Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on November 4, 2003 I had the privilege of entering into the Record the prepared remarks of President Chen Shui- bian upon his acceptance of the International Human Rights Award on October 31, 2003. It is with great pleasure, Mr. Speaker, that today I am able to enter into the Record President Chen's remarks as delivered. Mr. Speaker, I would also like to take this opportunity to once again commend President Chen for his decades-long struggle for human rights and democracy in Taiwan and congratulate him upon his acceptance of the International Human Rights Award. President Chen is a freedom fighter we can all look up to, and it is with great pleasure that I enter into the Congressional Record his remarks, as delivered. President Horton, Congressman Lantos, Congressman Ackerman, Mr. Rabaut, Mr. Wu, Executive Director Dr. Kantrow, Board Member Dr. Chen, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen: Good evening! On behalf of the government and people of Taiwan, I would like to pay special tribute to the International League for Human Rights (ILHR). Over the last 62 years since its establishment, the League has worked unrelentingly in carrying out its mission of defending human rights and rights advocates who have risked their lives to promote the ideals of a just and civil society. The Human Rights Award conferred on me this evening is an honor bestowed upon the 23 million people of Taiwan. It signifies both affirmations and expectations. The award is representative of the international validation that the people of Taiwan have received for decades of effort in pursuit of democracy, freedom and human rights. It is also a reminder that we have assumed by destiny the duty of protecting human rights and of upholding international human rights principles. The year 2000 marked Taiwan's first peaceful transfer of power and our country's first alternation of political parties, an accomplishment unprecedented in the history of all Chinese societies. In my inaugural speech, I proposed a goal of building our nation on the principles of human rights. We are committed to abide by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action. We also pledged to bring Taiwan on par with the international human rights system despite our authoritarian past. Over the past three and a half years, concrete actions have been taken to fulfill our commitments. In step with the institutionalization of human rights protection mechanisms, comprehensive human rights policies and implementation measures have been carefully drafted, as outlined in our Human Rights Policy White Paper, and the Organic Law of the National Human Rights Commission is currently under review in our National Legislature. My office has established a presidential Human Rights Advisory Committee and the Cabinet has also established an Inter-Ministerial Committee. Both have been collaborating with local and international human rights NGOs for the purpose of incorporating the International Bill of Rights into a ``Taiwan Bill of Rights.'' Furthermore, the ``National Human Rights Report'' will soon be published--another first for Taiwan--and work is in progress for a National Human Rights Memorial Museum responsible for social education and raising public awareness. My friends, although our journey has not been easy, Taiwan has not stood alone. Support from the international community, particularly the United States, has played a critical role. I will never forget the watershed event--the Kaohsiung Incident--in Taiwan's democratization process. On December 10, 1979, a group of Taiwan citizens defiantly held a rally to commemorate International Human Rights Day. Because such activity was forbidden by the ruling regime of the time, rally leaders were charged with illegal assembly and conspiracy for sedition. As a defense attorney in the Kaohsiung Incident, I personally witnessed the efforts of ILHR, who sent Professor John Kaplan to Taiwan to observe the trial at the military tribunal. The rest of the international human rights community also rendered assistance--and inspiration--to Taiwan's democratic movement. My wife and I were both victims of human rights violation I was sentenced to prison for fighting for freedom of speech. My wife was seriously injured in what is believed to be a politically motivated accident and must spend the rest of her life in a wheelchair. However, like the brave sacrifices made by Taiwan's pioneers of democracy, our suffering only serves to strengthen the determination of the Taiwanese people in their pursuit of political and personal freedoms. Today, there are no more blacklists, no more political prisoners, no more religious persecution. Citizens in Taiwan now enjoy full civil rights--freedom of speech, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, freedom of press and other categories of rights. Despite our exclusion from the United Nations, Taiwan has never slowed its pace to push for human rights reform. At a time when the international community is caught up in debates on ``clashes of civilization'' with regard to human rights protection, Taiwan's experience is proof that human rights are a universal value and humanity's common asset. All countries and individuals should have access to these universal rights; none should be subjected to a double- standard. As stated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, ``Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.'' I would like to take this opportunity to express appreciation to the government of the United States of America for its efforts to help promote human rights in Taiwan. Section II(C) of the ``Taiwan Relations Act'', which was passed by the U.S. Congress in 1979, stipulates that ``the preservation and enhancement of the human rights of all the people an Taiwan are hereby reaffirmed as objective of the United States.'' We appreciate, and are always mindful of the concern and support a more established democracy has given to a fledgling one. Taiwan's achievement in human