Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend for his eloquent and strong statement. Mr. Speaker, let me just say that this resolution reflects the values of this body and of the American people, and I urge all of my colleagues to vote for it. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, first I want to thank my good friend and colleague from Florida for her extraordinarily gracious and generous observations. Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished Democratic whip.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from American Samoa (Mr. Faleomavaega), my good friend and a very important member of the Committee on International Relations. (Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I want to thank the distinguished gentleman from Maryland for his powerful and eloquent statement. I rise in strong support of this resolution, and I want to begin by commending the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) for bringing this resolution to the floor today. I also want to thank the distinguished gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) for her outstanding leadership on this issue. Madam Speaker, it is high time to eradicate a sickening deficiency of the United Nations: its pathological persecution of one member, the democratic State of Israel, whose performance and standards are vastly superior to those of most of its nondemocratic detractors. Over the years, the United States has occasionally used diplomacy at the United Nations to address this sickness, especially during the tenure of our distinguished Ambassadors Daniel Patrick Moynihan and Jeanne Kirkpatrick. Recently, a renewed spasm of anti-Israeli activism has polluted critical United Nations mechanisms such as the General Assembly and the so-called Commission on Human Rights. Mr. Speaker, one of the most disturbing experiences I personally have had during my service as a Member of Congress took place in August of 2001 when I was a member of the United States delegation to the United Nations World Conference against Racism at Durban, South Africa. Secretary General Kofi Annan was anxious to use this conference as an opportunity to reinvigorate the world community in the fight against racism, bigotry, discrimination, and religious and ethnic intolerance. But, instead, we witnessed the hijacking of the conference by those who turned it into a vile outpouring of anti-Semitism and anti-Israel sentiment. This conference was one of the most vicious anti-Semitic displays I have seen since I witnessed the Holocaust in Hungary in the 1940s. The draft document presented to the conference included phrases such as the ``racist practices of Zionism'' and where the Holocaust had been cited as an example of racism taken to extremes, Arab and Muslim states proposed replacing it with the term ``holocausts'' in the plural and lower case, which was yet another manifestation of propaganda to deny and to diminish the unique character of the Holocaust in which 6 million innocent human beings perished. Despite repeated efforts of the United States and some other delegations to work with the problematic countries at Durban, South Africa, the underlying anti-Semitism, disguised as criticism of Israel, could not be resolved; and it was my privilege to lead the walk-out of the U.S. delegation from that conference. What could have been an important effort to revitalize the fight against racism and intolerance was turned into a lost opportunity. Mr. Speaker, it is time once and for all for our diplomats to apply themselves in a sustained manner to defeating the absurd series of anti-Israeli resolutions that continue to crowd the agenda of the United Nations, pushing aside long overdue consideration of critical issues such as terrorism, AIDS, climate change, poverty, human rights abuses, and famine. Our resolution takes note of the efforts of some U.N. member countries to delegitimize the State of Israel by denying its opportunity to participate in U.N. organizations including the Security Council and the Human Rights Commission. It also notes that the United Nations has been used to attack the State of Israel. For example, of the emergency sessions of the General Assembly that have been called, six of the 10 were devoted solely to attacks against the State of Israel. Our resolution, Mr. Speaker, commends recent examples of outstanding leadership in the fight against anti-Semitism. I want to single out Secretary General Kofi Annan, who led the effort to call an unprecedented special session of the General Assembly this past January to mark the 60th anniversary of the liberation of the Auschwitz concentration camp during World War II. At that special session, Kofi Annan said, ``The United Nations must never forget that it was created as a response to the evil of Nazism, or that the horror of the Holocaust helped to shape its mission. That response is enshrined in our Charter and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Such an evil must never be allowed to happen again. We must be on the watch for any revival of anti-Semitism and ready to act against the new forms of it that are happening today.'' From Secretary General Kofi Annan. Mr. Speaker, our resolution urges the member states of the United Nations and our own government to step up the fight against anti- Semitism, religious intolerance, and incitement to violence. In keeping with the original mission and the enduring vision of the United Nations as a beacon for humanity's potential at its best, I strongly urge all of my colleagues to support our resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for her usual gracious, generous gesture. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin).

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution and first want to commend the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde), my good friend and colleague, and the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros- Lehtinen) for expediting the consideration of this resolution both through the committee and onto the floor of the House. I also applaud the author of the resolution, my neighbor, the gentleman from California (Mr. Baca) who is the first vice chairman of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, for his leadership on issues which affect our friends and neighbors of Hispanic descent. Madam Speaker, the Cinco de Mayo holiday commemorates the May 5, 1862, victory of an ill-equipped and vastly outnumbered Mexican army under the command of General Ignacio Zaragoza over Napoleon III's regiments at the Battle of Puebla. Although Napoleon III eventually installed Archduke Maximilian of Austria as a puppet regent over Mexico, the triumph of the Mexican people over the French in this battle has come to symbolize the fight for freedom and justice, not only in Mexico, but throughout the entire western hemisphere. To many of us, and particularly along the border with Mexico, this holiday is mostly expressed through the enjoyment of Mexican and Mexican-American culture, music, food, and customs. Cinco de Mayo celebrations are also well-deserved tributes to the many contributions that Mexicans and Mexican-Americans have made and continue to make in the world and across our Nation. It is a time to take pride in these significant achievements as well as the continuing dedication to the patria of thousands of Hispanic men and women in uniform. Finally, Madam Speaker, Cinco de Mayo reminds us that our Mexican- American neighbors strive, as we all do, to live a life filled with faith, family, and the hope of sharing in a stronger America and a freer world. Madam Speaker, as we commemorate the defeat of French colonial oppression by an unrelenting, passionate, and brave band of brothers some 150 years ago, our resolve to stand shoulder to shoulder with the fighters for democracy today around the globe must never waiver. In our own hemisphere, our dedication to democratic institutions and processes as well as the rule of law is being challenged from the streets of Ecuador to the hills of Bolivia to the presidential palace of Venezuela. We must not, we cannot, fail to take up the banner of freedom against the increasingly authoritarian regimes. I strongly urge my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 44. Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from American Samoa (Mr. Faleomavaega), a distinguished member of the Committee on International Relations. (Mr. FALEOMAVAEGA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, fifteen years ago tomorrow, the political party of Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi won a historic victory in elections called by the Burmese ruling junta to legitimize their brutal rule. Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy won 82% of the vote, but the Burmese government refused to convene the new parliament and has since engaged in a campaign of terror and intimidation of the political opposition. Last year, the House of Representatives voted 372-2 to renew the import sanctions against Burma contained in the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act of 2003. H.J. Res. 97 was signed into law on July 7, 2004. Import sanctions on Burma must be renewed by July 2005, or Burmese products will flow once again to the United States. For that reason, I join today with Ways and Means Committee Chairman Bill Thomas, Representative Peter King, and 40 other Members of Congress in introducing legislation to again renew import sanctions on Burma. Unfortunately, the case for a tough approach toward Burma, including a comprehensive import ban, is even stronger today than last July. Just a few short weeks ago, the United Nations Human Rights Commission in Geneva overwhelmingly approved a resolution on Burma, attacking what it called ``the systematic ongoing violation of human rights'' by the ruling junta. In its annual Human Rights Report, the State Department charged that the Burmese Government has subjected its citizens to torture, arbitrary arrest, forced and child labor, and the use of rape as a weapon of war. Meanwhile, unless the brutal ruling junta in Rangoon changes its stripes over the next several weeks, Nobel Laureate Aung San Suu Kyi will celebrate her 60th birthday under continued house arrest, prevented from speaking directly to the Burmese people who support her battle for democracy and human rights. The tough approach maintained by the United States towards Burma, including import sanctions, may also be encouraging other nations to reconsider their lenient views to the Rangoon regime. Key member nations of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN), for the first time, have strongly criticized Burma as it prepares to assume the rotating chairmanship of the 10-member group in 2006. Last November, the European Union itself strengthened its Burma policy in response to ongoing human rights violations. In both instances, the strong stand of the United States has stiffened backbones and increased the prospects that a multilateral sanctions regime against Burma is possible. The import sanctions renewal legislation is also completely consistent with the tough line towards Burma taken by both Democratic and Republican Administrations. On May 17th, President George W. Bush extended the Executive Order first imposed in 1997 which prohibits new U.S. investment in Burma. Just three days ago, the State Department told Congress that U.S. sanctions against Burma ``represent a clear and powerful expression of American opposition to the developments in Burma'' and are ``a key component of our policy in bringing democracy to Burma.'' Congress must act decisively by the end of July to renew import sanctions against Burma and send a strong signal of support for the restoration of democracy and human rights in that impoverished nation. I would encourage my colleagues to cosponsor this important piece of legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to an extraordinary diplomat, a remarkable representative of his native Sweden, a friend and admirer of the United States, and a man whom Annette and I count as a dear, dear friend--Jan Eliasson, the Ambassador of Sweden to the United States. Jan is now leaving his position here in Washington, D.C., and shortly he will assume the critical role of President of the United Nations General Assembly, the first Swede to serve in this post. In a biographical article, an American magazine reported that Jan Eliasson is referred to by his friends and family as ``James Bond'' ``because of his charm, elegance, and rugged good looks.'' The same article described Jan as ``brilliant, serious and dedicated to strengthening the role of the United Nations, as well as improving the lot of man.'' Mr. Speaker, I know Jan Eliasson, and I believe that these descriptions suit his persona and his character to perfection. Another facet of Jan that I particularly admire and respect has been his commitment to the legacy of Raoul Wallenberg. At the request and with the support of the United States Government, Wallenberg was assigned to the Swedish Legation in Budapest at the height of Nazi deportations of Hungarian Jews to death camps. Through creativity, tenacity and grit, Wallenberg saved the lives of tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews, including my wife Annette and myself. After the liberation of Budapest, Wallenberg was arrested by the Soviet military, and he was never seen outside the Soviet gulag since then. Sweden did not press the Soviets for his release, and many Swedish diplomats saw him as an example of what a diplomat should not do. Jan Eliasson disagreed strongly with that view. He has been one of the strongest and most effective advocates of Raoul Wallenberg, and he has been a leader in Sweden in honoring Wallenberg's humanitarian heritage. Mr. Speaker, the position of President of the UN General Assembly is critically important, and Jan Eliasson comes to it at a critical time in the history of the United Nations. But he also brings an exceptional background that makes him uniquely qualified to lead the General Assembly at this time. As Jan takes the helm at the General Assembly, the United Nations faces demands for reform. The Secretary General has already made positive and far-reaching proposals, and the Congress is preparing to consider legislation on that same issue in the next few weeks. The President of the General Assembly will also chair a summit this fall to review the Millennium Development Goals on sustainable and equitable global development. Jan served as Sweden's Ambassador to the United Nations from 1988 to 1992, and at that same time he served as the Secretary General's personal representative on Iran/Iraq. In 1992 he was appointed the first Under Secretary General for Humanitarian Affairs, and in that post he was involved in UN operations in Somalia, Sudan, Mozambique and the Balkans. Few Presidents of the General Assembly come to that position with the broad experience as well as the intellectual and emotional commitment to the United Nations that Jan brings. During his five years as Sweden's ambassador to the United States, he has contributed to strengthening our bilateral relations in a critical time as we here faced the shock and tragedy of September 11th and engaged in the fight against terrorism. For six years prior to his assignment in Washington, Jan was Deputy Secretary of State in the Swedish Foreign Ministry, a key position in the formulation and implementation of Swedish foreign policy. Mr. Speaker, while I am enthusiastic about Jan Eliasson's new opportunity, we also bid him farewell with serious reservations. He has been a truly outstanding representative of Sweden in the United States. He has brought a genuine love of America as well as a deep understanding and sympathy of our country as well. Jan was an exchange student and graduated from high school in Indiana. He has spent well over a decade as a Swedish diplomat living in New York City and Washington, D.C. My wife, Annette, and I will sorely miss Jan and his wife Kerstin. We wish them well in their very important new assignment in New York, and we look forward to seeing them in New York and again in the Nation's Capital.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, as my colleagues know, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) is holding its annual policy conference in Washington this week, and most of us will be receiving visits this week from our constituents who are here for this important yearly event. Yesterday, Mr. Speaker, our Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, delivered the key address on behalf of the Administration to the AIPAC conference. Secretary Rice articulated in a clear and elegant manner the diverse and intense ties that bind the United States and our democratic ally Israel. As Secretary Rice reaffirmed as she began her speech, ``Israel has no greater friend and no stronger supporter than the United States of America.'' The strength of our relationship with Israel has transcended administrations and political parties. It was a critical and an intense relationship from the founding of the state of Israel in 1948, when President Harry Truman extended U.S. recognition to the Jewish state only eleven minutes after its independence was proclaimed. This relationship has continued through 57 years and eleven presidential administrations of both parties. Israel continues to enjoy strong bipartisan and bicameral support here in the Congress of the United States. Though Israel and the United States have had close ties for more than half a century, conditions have changed, the world has changed, and our relationship has changed with the times as well. Secretary Rice has put American-Israeli ties in the framework of our ongoing fight against terrorism and our increasingly globalized world. She has emphasized the continuing importance of America's relationship with Israel to the American people and its relevance to the Administration's effort to foster democracy and respect for human rights and the rule of law throughout the Middle East. Mr. Speaker, I ask that Secretary Rice's address be placed in the Record, and I urge my colleagues to read and give attention to her thoughtful remarks. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, Remarks at the AIPAC Annual Policy Conference May 23, 2005 Thank you very much. Let me begin by saying that Israel has no greater friend and no stronger supporter than the United States of America. For over half a century, AIPAC has strengthened the religious, cultural and political bonds that unite our two great nations, and I thank you for that. The United States and Israel share much in common. We both affirm the innate freedom and dignity of every human life, not as prizes that people confer to one another, but as divine gifts of the Almighty. As Thomas Jefferson once wrote, ``The God that gave us liberty and life gave them to us at the same time.'' Moral clarity is an essential virtue in our world today and for 60 years cynics and skeptics have proven that we have been looking to false choices in the Middle East. They have claimed that we must choose either freedom or stability, either democracy or security. They have said that the United States could either uphold its principles or advance its policies. But by trying to purchase stability at the price of liberty, we achieved neither and we saw the result of that on a fine September morning. That is why President Bush has rejected 60 years of false choices in the Middle East. And as he said last week at the International Republican Institute, ``The United States has a new policy, a strategy that recognizes that the best way to defeat the ideology that uses terror as a weapon is to spread freedom and democracy.'' The President holds the deep belief that all human beings desire and deserve to live in liberty. This idea, of course, did not immediately find favor. Many continued to defend the false choices of the past. But we knew then and we know now America's message is clear, our principles are sound and our policies are right, and today the nations of the world are finally joining with the United States to support the cause of freedom. We measure our success in the democratic revolutions that have stunned the entire world: vibrant revolutions of rose and orange and purple and tulip and cedar. The destiny of the Middle East is bound up in this global expansion of freedom. The days of thinking that this region was somehow immune to democracy are over. Working with our G-8 partners, the United States has created the Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative to build partnerships with people in the region who are working for greater liberty. The flagship of this bold new policy is the Forum for the Future, an unprecedented international venue to amplify the voices of reform that are redefining the region. Together, we will tackle the urgent goals of the Forum: political openness, economic liberty, educational opportunity and the empowerment of women. Today, nations all across the world are speaking a common language of reform and they are helping citizens throughout the broader Middle East to transform the parameters of debate in their societies. The people of this region are expressing ideas and taking actions that would have been unthinkable only one year ago. Some in the Arab media have even asked why the only real democracies in the Middle East are found in the ``occupied lands'' of Iraq and the Palestinian territories. What an incredible thought. Today, citizens in the region are demanding that their governments respond to this simple, audacious question. And many states will have to answer their people's call for genuine reform. Jordan and Bahrain and Qatar and Morocco are all taking steps to introduce greater openness into their political systems. Egypt has amended its constitution with electoral reform. And even Saudi Arabia has held multiple elections. And just last week, remarkably, the Kuwaiti legislature granted its women citizens the right to vote. Kuwait's recognition that it must include all of its people in political life is, hopefully, an example that its neighbors will follow. In Lebanon, hundreds of thousands of citizens have demanded an end to the foreign suffocation of their country. With strong international support, led by the United States and by France, and with an explicit mandate from the United Nations Security Council, Syria has gotten the message loud and clear that it is not welcome in Lebanon. The Syrian regime has withdrawn its decades-long military presence. And at the end of this month, the Lebanese people will go to the polls and set a new course of action. But we cannot rest. Syria must also remove its intelligence forces and allow the Lebanese people to be free. To be sure, a vital source of inspiration for all of these reformers comes from the people of Iraq, who defied threats of murder to vote in free elections in January. They declared with one voice that the will of the people, not the whim of a dictator, would determine Iraq's future. They declared with that same voice that no Iraqi regime would ever again torture its people, invade its neighbors, attack its neighbors and offer financial incentives to Palestinian homicide bombers. Today, Iraq has a transitional government that will soon begin framing a new national constitution. Free nations everywhere have rallied to Iraq's side. There is a coalition of 30 countries helping the Iraqi people to defend themselves from murderers and terrorists. NATO is training Iraq's army officers, police forces and civilian administrators. And next month, at the request of Iraq's new government, the United States and the European Union will co-host an international conference to build greater support for democracy, prosperity and security. Now, I speak to these reform efforts because the United States looks to a future and has a vision of a day when Israel is no longer the sole democracy in the Middle East. This aspiration shapes the very heart of our approach to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as well. For four years, President Bush refused to meet with Yasser Arafat. He did so because Arafat valued neither Israel's security nor his own people's liberty. There were those who ridiculed this principled decision as if the refusal to negotiate with a man who aided and abetted terrorism somehow revealed a lack of concern for peace. America and Israel had tried before to gain peace where democracy did not exist and we are not going down that road again. Instead, President Bush advanced a vision of two democratic states: Israel and Palestine living side by side in peace and security. And today, the Palestinian people are trying to meet this democratic challenge. In January, they voted in historic elections for a leader who rejects violence as a path to peace. President Abbas has committed to both freedom and security and President Bush has offered his hand in friendship, just as he promised he would. In three days, when they meet together here in Washington, they will build a relationship that is one that is based on the good faith that only democratic leaders can bring. The President will be clear that there are commitments to be met, that there are goals to be met, but that democracy is a goal that is unassailable and incontrovertible. Prime Minister Sharon has also recognized that Israel is gaining a legitimate partner for peace and he has made courageous decisions that could change the course of history. Beginning in August, Prime Minister Sharon will implement his plan to withdraw from Gaza and parts of the West Bank. Israel's disengagement strategy presents an unprecedented and incredibly delicate opportunity for peace and we must all work together to capitalize on this precious moment. To strengthen our present opportunities, all nations must meet their obligations. Israel must take no actions that prejudice a final settlement or jeopardize the true viability of the Palestinian state. And Israel must help to create the conditions for the emergence of that democratic state. The Palestinian Authority must advance democratic reform and it must dismantle all terrorist networks in its society. Arab states must end incitement in their media, cut off all support for terrorism and extremist education, and establish normal relations with Israel. To nurture our present opportunity, President Bush proposed and the Quartet nations endorsed the appointment of James Wolfensohn as Special Envoy for Gaza Disengagement. Jim Wolfensohn will help the Israelis and Palestinians coordinate on non-military aspects of their disengagement, including disposition of assets and revitalization of the Palestinian economy. To protect our present opportunity, President Bush has sent General William Ward to help the Palestinians reform their security services. General Ward is also coordinating all international security assistance to the Palestinians, including training and equipment. To expand our present opportunity, the United States has greatly increased our financial assistance to the Palestinian people. We are pledging $350 million to help the Palestinians build the free institutions of their democratic state. This is an unprecedented contribution to the future of peace and freedom in the Middle East. Yes, this past year has brought forth a dramatic shift in the political landscape of the Middle East. But this moment of transformation is very fragile and it still has committed enemies, particularly the Government of Iran, which is the world's leading sponsor of terrorism. The United States has focused the world's attention on Iran's pursuit of weapons of mass destruction. And along with our allies, we are working to gain full disclosure