Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of the resolution. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from New Jersey, (Mr. Smith), and our colleague on the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), for introducing this excellent resolution urging free and fair elections in Albania. I am pleased to be a cosponsor of the resolution. Mr. Speaker, it was 15 years ago this month that I had the privilege of being the first American Government official to set foot in Albania after a 44-year hiatus. At that time, Albania was taking its first halting steps to end a half a century of Communist dictatorship and self-imposed international isolation. Wherever I traveled throughout the country, from formal meetings with top government officials to casual chats with students at the University of Tirana, crowds of Albanians gathered, looking on curiously and apprehensively, but hopefully. They were anxious to join the world community, but they were fearful of the consequences of transforming the political and economic system that they knew, despite its profound failings. Since 1990, Albania has worked with the United States and has participated in NATO's Partnership for Peace program. The Albanian Government has made it clear that it is very anxious to join NATO and to strengthen its relations with our Nation. Albania has indicated its desire to become a full member of the European Union with all of the economic and political obligations that that implies. Albania's road to democracy and full international participation has not been easy. The country's parliamentary and local elections during the 1990s were marred by electoral irregularities and fraud. This hampered its desire for closer links with the Euro-Atlantic community. The Albanian election now scheduled for July 3 provides a new opportunity for the people of Albania to demonstrate their readiness for closer ties with the United States and the democratic nations of Europe. I have been encouraged by the commitment of Albania's leaders, Prime Minister Fatos Nano of the Socialist Party, and former President Sali Berisha of the Democratic Party, to see that this election will meet international standards for free, fair, open, and democratic elections. The July 3 election is one of the most important in Albania since the end of the Communist era. The United States and the international community will be watching this election very carefully to determine whether Albania truly meets international standards. For Albania to make the progress that it seeks in becoming a full member of the Euro- Atlantic community within NATO and the European Union, these elections must be free and fair beyond a doubt. Our resolution expresses the support of the Congress and the American people for open and democratic elections in Albania. It also urges our President to express to the people and the political leadership of Albania the great importance our Nation attaches to the July 3 elections. It is certainly accurate to say that the way the upcoming Albanian elections are conducted will be a central factor in determining the future relationship between the United States and Albania. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to inform my colleagues of the forthright, courageous, and eloquent speech on democratization that Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice delivered on June 20, 2005, to an audience at the American University in Cairo during her trip this week to Egypt. In Cairo, Secretary Rice acknowledged that democracies may vary somewhat from place to place, but she emphasized that there are certain ground-rules common to all democracies: ``the right to speak freely, the right to associate, the right to worship as you wish, the freedom to educate your children--boys and girls, and freedom from the midnight knock of the secret police'' among others. Then she delivered powerful messages to both Middle Eastern authoritarian rulers and their citizens. To the rulers, Rice warned that ``the fear of free choices can no longer justify the denial of liberty. It is time to abandon the excuses that are made to avoid the hard work of democracy.'' Mr. Speaker, to the citizens of the Middle East she offered hope: ``Millions of people are demanding freedom for themselves and democracy for their countries. To these courageous men and women, I say today: All free nations will stand with you as you secure the blessings of your own liberty.'' The Secretary commended President Mubarak's reform of presidential elections in Egypt, but she made clear that Egypt's implementation of the reform will be watched closely. And she defined exactly what fair implementation means: ``Opposition groups must be free to assemble, and to participate, and to speak to the media. Voting should occur without violence or intimidation. And international election monitors and observers must have unrestricted access to do their jobs.'' Moreover, she made clear that, even in the best circumstances, Egypt has a long way to go: ``The day must come when the rule of law replaces emergency decrees--and when the independent judiciary replaces arbitrary justice.'' Our Secretary of State has returned from the Middle East having re- affirmed American values and having made clear that our commitment to freedom in the Middle East is unflinching. And she communicated her message with a generosity of spirit and an understanding of the difficulties of democracy-building--as when she acknowledged America's painful history of slavery and discrimination--that made clear to her audience that the U.S. will be an empathetic partner along the path to freedom. Mr. Speaker, I ask that Secretary Rice's address be placed in the Record, and I urge my colleagues to read and give attention to her thoughtful remarks. Address of Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice at the American University in Cairo Thank you very much, Dr. Hala Mustafa, for that really kind and warm introduction and your inspiring thoughts about democracy here in the region. I am honored to be here in the great and ancient city of Cairo. The United States values our strategic