Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Plan Colombia and its successive program, the Andean Counterdrug Initiative, are essential for strengthening the most viable democracy and the most loyal U.S. ally in the Andean region. The amendment offered by the two distinguished gentlemen from Indiana (Mr. Burton) and (Mr. Souder) will aid the Colombian security forces in their effort to track the movement of narcotics traffickers in the air, and for that reason I will support the amendment. I have one concern which I do want to register for the record. Colombia faces many challenges in addition to fighting narcotrafficking. Poverty is endemic in much of the countryside. The police, judges, prosecutors, doctors and teachers are often not present in many small towns because of the security situation and the lack of resources by the Colombian government. We should seek to ensure that as we support the efforts of the Uribe administration to beat back the terrorists and their drug-dealing accomplices, we also provide resources to him so that he can extend basic government services to those most in need. I was very disappointed that a provision seeking to ensure the maintenance of just such a balance in our approach to Colombia was rejected along party lines in our committee and in the Committee on Rules. If the Souder amendment were to be adopted, the purchase of the two aircraft it mandates would represent approximately 20 percent of the amount budgeted this year for the development of all of Colombia under the Andean Counterdrug Initiative. This illustrates the point that a significant rebalancing of our assistance package to Colombia is in order. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff), a valued member of the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Chairman, I am not opposed to the amendment, but I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin), who has done extraordinary work on the Helsinki Commission.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), the chairman of the Democratic Caucus, a serious and hard-working member of the Committee on International Relations. (Mr. MENENDEZ asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Chairman, I am not opposed to the amendment, but I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I am not opposed to the amendment, and I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to this amendment. I deeply regret that the majority has chosen to offer this amendment. If adopted, this amendment, which barely passed along partisan lines last month, will blight a very serious and bipartisan effort by the Committee on International Relations to create the authorization bill before us. Let me state at the outset, Madam Chairman, that I share the passionate commitment of the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) to meaningful and thorough reforms at the United Nations. This global institution must become more transparent and more accountable. Its employees must be held to the highest ethical and moral standards, and the abuses of the Oil-for-Food Program must never be repeated. But, Madam Chairman, the deluge of stories of scandal at the United Nations has forced a long overdue recognition of a fundamental fact: the United Nations is a derivative reality, reflecting its less-than- perfect member states in a deeply flawed world. I would like to remind all of my colleagues that there will be no quick fix for an organization composed of 191 member states that in varying degrees have their own shortcomings, injustices, flaws, and hypocrisies of all types. Because a quick fix is not to be expected, nor will a rigid and unbending punitive measure bring about long-term solution, I must oppose this amendment. I want to tell my Republican colleagues that this Republican administration also opposes the Hyde amendment. It has stated unambiguously its strong opposition to the automatic withholding provisions of this measure. Madam Chairman, the Lord gave us ten commandments, but the amendment before us gives us 46. What is worse, if the United Nations achieves 45 of those goals and only achieves half of the 46th requirement, this amendment will automatically cut off 50 percent of U.S. contribution to the United Nations. With such a mindlessly inflexible mechanism, this amendment is a guillotine on autopilot. It will force us to cut 50 percent of our dues to the U.N. even if that institution is moving quickly and effectively to implement meaningful reform. The amendment would also be a death blow to peacekeeping. Immediately upon enactment, the United States would be forced to oppose any new or expanded mission until every single reform is implemented, many of which will take years to implement. Rwanda-style genocides could unfold before our eyes, and the United States would be paralyzed and would be incapable of acting. Madam Chairman, this amendment will cause our Nation to go back into arrears at the United Nations without achieving its desired outcome. Given the important role the United Nations is currently playing in Afghanistan, in Darfur and elsewhere, I fail to see how our going into arrears will promote American national security interests. It will only force the United States to take on global responsibilities on a unilateral basis at a moment when our troops and our diplomats are already spread thin. For these reasons, and because it would significantly undermine the underlying authorization act, which does reflect a unique bipartisan consensus about our Nation's foreign policy priorities, I strongly urge all of my colleagues to reject this amendment. I particularly appeal to my Republican colleagues. During an earlier debate on this very issue, practically every single Democrat voted to approve a more flexible measure that would put the punitive power into the hands of our distinguished Secretary of State, not leave it on automatic pilot. I hope we will find a dozen Republicans who will put the national interests ahead of a partisan consideration. Certainly the administration has done so. The administration is on record opposing this amendment. Practically the entire Democratic side of this body is opposed to this amendment. We trust that there will be a dozen Republicans who will listen to reason and will see the virtue of providing our distinguished Secretary of State with the discretion that she needs and will be fully prepared to use. Madam Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I want to commend my good friend, the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier), for offering this very valuable and important amendment. Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has undertaken numerous post-conflict reconstruction and stabilization operations in Bosnia, Kosovo, East Timor, Haiti, Somalia, and now in Afghanistan and Iraq. Given the dangerous and ever-changing world we live in, we will most surely have to undertake many more similar operations. Today, we witness numerous international crises that, if left ignored, will most certainly threaten not only the security of the United States, but the entire world. We need to look no further than September 11, 2001, to understand why the failure to respond adequately to weak and failed states can have catastrophic consequences for our country. In 2004, in response to the threat of failing and post-conflict states and our national and international security interests, the administration established the Office for the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization to enhance our Nation's institutional capability to respond to crises involving failing, failed, post- conflict countries, and complex emergencies. The Dreier amendment will enhance our capacity to support reconstruction and stabilization activities in conflict and post- conflict countries by establishing an Active Response Corps. This will consist of United States Government personnel with the training and expertise to participate in stabilization and reconstruction activities, thereby improving our capacity to assist countries in recovering from conflict. It will be a critically important weapon in our arsenal in supporting post-conflict countries. I urge all of my colleagues to support this amendment. Madam Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from California (Mr. Farr).

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I strongly support the amendment of the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe). I urge all of my colleagues to do so as well. Over half a million ethnic minorities have been forced from their homes in Eastern Burma. These minorities have left their homes because they have no other option. Burmese military forces are committing horrendous human rights abuses which give families living in Eastern Burma no option. Ethnic minorities which remain in their homes in Eastern Burma face forced relocation, rape, village destruction and forced labor. The half a million ethnic minorities who live life on the run in the jungles of Eastern Burma face horrendous conditions. They have no homes, no ability to grow their own food, no access to medical facilities or education for their children. Exposed to ongoing state-sponsored violence and systematic human rights abuses, they lack protection from both the government and the international humanitarian community. The Poe amendment would provide $3 million per year to established reputable NGOs working on the Thai-Burma border to provide direct humanitarian assistance to internally displaced persons inside Burma. It will be extremely difficult work, but it is imperative that the international community get aid to these ethnic minorities in Burma as soon as possible. Again, Madam Chairman, I want to commend my friend from Texas, and I strongly urge all of my colleagues to vote for this amendment. Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Chairman, I am not opposed to the amendment, but I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the amendment offered by the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Kennedy) and my good friend, the gentlewoman from Oregon (Ms. Hooley). The scourge of methamphetamine addiction is overtaking our streets and ruining the lives of thousands of Americans. This amendment will identify the top five countries which export the precursor chemicals for methamphetamine as well as the top five importers. The amendment also threatens to withhold 50 percent of U.S. assistance from the top five exporters and importers of methamphetamines if they fail to cooperate with the United States in the war on illegal drugs. Hopefully, this threat will persuade them to cooperate fully with us to end this abhorrent trade. I urge all of my colleagues to support this amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentlewoman from Oregon (Ms. Hooley) for purposes of control.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I am not opposed to the amendment. I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and rise in strong support of this concurrent resolution. Mr. Speaker, in the context of this commemoration of what happened on the watery battlefields of the Pacific 60 years ago, I want to draw special attention to the actions of one of our most esteemed colleagues in this body, an esteem that is bound to grow once people know and understand the extent of his contributions to the allies' success in this crucial part of World War II. Our distinguished colleague and my dear friend, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), now the respected chairman of the House International Relations Committee, back then was a young Naval officer facing the most important battle of his life. On January 9, 1945, he piloted a landing craft into the Lingayen Gulf as part of a massive landing force hoping to establish a beachhead on the Philippine island of Luzon. His mission was to help liberate the people of the Philippines from Japanese control. The liberation of