of Iran's efforts to obtain nuclear weapons. The world must not tolerate any Iranian attempt to develop a nuclear weapon. Nor can it tolerate Iran's efforts to subvert democratic governments through terrorism. Ladies and gentlemen, the Middle East is changing and even the unelected leaders in Tehran must recognize this fact. They must know that the energy of reform that is building all around them will one day inspire Iran's citizens to demand their liberty and their rights. The United States stands with the people of Iran. President Bush has declared that advancing the cause of freedom is the calling of our time and in the broader Middle East, his policies are expanding the scope of what many thought possible. With our support, the people of the region are demonstrating that all great human achievement begins with free individuals who do not accept that the reality of today must also be the reality of tomorrow. Of course, there will always be cynics and skeptics who hold the misguided belief that if they can not see their goal, then it cannot be possible. They will try to elevate their cynicism by calling it realism and they will criticize all who echo the stirring words of Theodore Hertzel, ``If you will it, it is no dream.'' In 1776, cynics and skeptics could not see an independent America, so they doubted that it could be so. They saw only 13 colonies that could never hang together and would surely hang separately. But there were others who had a vision, a vision of the United States as a free and great nation, a democracy, and one day, a complete multiethnic society. With perseverance, the American people made that vision a reality. In 1948, cynics and skeptics could not see the promise of Israel, so they doubted it, said it could never be fulfilled. They saw only a wounded and wandering people beset on all sides by hostile armies. But there were those who had another vision, a vision of a Jewish state that would shelter its children, defend its sacred homeland, turn its desert soil green and reaffirm the principles of freedom and democracy. With courage, the Israeli people made that vision a reality. Today, cynics and skeptics cannot see a democratic Middle East, so they doubt that it is a realistic goal. They focus only on the despotism that has shaped the region's past and still defines much of its present. But ladies and gentlemen, make no mistake, freedom is on the march in Afghanistan and Iraq and in Lebanon and in Georgia and Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan and in the Palestinian territories. Yes, it is hard and progress is uneven. There are violent men who will stop at nothing to prevent democracy's rise. Yet people all across the Middle East today are talking and demonstrating and sharing their vision for a democratic future. Many have given their very lives to this noble purpose. The United States and Israel must defend the aspirations of all people who long to be free. And with our unwavering support, we can help to make the promise of democracy a reality for the entire region. Thank you very much.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, later this week, the distinguished Swedish Ambassador to the United States, His Excellency Jan Eliasson, will give a briefing to members of the Congressional Human Rights Caucus on the life-saving humanitarian work of Swedish citizen Raoul Wallenberg. Mr. Speaker, this is a particularly appropriate time for us to recall Wallenberg's sacrifices to serve his fellow man. Earlier this month, we celebrated the 60th anniversary of the end of World War II in Europe, and shortly before that we marked Yom HaShoah, the Day of Holocaust Remembrance. In January the United Nations General Assembly held an extraordinary session to mark the 60th anniversary of the liberation of Auschwitz and other Nazi concentration camps during World War II. This year also marks the 60th anniversary of the disappearance of Raoul Wallenberg. After courageously saving the lives of tens of thousands of people in Budapest during the Holocaust, Wallenberg was arrested by Soviet troops in January 1945 and disappeared into the Soviet gulag. His action during the Holocaust in Hungary led the Israeli Knesset to bestow upon him the title ``Righteous Among the Nations'' (``Righteous Gentile''). Born in August 1912 in Stockholm, Sweden, Raoul Gustav Wallenberg, could have lived out his life in luxury and relative obscurity as a member of one of Sweden's most prominent families. At the University of Michigan in 1935, he earned a bachelor's degree in architecture with honors, as well as a medal for his outstanding academic record. After returning to Sweden from America, he worked for the family business selling building supplies in South Africa, and he worked in a bank in Haifa, in what is now Israel. In Haifa on the eve of World War II, he met many Jews who had escaped the horrors of Hitler's Germany, and he became an impassioned defender after hearing tales of horror under the Fascist state. In March 1944, Mr. Speaker, the Germany army invaded Hungary, and Adolf Eichmann arrived in Budapest to supervise the deportation of Hungarian Jews to the Nazi death camps. At the request and with the support of the United States government, Raoul Wallenberg arrived in Budapest in June of 1944. Over the following six months, he became a legend at saving Jewish lives, and his remarkable heroism and creative efforts are now repeated with respect and awe around the world. When the Soviet Army finally liberated Budapest in January 1945, Wallenberg believed, or at least hoped, that he was finally safe, and he went to the headquarters of the Soviet military command in eastern Hungary to report on conditions in Budapest and to ask for food and medicine for the surviving victims. The Soviet officers did not believe his story. They were convinced that he was an American spy. He was arrested on January 17, 1945, and he has never been officially heard from since that day. Mr. Speaker, the Russians have never provided a full and complete account of the disappearance of Wallenberg. Numerous sightings of him within the brutal Soviet gulag were reported for decades after his untimely disappearance in Hungary. These sightings raise serious doubts about the official Soviet position that he died of a heart attack in a prison near Moscow in 1947. In February of this year, 2005 the Israeli Knesset honored Wallenberg by officially granting him the title of ``Righteous Among the Nations'' (``Righteous Gentile''). President Moshe Katzav and Prime Minister Ariel Sharon spoke with great eloquence about his heroic and selfless actions. Many close family members were present for the wonderful event honoring this great man. Last October, the city of San Francisco in my congressional district extended honorary citizenship to Wallenberg, just as the United States by Act of Congress did 23 years earlier. Raoul Wallenberg is the second person after Sir Winston Churchill to receive honorary United States citizenship. His bust, which was placed in the United States Capitol Building, is seen by tens of thousands of visitors to our Capitol every year. Mr. Speaker, as we mark the 60th anniversary of the triumph of the democracy and freedom over Nazi brutality and horror, I invite my colleagues to join with me in commemorating the heroic actions of Raoul Wallenberg. His gift to the world is not merely the tens of thousands of lives he saved, but as important is the inspiration he is to so many people around the world.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I commend our colleague from South Carolina, Joe Wilson, for his effort in introducing this is resolution and I am delighted to join him extending the heartfelt congratulations of the Congress and the American people to the Israeli people in recognition of the 57th anniversary of their independence, which they celebrated this month. Mr. Speaker, Israel is a tiny island of refuge in the midst of a roiling sea of hostile neighbors. Although relentlessly under attack since their nation's birth, the Israeli people have succeeded in creating the only democracy in the Middle East, and one of the most prosperous, technologically advanced, and reliably just societies on earth. In the 57 years of its independence, Israel has absorbed millions of Jewish immigrants from all around the world, including over a million immigrants from the former Soviet Union in just the past 15 years. This is a remarkable and unprecedented achievement for a country whose population was only 600,000 in 1948. Israel has given immigrants the opportunity to live lives of dignity and equality in a free society-- people who otherwise would have lived, at best, as second- or third- class citizens in the countries they left behind. An indication of the vibrancy and vitality of Israeli democracy, Mr. Speaker, is the fact that Israel celebrates its anniversary this year as it prepares to resettle civilian settlements and disengage its military forces from Gaza and parts of the West Bank. This was Prime Minister Sharon's incredibly bold and courageous initiative. It will not be easy to implement, given the determined opposition of a minority of Israelis. But anyone who knows Ariel Sharon has little doubt that the disengagement will happen, just