both for brilliance and directness. In his last years, at times he publicly reflected on the meaning of peace and war and life and death. And, when he did so, he surprised many of us by revealing in a gravelly voice and in incongruously defined tones, a soul seemingly forged by the psalmists and the profits. His story has been told and retold many times and is familiar to most of us. As a youth, he turned down a British mandate scholarship that would have allowed him to study hydraulic engineering at Berkeley, my alma mater, and perhaps pursue a life of more conventional success. Instead, he anchored his life to serving his people and his homeland. He became a warrior, a strategist, a politician, a diplomat, a statesman, and a peacemaker. He became a general, a chief of staff, an ambassador, a defense minister, and a prime minister. My wife, Annette, and I were privileged to know him in all of his various roles. We knew him and his wife Leah well, and we loved them dearly. Rabin was already a giant of Israeli history when he initiated the period of intense peacemaking that began with the Oslo agreement. For all his many legendary accomplishments, it is that period that dominates our memory of him, in part because it contrasted so sharply with the military glories of his past and because he was cruelly and tragically forced to exit the scene before he found out if his labors for peace would bear fruit. President Clinton has said that there undoubtedly would have been peace had Rabin lived. I am not so sure. But we will never know for certain. It is more than possible that Rabin's best efforts would have been thwarted by the devious and malevolent Arafat, just as the best efforts of Rabin's successors were. But I do know this, Mr. Speaker. Rabin would have signed a final peace agreement only if he were absolutely convinced that it would enhance the security of the democratic State of Israel. The one final peace agreement he did sign, the treaty with Jordan, is today the sturdiest of all Israel's various agreements with Arab States, and Yitzhak was a peacemaker with a spine of steel. To me, one aspect of Rabin's life stands out above all others. He was a leader. Shimon Peres said it well of Prime Minister Rabin at his funeral, calling him ``a rare leader, capable of uprooting mountains and blazing trails, of designating a goal and achieving it.'' Many qualities contributed to his supreme leadership skills, not least his thorough identification with his people, their aspirations, their anguish, and their sorrows. But his extra dimension, what made him a special leader, a giant among giants, was his remarkable intellect and his capacity for intellectual growth. As he aged, his mind seemed to grow ever more keen and supple. When he signed the agreement with Arafat in 1993, he explained it in part by saying that the Iraqi missiles that rained down on Tel Aviv convinced him that territory alone would not bring security, and that the intifada of 1987 had convinced him that Israel could never forever rule angry and hostile people. When he embraced peace, Rabin implicitly created an operational paradigm for a two-state solution, subsequently adopted by our own government, a paradigm that remains at the heart of all realistic visions of peace today, a paradigm that has been embraced and elaborated upon by some of his fiercest critics. Above all, Rabin believed passionately in democracy and its values. In his final speech, at the peace rally in Tel Aviv, and President Clinton and Condoleezza Rice and several of us, several tens of thousands of us attended a similar rally at the same place 3 weeks ago, his final speech indicated that he was aware of foreboding intelligence reports because he warned, and I quote, ``violence undermines the very foundations of democracy. Controversies may arise in democracy, but the decision must be reached through Democratic elections.'' Moments later, he became a martyr to a gunshot. Today, 10 years after the tragedy, we look at Rabin even with the clear-headedness that was his own hallmark, and we recognize him as one of the towering figures of our lifetime. We miss him, but we are guided by his multiple legacy of courage and wisdom and belief in the unflagging importance of U.S.-Israeli friendship and his intertwined commitment to security and peace. It is very appropriate that our body honor the memory of one of our great late friends, Mr. Speaker. I strongly support this legislation, and I urge all of my colleagues to do so. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel).

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no additional requests for time, and we yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I might consume. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this resolution. The primary pathology that infects the United Nations General Assembly is its continuing obsession with singling out and castigating the democratic nation of Israel by the passing of a series of outrageous resolutions. Mr. Speaker, I applaud my good friend and colleague from New Jersey (Mr. Rothman) for offering this measure which encourages the U.N. to confront this pathology. Mr. Speaker, the U.N.'s obsessive focus on Israel is not just an obstacle to the promotion of peace between Israel and the Palestinian people. The massive amount of time and resources spent on this issue by the General Assembly and the so-called U.N. Human Rights Commission crowds out the consideration of truly critical problems such as the ongoing genocide in Darfur, the AIDS crisis in Africa, Mugabe's murderous campaign against his own citizens in Zimbabwe, and scores of other real issues. The climate created by the repeated passage of anti-Israeli measures at the U.N. also emboldens the most hate-filled, ignorant, and pathological members of the international community such as Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who recently declared that Israel should be wiped off the map. The U.N.'s repeated official condemnation of Israel's efforts to provide basic security for its citizens also emboldens further violence and terrorism against innocent Israelis. Just yesterday, five innocent Israeli civilians were killed by suicide bombers. Since Israel's population is 1/60th of ours, this would have amounted to mass murder had it occurred in the United States. Mr. Speaker, several recent developments have provided the U.N. with an opportunity to move past its shameful legacy of bias and hatred for Israel. After decades of exclusion from positions of leadership at the U.N., Israel has gained a more normal status at the organization, culminating in the recent historic election of Israeli Ambassador Gillerman as vice president of the General Assembly. Mr. Speaker, the U.N. currently has two bold and principled leaders who have committed themselves to confronting the U.N.'s lingering anti- Semitism. Secretary General Kofi Annan has made numerous statements on this issue and convened an historic commemorative session on the 60 anniversary of the liberation of the Nazi death camps earlier this year. The new president of the General Assembly, Sweden's former distinguished ambassador here in Washington, my dear friend Jan Eliasson, pressed the General Assembly to adopt a U.N. date to memorialize the suffering of the Jewish people in the Holocaust as the first official act of the 60th session. Mr. Speaker, the current U.N. reform effort also presents the organization with an opportunity to eliminate the three entities that support anti-Israel propaganda: The Division For Palestinian Rights, the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People, and the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Human Rights Practices Affecting the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories. That is quite a title for an organization, which is useless. Mr. Speaker, I earnestly hope that the U.N. will take advantage of this moment and will begin to reverse its pattern of outrageous attacks on Israel. I urge all of my colleagues to support H. Res. 438. Mr. Speaker, I yield 6 minutes to my good friend and distinguished colleague from New Jersey (Mr. Rothman), the sponsor of the resolution. (Mr. ROTHMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), a distinguished member of the International Relations Committee.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no additional requests for time and yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 3269. At the outset, I want to congratulate my good friend from Iowa (Mr. Leach) for introducing this thoughtful legislation. The Bank of International Settlements is the world's oldest international financial institution and plays a little-known, but key, role as the central bank to central banks. It also provides technical assistance to central banks of developing countries. Although the U.S. Federal Reserve has two members on the board, because of recent restructuring, the bank is now owned by those central banks that have deposits in it and therefore technically does not satisfy the requirements of the International Organizations Immunities Act, which extends immunity to organizations in which the United States is a member. Our legislation applies these immunities to the bank, helping it to maintain its important role and providing an incentive to keep these reserves in the United States. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.