relationship and our strengthening economic ties with Egypt. And American presidents since Ronald Reagan have benefited from the wisdom and the counsel of President Mubarak, with whom I had the pleasure of meeting earlier today. The people of America and Egypt have always desired to visit one another and to learn from one another. And the highest ideals of our partnership are embodied right here, in the American University of Cairo. This great center of learning has endured and thrived--from the days when our friendship was somewhat rocky, to today, when the relationship is strong. And I am very grateful and honored to address you in the halls of this great center of learning. Throughout its history, Egypt has always led this region through its moments of greatest decision. In the early 19th century, it was the reform-minded dynasty of Muhammad Ali that distinguished Egypt from the Ottoman Empire and began to transform it into the region's first modern nation. In the early 20th century, it was the forward-looking Wafd Party that rose in the aftermath of the First World War and established Cairo as the liberal heart of the ``Arab Awakening.'' And just three decades ago, it was Anwar Sadat who showed the way forward for the entire Middle East-- beginning difficult economic reforms and making peace with Israel. In these periods of historic decision, Egypt's leadership was as visionary as it was essential for progress. And now in our own time, we are faced with equally momentous choices--choices that will echo for generations to come. In this time of great decision, I have come to Cairo not to talk about the past, but to look to the future--to a future that Egyptians can lead and can define. Ladies and Gentlemen: In our world today, a growing number of men and women are securing their liberty. And as these people gain the power to choose, they are creating democratic governments in order to protect their natural rights. We should all look to a future when every government respects the will of its citizens--because the ideal of democracy is universal. For 60 years, my country, the United States, pursued stability at the expense of democracy in this region here in the Middle East--and we achieved neither. Now, we are taking a different course. We are supporting the democratic aspirations of all people. As President Bush said in his Second Inaugural Address: ``America will not impose our style of government on the unwilling. Our goal instead is to help others find their own voice, to attain their own freedom, and to make their own way.'' We know these advances will not come easily, or all at once. We know that different societies will find forms of democracy that work for them. When we talk about democracy, though, we are referring to governments that protect certain basic rights for all their citizens--among these, the right to speak freely. The right to associate. The right to worship as you wish. The freedom to educate your children--boys and girls. And freedom from the midnight knock of the secret police. Securing these rights is the hope of every citizen, and the duty of every government. In my own country, the progress of democracy has been long and difficult. And given our history, the United States has no cause for false pride and we have every reason for humility. After all, America was founded by individuals who knew that all human beings--and the governments they create--are inherently imperfect. And the United States was born half free and half slave. And it was only in my lifetime that my government guaranteed the right to vote for all of its people. Nevertheless, the principles enshrined in our Constitution enable citizens of conviction to move America closer every day to the ideal of democracy. Here in the Middle East, that same long hopeful process of democratic change is now beginning to unfold. Millions of people are demanding freedom for themselves and democracy for their countries. To these courageous men and women, I say today: All free nations will stand with you as you secure the blessings of your own liberty. I have just come from Jordan, where I met with the King and Queen--two leaders who have embraced reform for many years. And Jordan's education reforms are an example for the entire region. That government is moving toward political reforms that will decentralize power and give Jordanians a greater stake in their future. In Iraq, millions of citizens are refusing to surrender to terror the dream of freedom and democracy. When Baghdad was first designed, over twelve-hundred years ago, it was conceived as the ``Round City''--a city in which no citizen would be closer to the center of justice than any other. Today--after decades of murder, and tyranny, and injustice-- the citizens of Iraq are again reaching for the ideals of the Round City. Despite the attacks of violent and evil men, ordinary Iraqis are displaying great personal courage and remarkable resolve. And every step of the way--from regaining their sovereignty, to holding elections, to now writing a constitution--the people of Iraq are exceeding all expectations. The Palestinian people have also spoken. And their freely- elected government is working to seize the best opportunity in years to fulfill their historic dream of statehood. Courageous leaders, both among the Palestinians and the Israelis, are dedicated to seeking that peace. And they are working to build a shared trust. The Palestinian Authority will soon take control of the Gaza--a first step toward realizing the vision of two democratic states living side by side in peace and security. As Palestinians fight terror, and as the Israelis fulfill their obligations and responsibilities to help create a viable Palestinian state, the entire world--especially Egypt and the United States--will offer full support. In Lebanon, supporters of democracy are demanding independence from foreign masters. After the assassination of Rafiq Hariri, thousands of Lebanese citizens called for change. And when the murder of journalist Samir Qaseer reminded everyone of the reach and brutality of terror, the Lebanese people were still unafraid. They mourned their fellow