as the Prime Minister intends. The disengagement from Gaza entails not only political risks for Prime Minister Sharon but also security risks for Israel. It is in our national interest to assist Israel to reduce those risks. The United States stood by Israel when it took courageous steps for peace with Egypt and Jordan, and we will continue to stand by Israel as it undertakes risks in order to make progress toward peace with the Palestinians. The United States is also committed to helping Israel deal with the emerging threats of radical regimes and terrorist organizations in the Middle East. We must not forget, Mr. Speaker, that progress toward peace has come at a great cost. For the past four and half years, innocent civilians have been murdered by terrorists aiming to destroy the state, and Israelis have been killed only because they were Israelis. By supporting Israel in its struggle for peace, we honor the victims' memory and help to promote better future, both for Israelis and Palestinians and the region. The establishment of the State of Israel has been a great boon not only for those who live there, but it is of great importance for our nation as well. We treasure Israel as our most loyal ally in the Middle East and as the embodiment of democratic values we cherish. It is no wonder that the United States has played a critical role in supporting Israel's security in a bipartisan fashion. It is a record about which we are justifiably proud and a standard to which we will aspire for years to come. In recognizing Israeli independence, we reiterate our commitment to ensure the safety and security of the State of Israel for the sake of the Israeli people and for the sake of the American people. The historic ties and friendship between our two democratic states have been a source of great pride for both our nations, and we are committed to maintaining and reinforcing them. As the Israeli people continue to draw inspiration in their struggle for peace and security from their friends and supporters in the United States, the Israeli people should know that Israel has no greater friend and no stronger supporter than the people of the United States of America.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to acknowledge the cooperation of our distinguished colleague from Colorado, a member of the International Relations Committee, Mr. Tancredo, for his excellent cooperation and work in behalf of H. Res. 191. I also want to thank my friend Chairman Henry Hyde for his support in bringing this resolution to the floor today. It is unconscionable, Mr. Speaker, that a decade and a half after the end of the communist regime in Romania we are still dealing with the problem of the restitution of religious property. The communist government in Romania, as well as communist governments elsewhere in Central and Eastern Europe, wanted no challenge to their authority, and throughout that area all religious groups were systematically and meticulously brought under government control. As part of that process, most religious properties were confiscated by the communist governments for state or party use. In Romania, that amounted to the government seizure of literally thousands of religious schools, hospitals, orphanages, and other properties that religious communities used for charitable and humanitarian purposes. With the fall of the communist governments in 1989, new democratic governments have had to deal with the restitution of this property to the religious communities. Unfortunately, Mr. Speaker, the process in Romania has been slower and less equitable than most other post- communist countries. A series of Romanian governments since 1990 have failed to achieve a successful and fair resolution of this problem, which the European Court of Human Rights and the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe both have criticized. Resolution 191 urges the recently elected government to take the initiative and work to solve religious property restitution. Mr. Speaker, after Congressman Tancredo and I introduced this resolution, the recently elected government of Romania adopted legislation to deal with some of the issues that our resolution discusses, and we welcome that effort. Legislation, as we have seen, is not necessarily the solution to the problem. It will require active and continuing efforts on the part of the government to solve these problems, and we urge Romanian officials to work actively and aggressively to take the steps necessary to deal with restitution in a fair and equitable manner. This problem essentially involves all of the religious communities in Romania other than the Romanian Orthodox Church. The Jewish community saw communal properties confiscated by the Fascist Romanian government beginning in 1940, and these seizures were reaffirmed by the communist government when it came power after 1944. Today over 1,000 Jewish communal properties remain under Romanian government control, properties have not been restored to communal ownership, and no rent or compensation is being paid to the community for their continued use. The four historic Hungarian religious communities--the Roman Catholic, the Hungarian Reformed, the Evangelical Lutheran, and the Unitarian churches--lost over 2,000 schools and other buildings used for charitable and humanitarian activities. Possession and use of these properties by government entities continues today in all but about thirty instances. The Greek Catholic Church in Romania is one of the most complicated and clearly one of the most frustrating cases. In 1948, the Greek Catholic Church, which recognizes the authority of the Pope in Rome but uses the Greek Orthodox liturgy, was forcibly merged with the Romanian Orthodox Church, and its properties were merged as well or seized by the government. In 1990 the decree of 1948 was abrogated, but untangling the properties after more than a generation has been extremely difficult. Mr. Speaker, we have seen Romanian governments delaying and postponing restitution, the Romanian courts have reversed cases that had already been resolved, and inaction by government officials have prevented equitable resolution of the vast majority of these property claims. The European Court of Human Rights ruled that the actions of various Romanian governments in religious property restitution cases in the mid-1990s ``violated the European Convention on Human Rights.'' Our resolution calls upon the Romanian Government to respect and resolve these religious restitution cases in a fair, prompt and equitable manner. In the case of the Greek Catholic Church, it calls upon the government to amend fundamentally the legislation establishing a commission for resolution of conflicting claims. In cases where property cannot be restituted within a period of one year, our resolution calls for fair compensation until the restitution can be carried out. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of our colleagues to support this resolution urging the Government of Romania to recognize its responsibilities to provide equitable, prompt, and fair restitution to all religious communities for property confiscated by the former Communist government in Romania.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, next Sunday the people of Lebanon will go to the polls to start a series of parliamentary elections that will play out over the next four weeks. This resolution expresses Congress's ongoing concern that the Lebanese people be allowed to choose their own leaders freely and fairly, in light of the recent withdrawal from Lebanon of all Syrian security forces and intelligence officials, which is not yet verifiably complete. I commend our colleague Ms. Ros- Lehtinen for bringing these important issues before us. Mr. Speaker, freedom-loving people everywhere cheered earlier this year as the Lebanese people defied the odds, spurred on by the assassination of former prime minister Rafik Hariri, and peacefully rose up and forced the caretaker government to step down, letting key exile leaders return, and leading to the expelling of nearly all of Syria's uninformed forces from long-occupied Lebanese soil. We all hope that there will continue to be a peaceful transition to sovereign, democratic rule in Lebanon. Sadly, the upcoming elections saw their first casualty this weekend, when adherents of rival parties clashed in the region of Metn. Government soldiers were summoned to disperse the crowds, and as they did so, one man was shot and killed. It was a somber reminder of how volatile the situation surrounding the elections can be. Political rivalries, particularly between pro-Syrian factions and those who seek to continue reforms, threaten to further destabilize the electoral process in Lebanon; some have already threatened to boycott, which could undermine the legitimacy of the process. And the elections will be conducted according to a law passed under full Syrian occupation five years ago, which could stack the deck in favor of the Syrian elements, particularly Hezbollah. Let us hope that the wisdom of the Lebanese people, displayed in vast numbers, will over-ride the structural deficiencies of the law. Mr. Speaker, I fully endorse this resolution's advocacy of U.S. assistance to help Lebanon