the Philippines and the eventual victory of allied forces in the War in the Pacific now seems to have been predetermined. Yet it was anything but decided during this important moment in global history. Fortunately, Mr. Speaker, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) survived the battle of Lingayan Gulf. For his exemplary service to his Nation, he was awarded the Asiatic-Pacific Campaign Medal, the World War II Victory Medal, the American Campaign Medal, and the Philippines Liberation Medal. Mr. Speaker, it is evident to those of us who have had the privilege of working alongside him in the intervening years, that the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde's) tenacity in battle extends to other forms of conflict. But it is also clear that he is committed to bipartisan cooperation in the national interest whenever possible. He has remained loyal to the values that propelled him into public service. Mr. Speaker, I have the greatest respect and admiration for the sacrifices of American soldiers, many of whom gave their lives in this epic battle against the forces of fascism and Japanese militarism. I owe my very life to the American military and to the troops of other allied countries which liberated Europe at enormous costs. There are millions of citizens in the Asia-Pacific region, from the Philippines to Korea, who also owe their freedom to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) and the thousands of other brave Americans. In many ways, Mr. Speaker, the victory over Japan was more of a beginning than an end. In the aftermath of World War II, the United States developed strong alliances across the Asia-Pacific region, which have only strengthened for the past 5 decades. The United States and Japan have developed a robust multifaceted relationship based on shared democratic values and mutual interests in Asian and global stability and development. The strength of our relationship with Japan today and the relative peace of the Asia-Pacific region for over 50 years demonstrate the value of the sacrifices made by the brave American soldiers in the Pacific theater. With the passage of our resolution, we commemorate these enormous contributions to peace, and we commit ourselves to remembering for all time those who made the ultimate sacrifice for this Nation. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, before yielding to my friend, the gentlewoman from Guam (Ms. Bordallo), I just want to express my most profound gratitude to my friend, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), the distinguished chairman of our committee. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Guam (Ms. Bordallo).

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 356. Mr. Speaker, once again the backbone, resilience and resistance to barbarity shown by the citizens of Great Britain have inspired men and women everywhere who love liberty and know that it comes with a price. The aftermath of last week's horrendous events in London and memories of an earlier generation's response to the German blitz bring clearly to mind a quality we Americans have long admired about our British cousins: the unwavering will to withstand a setback and then to get on with it. By their words and by their deeds in the past week, the people of the United Kingdom have demonstrated yet again that they will not allow brutality to intimidate them. Far from it. They and we shall prevail. Queen Elizabeth, II, who as a teenager helped rally her country to repel tyranny during World War II, was eloquent but emphatic on this point a few days ago as she visited the wounded in a London hospital. ``Those who perpetrate these brutal acts against innocent people should know that they will not change our way of life. Atrocities such as these simply reinforce our sense of community, our humanity, and our trust in the rule of law. That is the clear message from all of us.'' Mr. Speaker, while the Irish playwright George Bernard Shaw may have been correct when he observed that ``England and America are two countries divided by a common language,'' today there is no sentiment more closely shared by Americans and Britons, nor one so clearly stated, as what Her Majesty said: the perpetrators of this revolting attack ``will not change our way of life.'' Their deeds ``simply reinforce our sense of community, our humanity, and,'' despite the all- too-human impulse to exact swift retribution, ``our trust in the rule of law.'' Mr. Speaker, our resolution on the events in London now before the House expresses outrage, fortitude and the readiness to provide whatever resources are needed to bring those responsible to justice. On behalf of all our constituents, and all our compatriots, we in the Congress of the United States extend across the Atlantic our deepest condolences and our outstretched hand in solidarity. On September 12, 2001, Prime Minister Tony Blair called the dark events of the day before ``an attack on the free and democratic world everywhere.'' What happened in London on July 7, 2005, was just such an assault. For the sake of democracy and freedom, it cannot and it will not go unanswered. Coming as it did on the heels of an exalted week for Britain with the eyes of the world turned first on Wimbledon, then on the G-8 meeting at Gleneagles and finally on the triumph of being entrusted with the Olympic Games of 2012, this sickening blow may have seemed all the more horrific by contrast with those previous days. Mr. Speaker, let our response to this outrage be neither to recoil nor to lash out, but to renew our determination to eradicate terrorism so that never again can it cast its insidious shadow over our peaceful lives. I urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution unanimously. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to reemphasize our united determination to stand with the people of the United Kingdom in their moment of sorrow and anguish and to reiterate our determination not to rest until terrorism is destroyed on the face of this planet. Mr. Speaker, I have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in sadness to honor the extraordinary life and service of Tess Manalo-Ventresca. Ms. Manalo- Ventresca died on Tuesday, July 12th, 2005 of complications from heart surgery. I wish to offer my sincere condolences to her husband Joel Ventresca, her family and friends. Tess Manalo-Ventresca's passing is a loss for the people of the 12th Congressional district. Tess was an extraordinary human being, one we all can look up to in hopes of serving our community as selflessly as she did. For the past 30 years Tess played a vital role in the Bay Area community, volunteering in the Haight Ashbury, the Tenderloin and the Sunset districts of San Francisco. She donated her time to numerous causes, from helping local youths to assisting underserved communities, to promoting small, local businesses and neighborhood safety. Most recently she was a volunteer with Experience Corps at the Sunset Beacon Center. For the past five years she participated in this program, which places older adult volunteers in public schools to provide tutoring for children in need. Ms. Manalo-Ventresca never looked for accolades, no matter how richly deserved; nevertheless they were showered upon her. Earlier this year, she was named California Woman of the Year by the California State Assembly and was chosen to be an Asian Pacific American 2005 Local Hero by KQED. In April she was selected for a MetLife Foundation Older Volunteers Enrich America Award. Just last April my wife Annette and I met with Tess. I could not then, and can not now, express adequately the appreciation I have for the incredible work she did throughout her lifetime. The Sunset, the Bay Area and the country need more people like Tess. To the very end Tess was working on projects to help children live up to their potential and to improve the neighborhoods in which we live. Tess helped give children a brighter future, a gift that will live on with us forever. The joy she brought to life will never be forgotten.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong support of H.R. 3100, the East Asia Security Act of 2005. Mr. Speaker, tens of thousands of American troops are currently deployed in Asia, and the American Armed Forces one day could be sent to the Taiwan Strait to help defend the island nation from invasion by Mainland China. It is also possible that American troops might be mobilized in other circumstances in East Asia. We certainly do not seek a military confrontation with China. Our country is actively working to reduce the possibility of any hostilities with that country. At the same time, I am certain that my colleagues remember our tense confrontation with China over the incident involving an American EP-3 aircraft that was forced to land at Hainan Island in southern China after it was harassed and damaged by a Chinese fighter aircraft. In addition to our own troops' safety, Mr. Speaker, our country has other vital interests throughout the Asia Pacific region, including the national and economic security interests of our friends and allies. Earlier this year, we faced a serious problem when the European Union announced its ill-advised intention to lift the embargo against the sale of sophisticated weapons to China. For the American people, this raised the threat that American soldiers could face the latest in high- tech weaponry manufactured in Europe as well as Chinese weapons systems that could be greatly improved by European technology. In February of this year, this House adopted House Resolution 57, introduced by my good friend, the distinguished chairman of the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), and myself. That resolution called upon the Europeans to maintain their embargo on arms sales to China; and as my colleagues recall, Mr. Speaker, the Hyde-Lantos resolution was adopted in the House by a vote of 411 to 3. Our European allies received that clear message, and their ill- advised effort to lift the embargo was quietly dropped. I welcomed that action by the European Union. The embargo on arms sales was initially initiated because of China's horrendous human rights record. Nothing about that record has changed in the 16 years since the Tiananmen Square Massacre. The only difference is China's dramatically increasing military strength and the consequent threat to the entire region. Even with the embargo still in place, Mr. Speaker, several of the leading nations of Europe have dramatically increased their sales to China of military-related goods and high technology. In 2003, the last year for which data is available, these sales amounted to over a half a billion dollars from some European Union countries, including France, Germany, Italy, and the Czech Republic. Other non-European Union countries have also sold significant military equipment to China which represents a threat to regional stability. For all of these reasons, it is important that we make clear our opposition to the sale of sophisticated military equipment to China, and that we establish penalties by law against those companies and countries that engage in sales that are damaging to our own national security interests and the security of East Asia. Our legislation, the Hyde-Lantos legislation, H.R. 3100, covers any nation whose policies permit the export of dangerous military materiel and technology to China. At the President's discretion, he can publicize the activities of any country that is transferring sensitive goods and technology to the People's Republic of China, and he has the authority to impose sanctions if he chooses. For any country that is involved in sensitive defense research and development projects with the United States, and whose practices have the potential to allow the transfer of U.S. technology to the People's Republic of China, the Hyde-Lantos bill would require that all U.S. exports of goods and technology to these countries be carefully reviewed and licensed prior to export. Our bill is extremely important to persuade other countries that there will be severe consequences if they fail to respect the security interests of their most important ally, the United States of America. I urge all of my colleagues to support this bill.