patriot, but they united publicly with pens and pencils held aloft. It is not only the Lebanese people who desire freedom from Syria's police state. The Syrian people themselves share that aspiration. One hundred and seventy-nine Syrian academics and human rights activists are calling upon their government to ``let the Damascus spring flower, and let its flowers bloom.'' Syria's leaders should embrace this call--and learn to trust their people. The case of Syria is especially serious, because as its neighbors embrace democracy and political reform, Syria continues to harbor or directly support groups committed to violence--in Lebanon, and in Israel, and Iraq, and in the Palestinian territories. It is time for Syria to make a strategic choice to join the progress that is going on all around it. In Iran, people are losing patience with an oppressive regime that denies them their liberty and their rights. The appearance of elections does not mask the organized cruelty of Iran's theocratic state. The Iranian people, ladies and gentlemen, are capable of liberty. They desire liberty. And they deserve liberty. The time has come for the unelected few to release their grip on the aspirations of the proud people of Iran. In Saudi Arabia, brave citizens are demanding accountable government. And some good first steps toward openness have been taken with recent municipal elections. Yet many people pay an unfair price for exercising their basic rights. Three individuals in particular are currently imprisoned for peacefully petitioning their government. That should not be a crime in any country. Now, here in Cairo, President Mubarak's decision to amend the country's constitution and hold multiparty elections is encouraging. President Mubarak has unlocked the door for change. Now, the Egyptian Government must put its faith in its own people. We are all concerned for the future of Egypt's reforms when peaceful supporters of democracy--men and women--are not free from violence. The day must come when the rule of law replaces emergency decrees--and when the independent judiciary replaces arbitrary justice. The Egyptian Government must fulfill the promise it has made to its people--and to the entire world--by giving its citizens the freedom to choose. Egypt's elections, including the Parliamentary elections, must meet objective standards that define every free election. Opposition groups must be free to assemble, and to participate, and to speak to the media. Voting should occur without violence or intimidation. And international election monitors and observers must have unrestricted access to do their jobs. Those who would participate in elections, both supporters and opponents of the government, also have responsibilities. They must accept the rule of law, they must reject violence, they must respect the standards of free elections, and they must peacefully accept the results. Throughout the Middle East, the fear of free choices can no longer justify the denial of liberty. It is time to abandon the excuses that are made to avoid the hard work of democracy. There are those who say that democracy is being imposed. In fact, the opposite is true: Democracy is never imposed. It is tyranny that must be imposed. People choose democracy freely. And successful reform is always homegrown. Just look around the world today. For the first time in history, more people are citizens of democracies than of any other form of government. This is the result of choice, not of coercion. There are those who say that democracy leads to chaos, or conflict, or terror. In fact, the opposite is true: Freedom and democracy are the only ideas powerful enough to overcome hatred, and division, and violence. For people of diverse races and religions, the inclusive nature of democracy can lift the fear of difference that some believe is a license to kill. But people of goodwill must choose to embrace the challenge of listening, and debating, and cooperating with one another. For neighboring countries with turbulent histories, democracy can help to build trust and settle old disputes with dignity. But leaders of vision and character must commit themselves to the difficult work that nurtures the hope of peace. And for all citizens with grievances, democracy can be a path to lasting justice. But the democratic system cannot function if certain groups have one foot in the realm of politics and one foot in the camp of terror. There are those who say that democracy destroys social institution and erodes moral standards. In fact, the opposite is true: The success of democracy depends on public character and private virtue. For democracy to thrive, free citizens must work every day to strengthen their families, to care for their neighbors, and to support their communities. There are those who say that long-term economic and social progress can be achieved without free minds and free markets. In fact, human potential and creativity are only fully released when governments trust their people's decisions and invest in their people's future. And the key investment is in those people's education. Because education--for men and for women--transforms their dreams into reality and enables them to overcome poverty. There are those who say that democracy is for men alone. In fact, the opposite is true: Half a democracy is not a democracy. As one Muslim woman leader has said, ``Society is like a bird. It has two wings. And a bird cannot fly if one wing is broken.'' Across the Middle East, women are inspiring us all. In Kuwait, women protested to win their right to vote, carrying signs that declared: ``Women are Kuwaitis, too.'' Last month, Kuwait's legislature voiced its agreement. In Saudi Arabia, the promise of dignity is awakening in some young women. During the recent municipal elections, I saw the image of a father who went to vote with his daughter. Rather than cast his vote himself, he gave the ballot to his daughter, and she placed it in the ballot box. This small act of hope reveals one man's dream for his daughter. And he is not alone. Ladies and Gentlemen: Across the Middle East today, millions of citizens are voicing their aspirations