restore democratic rule, including the separation of powers, the rule of law, and respect for fundamental freedoms. It is undeniably in our interest to support this process, as the flourishing of democracy in Lebanon will no doubt have a multiplier effect throughout the region. Jordan's King Abdullah, speaking this weekend at the World Economic Forum meeting, said that this is a time for positive political reform in the Middle East, but it is Arabs themselves who need to develop it. ``Never has there been a greater sense of agreement that the future is in our hands,'' King Abdullah said. ``Today, positive change is in the air across the region. It is an effort for the whole Middle East to create its own positive change. That demands a real-world process, specific steps that can be implemented by regional governments and civil society.'' Mr. Speaker, one such specific step for Lebanon will be to fulfill its obligations under U.N. Security Council Resolution 1559, especially the requirement that all militias, including Hezbollah, be disarmed and disbanded. We will expect the Lebanese Armed Forces to put an immediate halt to the flow of arms across the Syrian border to Hezbollah as a first step. Four years ago I sponsored legislation passed by the Congress that made a portion of U.S. aid to Lebanon contingent upon Lebanon's taking control of all of its borders. I do not intend to introduce a similar resolution at this moment, as I am hopeful that the new Lebanese government, once it gains its footing, will take the necessary actions to demonstrate its adherence to all aspects of U.N. Security Council Resolution 1559--the resolution that made possible Lebanon's rebirth as a nation. But I will remain seized with these issues regarding Lebanon's borders and Hezbollah--and, in the near future, I will introduce a resolution that I hope will demonstrate that Congress shares these concerns. The stability of the entire region depends on an end to militia rule in Lebanon and full implementation of Lebanese sovereignty throughout that country and along all of its borders. The resolution before us, Mr. Speaker, focuses on certain crucial ingredients of Lebanese sovereignty--the withdrawal of Syrian troops and the holding of free and fair elections. This is an important resolution. I support it, and I urge all of my colleagues to do likewise.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I was unable to be present for the vote on the Motion to Recommit the Conference Report on H.R. 1268, the Emergency Supplemental Wartime Appropriations Act. Had I been present I would have voted ``yea.'' Mr. Speaker, I was unable to be present for the vote on passage of the Conference Report on H.R. 1268, the Emergency Supplemental Wartime Appropriations Act. Had I been present I would have voted ``yea.''

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to celebrate, with my colleagues, the extraordinary accomplishments of the Asian Pacific American (APA) community and to recognize the sacrifices they have endured. Their struggle to find a place in America without prejudice and repression is a story that all Americans should know, and I am pleased that the month of May has been set aside for Asian Pacific American Heritage Month. I am so proud to represent the 12th Congressional District of California because its amazingly diverse population includes a large APA community, as well as the largest population of Filipinos outside of the Philippines. Looking back over our history, it is heartening to see the advances that the APA community has made as a whole, in spite of setbacks and sometimes horrific treatment in our government's name. One of the most compelling stories came to an end earlier this year with the passing of my good friend Congressman Robert Matsui, with whom I served for 24 years. His tragic and unexpected death struck a chord deep in the hearts of all those who served with him. His success story is quintessentially American, despite the fact that when he was young, the U.S. government denied him the freedom bestowed to him under the Constitution. Mr. Speaker, even though his family had been in the United States for two generations, Bob and his family, like 114,000 other Americans of Japanese descent, were rounded up and sent to detention camps. The courage it took, not only to survive and to prosper from this slap in the face to all Americans, but to go on to become part of the government in the hope of changing the government's policies and working atmosphere is extremely commendable. And change the atmosphere he did, passing the Japanese-American Redress Act, which produced an official apology from the Federal Government. He became one of the highest-ranking Asian Pacific Americans in Congress during the 108th while serving as the Chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee. He exemplified the fight for freedom and liberty and he is sorely missed. We welcome Bob's wife, and my friend Doris, as she begins her Congressional service. Many other Congressional colleagues of APA heritage have served our country with distinction. Currently there are over 300,000 veterans of Asian or Pacific Islander decent, and while many served our country with distinction, no unit in the armed forces deserves more credit than the 442nd Regimental Combat Team. Comprised solely of persons of Japanese background, this band of brothers was the most decorated unit for its size in U.S. history. My good friend and colleague, Senator Daniel Inouye earned the Medal of Honor fighting in the 442nd. As a group, the people of the APA communities are fighters, throwing off the second class citizenship that was foisted upon them during immigration battles throughout the 19th and 20th centuries to become among the highest achieving Americans. Half of all members of the APA adult community have college degrees, compared with one quarter of the adult U.S. population is but one mark of excellence. Mr. Speaker, although it is important to recognize the achievements made, this month will also allow us to renew our focus on the problems that face the APA community, problems like affordable housing, racial profiling, language barriers and unfair immigration laws. One of the largest problems facing the Asian Pacific Community is the perception that the community is thriving without exception. With a record amount of those in the APA community going to college, one would tend to think that way, but in reality there are large sections of the APA populations who have very little education, and who experience financial depths that no American should have to face. There remains a problem that must be addressed when language barriers contribute to leaving one out of ten Asian Pacific Americans in poverty. I continue to work with other members of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus to create a better environment for Asian Pacific Americans in my Congressional District. I wrote H.R. 139, which helps to alleviate the nursing shortage seen throughout California and the nation by allowing Filipino nurses to use some of the unused employment-based immigrant visas. I am an original cosponsor of a bill that would authorize grants for institutions of higher education that serve disproportionately low income and underserved Asian American and Pacific Islander students. During the 108th Congress, I was a cosponsor of a bill that would give Filipino Americans residing as legal aliens or citizens of the U.S. the same health and pension benefits that all other veterans of World War II receive, as well as many other bills that support the APA community. The Bay Area is lucky to be home to one of the largest populations of Asian Pacific Americans in the United States, particularly San Francisco and San Mateo County. For centuries it has been one of the great gateways to America, just like St. Louis for those coming west. I thank San Francisco Mayor Gavin Newsome and the members of the Board of Supervisors for their proclamation officially dedicating the month of May in San Francisco as Asian Pacific Heritage month. Mr. Speaker, I believe that we have come full circle as a nation in our attitudes toward Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders. This vibrant part of our community offers an array of perspectives that are firmly woven into the fabric of America, and I am extremely proud to serve as a representative of the community. I invite my colleagues of all backgrounds to join me in observing this wonderful month and recognizing the contributions that they have made in fighting for liberty and freedom for this great nation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on May 5, 2005 thirty years to the day after he arrived on this country's shore, Phil Friedman will once again cast his gaze on the awesome spectacle of the Statue of Liberty as so many other immigrants before and after him have done. But this time, he will be seeing that spectacular symbol of America's promise from his new office, as the successful company that he founded two decades ago celebrates its move from Broadway to Lower Manhattan. Phil's story is a singularly American one that would have done Horatio Alger proud. It can inspire other people who are U.S. citizens by choice, such as me and my wife, as well