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, it is with great honor that I rise today in recognition of the extraordinary achievements of Irma Velasquez, who was recently awarded the Thomas Jefferson Award for Public Service for her creation of a school for autistic children in my district. With her son as inspiration, Ms. Velasquez started Wings Learning Center five years ago so children with autism would have the tools to excel in the face of even the toughest disabilities. The Thomas Jefferson Award for Public Service has been nationally administered since 1972 by the American Institute for Public Service. The award is given to those who are committed to making a difference in their community. Ms. Velasquez was given her award by the San Francisco Chronicle for her tireless pursuit in search of techniques to let autistic children flourish. Mr. Speaker, her son Aaron was diagnosed with autism at the age of three. Having received her bachelor's degree in Economics and Business Administration from San Francisco State University and working as an accountant, she was ill-prepared for the diagnosis. Ms. Velasquez knew little about how to help her son with his disability and how to interact with him in daily life. She searched for the right education that could help her son while at the same time she educated herself about autism. Not satisfied with the special education disabled students were receiving at the schools in her district, she and her husband, Sherman Chan, started a unique school for her son. Wings Learning Center, in San Mateo, California, maintains a team approach in the classroom and creates play groups that focus on social and motor skills. In addition to a dedicated set of teachers, the staff also consists of speech and occupational therapists. Today this primary school has 14 students enrolled from all over the Bay Area with more students starting in the fall of 2005. Ultimately Wings Learning Center hopes to find enough space to expand into a high school and provide training and support programs for educators. Mr. Speaker, I believe Irma Velasquez deserves more recognition. What started as love for her child and a drive to understand his world quickly turned into an opportunity to help other children and offer resources for parents in a similar situation. I urge my colleagues to join me in paying tribute to Irma Velasquez, and wish her well on a promising future as a provider of special education for autistic children.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of the resolution. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from New Jersey, (Mr. Smith), and our colleague on the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), for introducing this excellent resolution urging free and fair elections in Albania. I am pleased to be a cosponsor of the resolution. Mr. Speaker, it was 15 years ago this month that I had the privilege of being the first American Government official to set foot in Albania after a 44-year hiatus. At that time, Albania was taking its first halting steps to end a half a century of Communist dictatorship and self-imposed international isolation. Wherever I traveled throughout the country, from formal meetings with top government officials to casual chats with students at the University of Tirana, crowds of Albanians gathered, looking on curiously and apprehensively, but hopefully. They were anxious to join the world community, but they were fearful of the consequences of transforming the political and economic system that they knew, despite its profound failings. Since 1990, Albania has worked with the United States and has participated in NATO's Partnership for Peace program. The Albanian Government has made it clear that it is very anxious to join NATO and to strengthen its relations with our Nation. Albania has indicated its desire to become a full member of the European Union with all of the economic and political obligations that that implies. Albania's road to democracy and full international participation has not been easy. The country's parliamentary and local elections during the 1990s were marred by electoral irregularities and fraud. This hampered its desire for closer links with the Euro-Atlantic community. The Albanian election now scheduled for July 3 provides a new opportunity for the people of Albania to demonstrate their readiness for closer ties with the United States and the democratic nations of Europe. I have been encouraged by the commitment of Albania's leaders, Prime Minister Fatos Nano of the Socialist Party, and former President Sali Berisha of the Democratic Party, to see that this election will meet international standards for free, fair, open, and democratic elections. The July 3 election is one of the most important in Albania since the end of the Communist era. The United States and the international community will be watching this election very carefully to determine whether Albania truly meets international standards. For Albania to make the progress that it seeks in becoming a full member of the Euro- Atlantic community within NATO and the European Union, these elections must be free and fair beyond a doubt. Our resolution expresses the support of the Congress and the American people for open and democratic elections in Albania. It also urges our President to express to the people and the political leadership of Albania the great importance our Nation attaches to the July 3 elections. It is certainly accurate to say that the way the upcoming Albanian elections are conducted will be a central factor in determining the future relationship between the United States and Albania. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.