for liberty and for democracy. These men and women are expanding boundaries in ways many thought impossible just one year ago. They are demonstrating that all great moral achievements begin with individuals who do not accept that the reality of today must also be the reality of tomorrow. There was a time, not long ago, after all, when liberty was threatened by slavery. The moral worth of my ancestors, it was thought, should be valued by the demand of the market, not by the dignity of their souls. This practice was sustained through violence. But the crime of human slavery could not withstand the power of human liberty. What seemed impossible in one century became inevitable in the next. There was a time, even more recently, when liberty was threatened by colonialism. It was believed that certain peoples required foreign masters to rule their lands and run their lives. Like slavery, this ideology of injustice was enforced through oppression. But when brave people demanded their rights, the truth that freedom is the destiny of every nation rang true throughout the world. What seemed impossible in one decade became inevitable in the next. Today, liberty is threatened by undemocratic governments. Some believe this is a permanent fact of history. But there are others who know better. These impatient patriots can be found in Baghdad and Beirut, in Riyadh and in Ramallah, in Amman and in Tehran and right here in Cairo. Together, they are defining a new standard of justice for our time--a standard that is clear, and powerful, and inspiring: Liberty is the universal longing of every soul, and democracy is the ideal path for every nation. The day is coming when the promise of a fully free and democratic world, once thought impossible, will also seem inevitable. The people of Egypt should be at the forefront of this great journey, just as you have led this region through the great journeys of the past. A hopeful future is within the reach of every Egyptian citizen--and every man and woman in the Middle East. The choice is yours to make. But you are not alone. All free nations are your allies. So together, let us choose liberty and democracy--for our nations, for our children, and for our shared future. Thank you.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I want to thank my friend and distinguished colleague from Maryland for the time, who has been a champion of human rights globally throughout his tenure. I also want to express my appreciation to the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas), the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, my friend, and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Shaw) for their consistent support of human rights work. Madam Speaker, in this day and age, nothing is in shorter supply than men and women of moral authority and courage. Burmese democracy leader and Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi is among the giants of our age. She is right there with Nelson Mandela of South Africa and Vaclav Havel of the Czech Republic, both of whom were prepared to sacrifice years of their lives so that their people could live in a free and open and democratic society. Madam Speaker, this past weekend, this great lady and champion of democracy celebrated her 60th birthday; but instead of being surrounded by family and friends on this happy day, Aung San Suu Kyi remained imprisoned in Burma, cut off from her supporters, both her family and the people of Burma. Last Friday, I attempted to deliver 6,000 birthday cards from Americans from across this Nation to Aung San Suu Kyi to the Burmese embassy in Washington. The gate was locked. No Burmese diplomat was willing to accept the birthday greetings to Burma's greatest citizen; but Madam Speaker, I have been dealing with dictatorial regimes all my life, and I do not expect a warm reception from any of them. I do want Aung San Suu Kyi to know that the entire Congress of the United States and the American people wish her a very happy birthday and the moral fortitude and physical stamina to continue her struggle for the Burmese people and, indeed, for democracy globally. Madam Speaker, I can think of no better birthday present for Aung San Suu Kyi than the legislation we are discussing at this moment. The only hope for promoting far-reaching political change is by making Burma's ruling thugs pay an economic price for running the Burmese nation and their economy into the ground. By renewing import sanctions for an additional year, fewer dollars will flow into the Swiss bank accounts of the Burmese thugs who run that country. The tough approach maintained by our country towards Burma, including import sanctions, is encouraging other nations to reconsider their more shortsighted and lenient views on the Rangoon regime. Some members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations for the first time have begun to criticize Burma for its human rights abuses. Last November, the European Union itself strengthened its Burma policy in response to ongoing human rights violations. In both cases, it was the strong stand of this Congress that has stiffened backbones and increased the prospects that a multilateral sanctions regime against Burma is possible. Madam Speaker, Congress must act decisively to renew import sanctions against Burma. We must send a strong signal of support for the restoration of democracy and human rights in that impoverished and subdued Nation. This great woman, Aung San Suu Kyi, before long will occupy her rightful position as the democratically elected leader of the people of Burma, and I look forward to being there in Rangoon as she is sworn in as the leadership of a free and democratic country. I urge all of my colleagues to support the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act in its accession. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the extraordinary life and service to our country of former Congressman Peter Rodino, one of the nation's finest public servants. I am honored to have served with such a remarkable American, and am humbled to have called him my colleague and friend. From the streets of his beloved Newark, to North Africa and Italy during World War II, to our Nation's capital, Peter Rodino spent his life selflessly striving to help, protect, and serve others, all the while doing so with the utmost dignity and humility. During his twenty terms in the House of Representatives from 1949 to 1989, Peter Rodino championed his convictions on civil rights and equal opportunity, no matter what the cost, and was a key sponsor of the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964. Mr. Speaker, it was his tenure as Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee presiding over the Watergate Impeachment hearings that thrust Peter Rodino into the limelight. During this contentious time in which political tensions ran high, his restraint and sensibility quelled unchecked passions on both sides as he served as model of decorum for all. His profound words on the subject, uttered in 1974, still ring true today, and contain the type of foresight that only true leaders posses: ``Whatever the result, whatever we learn or conclude, let us now proceed with such care and decency and thoroughness and honor that the vast majority of American people, and their children after them, will say: That was the right course. There was no other way.'' One of my fondest memories of Peter, Mr. Speaker, was the evening my wife Annette and I spent with him at one of the annual Gymnasium Dinners during the time that he was still serving as a Member of Congress. It was an evening that we will never forget as he reminisced about his extraordinary political career and his personal recollections of Watergate. Mr. Speaker, as public servants let us always remember his words as the highest example of leadership and integrity.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I thank my friend for yielding. There is no one who favors granting veto power to any new Security Council member. It is a fact that with Russia moving in a totalitarian direction and China being a nondemocracy, adding democratic nations as permanent members of the Security Council will enhance our influence, but we are in accord of not granting veto power to any new member.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to my distinguished colleague, the gentleman from California (Mr. Sherman), a member of the Committee on International Relations. (Mr. SHERMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition, although we accept the gentleman's amendment.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, we do not object to this amendment.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. There is no Member in this body who wants to see the influence of the United States diminished in the Security Council. It is my personal judgment that adding democratic friends and allies, such as the world's largest democracy, India, or Japan, a proven friend and ally, standing with us in many difficult situations around the globe, will only strengthen our influence at the United Nations. I see no reason to oppose this amendment. We accept it. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I just heard the gentleman advocating for flexibility for our Secretary of State. Does this flexibility extend to the bill as a whole, in the gentleman's view?

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to yield as much time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), my friend and colleague.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to yield the balance of my time to my distinguished Republican coauthor, the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. Shays).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, will the gentlewoman yield?

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I appreciate my good friend for yielding. I merely wish to express my support for the gentleman's amendment. I think it is worthwhile and ask my colleagues to vote for it.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield for the purpose of making a unanimous consent request to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Watson). (Ms. WATSON asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Delaware (Mr. Castle).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), the chairman of the Democratic Caucus. (Mr. MENENDEZ asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. As much time as he requires.

Mr. LANTOS. I could not be more specific, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of the time to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, let me first commend the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) for crafting particularly powerful provisions with respect to the human rights issue. Let me pay tribute to my friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), an indefatigable fighter for human rights, for his powerful statement; and let me identify myself with his comments. And let me commend the Democratic whip, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), for his strong statement on the bill and on the human rights aspects of it. Probably no issue relating to human rights is as hypocritical as the performance of the U.N. in recent years. The hypocrisy of the U.N. has reached astronomical proportions when it comes to human rights. The leading advocate of human rights, the United States, is excluded from the Human Rights Commission. The most outrageous violators of human rights are placed in positions of power within the Human Rights Commission. And if it would not be so serious, it would be a ludicrous theater of the absurd as we watch the so-called U.N. Human Rights Commission protect human rights violators and attack champions of human rights. The gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) and I stand shoulder to shoulder in our determination to improve the human rights mechanism of the United Nations. We feel that this hypocritical performance of recent years must come to an end. And it is absolutely mandatory that the current Human Rights Commission be abolished and a new human rights entity composed only of countries that respect human rights be created. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.