as anyone who understands what the American dream is about. Phil Friedman came of age in the Soviet Union, where he was trained in electronic engineering, accounting and finance before fleeing the oppressive Soviet system. After surmounting the challenge of emigrating, he found that life in America as a new arrival was no walk in the park--in order to succeed, he needed a better facility in English, and even more professional credentials. So he went back to school while his wife, Rose, studied accounting. After earning multiple degrees from New York University, he spent eight years in various positions in the information technology industry--first as a programmer, and then director of management information systems. Phil then took the plunge of entrepreneurship and began his own company, which he called Computer Generated Solutions (CGS). Like its founder, CGS rose from humble beginnings. At the start there were five employees in a small office in New York. The company now employs more than 1000 professionals in offices across the country and around the globe. Since its inception, both CGS and Phil have won numerous awards and gained the respect and praise of business analysts. As CGS has expanded its operations, Phil Friedman has been mindful of the potential effect on the U.S. workforce. He has resisted the industry trend toward outsourcing services and management positions, and has used the company's overseas facilities primarily to serve customers in those regions. Not long ago, he told a reporter that ``In the rush to send so many jobs offshore,'' the IT industry in this country was ``neglecting our moral responsibility to our employees. We said we needed these skills; now we're abandoning these people.'' CGS has made substantial investments in training its U.S. employees and developing their skills. On May 5, 2005 Computer Generated Solutions will inaugurate its new headquarters at the World Financial Center in Lower Manhattan, an event significant in its own right, since it marks the continued rebirth of an area devastated by the September 11th attacks. It is a fitting conclusion to this story that when Phil Friedman moves into the new CGS office building, he won't be gazing up at the Statue of Liberty looming overhead, but gazing out at the broad panorama of the harbor, Ellis Island and a horizon as full of promise as any immigrant's aspirations for a new life in the United States. Mr. Speaker, Phil Friedman and his wife Rose have given much back to this country. They have thrown their time and energy into countless philanthropic efforts on behalf of numerous causes both here in America and in Israel, for which they have received widespread and well- deserved recognition. The Friedman's and their children, Alyx and Jeffery, are truly the personification of the American dream. I urge all of my colleagues to join me in congratulating them on their successes, and wishing CGS the best of luck in its new home.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Last week, the Community of Democracies held its third meeting of Foreign Ministers in Santiago, Chile. This unique group of democracies from around the world met to discuss how democratic nations can cooperate to promote democracy around the world. I would like to inform my colleagues that at the opening plenary meeting of that Ministerial on Thursday April 29, 2005, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice made a compelling speech regarding United States support for those efforts. She expressed her deep seated views regarding the responsibilities of all democratic nations to do so and welcomed the establishment of a new International Center for Democratic Transition to be established in my hometown of Budapest, Hungary. Mr. Speaker, when Hungary was under the communist Boot, I would have never dreamed that such a Center would become a reality. I am putting Secretary Rice's speech in the Record and I urge all my colleagues to read it in the coming days. Remarks at the Community of Democracies Opening Plenary (By Secretary Condoleezza Rice) Thank you very much to the Chilean government, particularly to President Lagos and to Foreign Minister Walker for hosting this year's meeting of the Community of Democracies I think we have been all warmly welcomed here in Chile. I know that I speak for all my distinguished colleagues when I say that we are honored to gather here together in the name of democracy. Every democracy in the world has shared the triumph of Chile's citizens, as they have renewed their commitment to democracy. Indeed we have all experienced the profound hope of people here throughout Latin America, who have transformed their continent through their desire to live in liberty. Today, all the members of the Community of Democracies declare our deep conviction that freedom is the universal longing of every soul and democracy is the ideal path for every nation. The past year has brought forth a dramatic shift in the world's political landscape. Since our last meeting in Seoul, we have seen free elections in Afghanistan and in Iraq, and in the Palestinian territories. We have witnessed tremendous developments in places like Georgia and Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan and Lebanon. There comes a time when the spark of freedom flashes in the minds of all oppressed people, and they raise their voices against tyranny. The Community of Democracies must match the bravery of these men and women with the courage of our own convictions. We on the right side of freedom's divide have an obligation to help those on the wrong side of that divide. To support democratic aspirations, all free nations must clarify the moral choice between liberty and oppression. We must let all governments know that successful relations with our democratic community depend on the dignified treatment of their people. To strengthen democratic principles, all free nations must demand that leaders who are elected democratically have a responsibility to govern democratically. Abandoning the Rule of Law for the whim of rulers only leads to the oppression of innocent people. To advance our democratic consensus, all free nations must insist that upholding democratic principles is the surest path to greater international status. The Community of Democracies is one of a growing number of international organizations that make democracy an actual condition for membership. In the western hemisphere, the Organization of American States has adopted the Interamerican Democratic Charter and here in the southern cone, Mercosur is helping to bolster democracy. In Europe, only democracies can belong to the European community, and democratic principles have always been the cornerstone of NATO. The democratic character of states must become the cornerstone of a new, principled multilateralism. The real division in our world is between those states that are committed to freedom, and those who are not. International organizations like the Community of Democracies can help to create a balance of power that favors freedom. One positive action that we can take together is to work through the United Nations Democracy Caucus, to support reform of the United Nations. In particular, we should encourage the creation of a legitimate human rights body within the United Nations. Serious action on human rights can only come from countries that respect and protect human rights. Our Democratic Community can cooperate in other ways at the United Nations. The UN Democracy Fund, which President Bush proposed last fall at the general assembly, is an ideal way to provide tangible support to emerging democracies. Financial assistance is essential for all nations working to build firm foundations for freedom. The world's democracies must also help countries with their democratic transitions, every nation in this room has experienced a democratic transition of its own, some quite recently. Hungarian Foreign Minister Somogyi has proposed the creation of a democratic transition center. This is a terrific way, Minister, for our community to share with young democracies and democratic movements, the important lessons that we have learned from our own traditions and transitions. Democratization is after all, not an event, it is a process. It takes many years, even decades to realize the full promise of democratic reform. For nearly a century after the founding of the United States, millions of black Americans like me were still condemned to the status below that of full citizenship. When the founding fathers of America said ``We the People'', they did not mean me; many of my ancestors were thought to be only 3/5 of a man. And it is only within my lifetime that the United States has begun to guarantee the right to vote for all of our citizens. And so we know, in the United States, that this is a long and difficult process, and every nation in this room has experienced moments of tyranny in its history, some not too long ago. Today, our citizens share the common bond of having overcome tyranny through all our commitment to freedom and democracy. Now it is our historic duty to tell the world that tyranny is a crime of man, not a fact of nature. Our goal must always be the elimination of tyranny in our world. We, at the Community of Democracies must use the power of our shared ideals to accelerate democracies movement, to ever more places around the globe. We must usher in an era of democracy that thinks of tyranny as we thought of slavery today, a moral abomination that could not withstand the natural desire of every human being for a life of liberty and of dignity: This is our great purpose, together we will succeed.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commend the William H. Crocker Middle School of Hillsborough, California, located in my Congressional district, for its 4th consecutive year as a recipient of the National Blue Ribbon Award. For the year of 2004, California State Superintendent of Public Instruction, Jack O'Connell announced the 33 public and six private schools in California selected by United States Secretary of Education Rod Paige, as No Child Left Behind (NCLB) Blue Ribbon Schools. Schools who receive this honor demonstrate excellence in education and genuine investment in the value of that education for our children. It is my honor to congratulate each and every faculty member and parent of Crocker Middle School whose dedication to the education of their children indisputably earned Crocker Middle School the honor of being a Blue Ribbon School. Mr. Speaker, this 21-year old national recognition program sponsored by the U.S department of Education encourages states to nominate public kindergarten through grade twelve schools that are either academically superior or demonstrate dramatic gains in student achievement. The schools endure a rigorous application process, with success resting mostly on test scores, growth, and achievement in reading and math over three years. All schools selected as winners met the 2004 Adequate Yearly Progress criteria. Additionally, all schools have already been named as a California Distinguished School, or meet the qualification required to apply for this state awards program. On November 5, 2004, Crocker Middle School received the 2004 No Child Left Behind National Blue Ribbon Schools Award in Washington D.C. On February 7, 2005, I was invited to celebrate this accolade on the campus of Crocker. As my two daughters Annette and Katrina are alumnae of William H. Crocker Middle School, I was delighted to be a part of the celebration both as a father of and as a Member of Congress. Mr. Speaker, during my visit to the campus and after spending an assembly period with the students, parents and faculty of Crocker, I witnessed the immense enthusiasm and spirit this school fortunately possesses. As the only middle school in the nation to have received this distinction four years in a row, I have no doubt that under the leadership of Principal Janet Chun, William H. Crocker Middle School will continue to shine.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to call the attention of my colleagues to a new documentary film now in production dealing with the 1956 Hungarian Revolt against Soviet occupation. Entitled ``Torn from the Flag,'' the film is being prepared as part of the 2006 celebration marking the 50th anniversary of the Hungarian uprising. This film will include important archival material and recently opened files that have not been available until recently. It will also include insightful interviews with Hungarian freedom fighters, former political prisoners, secret police, and foreign citizens who participated in or witnessed the events. On October 13, 1956, students and workers commenced a spontaneous uprising against the repressive communist dictatorship. Against all odds, they successfully took on and defeated the police and installed a new government. There were eighteen days of freedom before Soviet tanks and military forces launched a major attack on November 4 crushing, once and for all, the uprising. Some 20,000 Hungarians and 3,500 Russians died in the fighting. The defeat of the Hungarian Revolt was one of the darkest moments of the Cold War, but it was also one of the early indications that the freedom-loving peoples of Central and Eastern Europe could not be forever repressed. The documentary takes its name from one of the most memorable images of the 1956 Hungarian Revolt. The revolutionaries cut from the center of the Hungarian tricolor flag the coat of arms of the communist People's Democratic Republic of Hungary. The flag with a hole in its center was emblematic of the Hungarian people's desire to rip out communism from their homeland, and this has been one of the most enduring symbols of the 1956 Revolution. Like the student revolution in Tiananmen Square, China, in April 1989, where Chinese students were brutally suppressed after a massive demonstration for democratic reform, the Hungarian Revolt provided the world with sharp insights into communist tyranny. The governments of the Soviet Union in 1956 in Hungary and China in 1989 at Tiananmen Square used similar tactics in cracking down on dissidents. In my office, everyday I see a large picture of the brave Chinese student who stood boldly in front of a long row of tanks during the Tiananmen revolt. That Chinese student and the brave Hungarian revolutionaries of 1956 represent the fighting spirit of all men and women against tyranny. The 1956 Revolution in Hungary is full of lessons and inspiration for people living under repressive regimes even today. The heroic fight of thousands of young men and women has played a crucial role in leading to the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe and in the former Soviet Union. Mr. Speaker, I invite my colleagues to note with me the upcoming 50th anniversary of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, to watch for the documentary ``Torn from the Flag'', and to rejoice that men and women everywhere are willing to unite in the fight, despite overwhelming odds against them, in order to free themselves from tyranny and repression.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I welcome this resolution marking the 60th anniversary of the allied victory in Europe at the end of World War II, which was introduced by the chairman of the Europe Subcommittee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Gallegly). I also want to thank our chairman, my good friend, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), for moving it so quickly through the committee and to the consideration by this House. In just a few days, Mr. Speaker, the President will mark this important historic anniversary by visiting Holland and Russia for special events commemorating the end of the Second World War in Europe. I remember well the events that we are commemorating. I was a teenager in Budapest, Hungary. And as a 16-year-old, I witnessed the military occupation of Hungary by Nazi troops in March 1944. For part of that year, Mr. Speaker, I was in and out of Hungarian labor camps forced to repair a rail bridge on the main railroad line between Budapest and Vienna, across one of the tributaries of the Danube River. We cheered as American aircraft from bases in Italy bombed the bridge, although we knew that as soon as those planes were gone we would be forced rebuild it. But we cheered because we knew that American participation in the war, and the heroic deeds of the American military, would ultimately bring about the defeat of the monstrous Nazi war machine. Ultimately, German forces retreated into Austria, the Soviet Army arrived liberating Budapest. Mr. Speaker, in a more direct and perhaps more personal sense than some of my colleagues here in the House, I have the greatest respect and admiration for the sacrifices of American soldiers and American pilots, many of whom give their lives in this epic battle against the evil forces of Adolph Hitler. In many ways, Mr. Speaker, victory in Europe in May 1945 marked more a beginning than an end. It marked the end of the Nazi threat to freedom, but marked the beginning of a new United States involvement in Europe. As the Cold War began even before the guns of the Second World War became silent, the United States worked with our European allies to defend freedom from the Soviet Union with the Berlin airlift, the establishment of NATO, and strong American support for European cooperation which finally led to the establishment of the European Union. As we look back on May 1945, at the exhilaration and camaraderie that we all shared at that time, I regret that some of that unity and cooperation has vanished. I regret that some of the countries that were liberated by the shedding of American blood in Normandy, and hundreds of other battlefields across the continent, are now cynically critical of our actions and obstructive of our efforts. Our fight against terrorism is no less a struggle for our common freedom and democratic way of live than was the fight against Nazi Germany. Mr. Speaker, I owe my life to the American military, and to the military forces of the other allied countries who liberated Europe at an enormous cost. I am honored to join in paying tribute to the men and women who served in Europe during World War II and in remembering them on this 60th anniversary of the liberation of Europe. This was truly the Greatest Generation. And I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, we have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.