rights and democracy so far would not have been possible were it not for the generosity of those of the international community who have stood behind us. Likewise, we would not be able to receive the affirmation and commendation of the ILHR and other international human rights organizations. Of course, a sound and solid institutionalized system is requisite for the effective protection of human rights. Taiwan has now established a fair electoral environment with an increasingly vigorous civil society. However, much remain to be further strengthened in terms of consolidating and deepening our democracy and human rights. Whether we succeed or not would rely on the collective and continuing efforts of the people, particularly on whether we can consolidate our democracy by rectifying the inadequacies in our constitutional framework. More than two centuries ago, the founding fathers of the United States spurred in Constitutional debate, prompting a great New Yorker, Mr. Alexander Hamilton, to criticize ``the insufficiency of the present Confederation to preserve the Union.'' He argued in ``The Federalist Papers'' that the Articles of Confederation failed to address issues such as a checks-and-balances system of the government, separation of powers among agencies, fair representation of the States, and safeguarding freedom of the people. He concluded that the very design of the Articles of Confederation was insufficient to meet the needs of the American people. As a result of extensive discussions and debates by America's founding fathers, the Constitution of the United States of America was created and has been honored to this day. The U.S. Constitution became the pulse of American society, and allowed for amendments, including Bill of Rights, to be incorporated, thereby guaranteeing freedom and laying a strong foundation for sustainable development of the American democracy. Taiwan now faces a similar ``insufficiency'' of the constitutional framework. As my country's leader, it is imperative that I shoulder responsibility for Taiwan's national development and set a clear vision for the future. I believe that a sound and sustainable constitutional framework can be created through rational debate and engendered by civic consciousness. This is the rationale upon which I have proposed the concept of ``hastening the birth of a new constitution for Taiwan.'' The ``hastening of a new Taiwan constitution'' will determine whether or not our democracy can come into full bloom. This, strengthened and supplemented by the institutions of direct democracy, such as referendums, would be a necessary step in advancing Taiwan's human rights and the deepening of its democracy. One must not be misled by the contention that holding referendums or re-engineering our constitutional framework, bears any relevance to the ``Four No's plus one'' pledge presented in my inaugural speech. Neither should matters concerning Taiwan's constitutional development be simplistically interpreted as a political debate of ``unification versus independence.'' I stand before you today, appealing to the collective conscience of the world community, asking that the voice of Taiwan be heard, for ours is the voice of democracy and progress. It is my job as President, to safeguard the security, democracy, freedom and human rights of the 23 million people of Taiwan, and, in so doing, build a solid foundation for the sustainable progress of Taiwan's continuing democratization. The progression of democracy and human rights in Taiwan not only signifies a triumph of our people in the relentless pursuit for freedom, it is also a torch of democracy for all Chinese societies and has become an indispensable asset to the United States as well as the international society. I have great confidence that by advancing our democracy, we shall show where Taiwan stands in terms of values: A veritable part of the world's democratic community. While furthering human rights in Taiwan, I call for a joint effort among Asian governments and regional NGOs for a regional framework for the advancement of human rights, including a state-sponsored regional charter, a regional commission, and a regional court of human rights. The newly founded Taiwan Foundation for Democracy can serve as one of the channels through which we shall endeavor to make our rightful contributions and share out experience in the protection and promotion of human rights. I want Taiwan to be a positive contributing force in the international human rights movement. On the Green Island, situated off the south-east coast of Taiwan, there used to be a concentration camp and prison for the confinement and deprivation of countless human rights defenders. On this island, the Taiwanese equivalent to the infamous Robin Island of South Africa, there stands a monument on which names of victims of human rights abuse are inscribed. The epitaph reads: ``In those times, how mothers wept through long nights for their imprisoned children.'' I have kept that epitaph in my heart, and tonight, I would like to share it with you as a tribute to all who support, advocate, and have stood up in the name of human rights: Let there be no more fear, let there be no more tears. Let the world take Taiwan as an example. She is emerging from her democratic metamorphosis. While I am standing on this stage, receiving this Human Rights Award and giving this speech, out there is a group of people protesting and shouting. I must tell them clearly: You are in a wrong place and protesting to the wrong person; for you should be happy for me to receive this Award. Human rights are universal. The path towards human rights is the right path and a road of no return. The democratic achievements of Taiwan and the deepening of human rights there can serve as a beacon for others. What you should ask yourselves is: Why can Taiwan do it and we cannot? Along with the 23 million people in Taiwan, I would like to invite the people protesting out there to share my joy and pride in receiving the Human Rights Award. Do believe in democracy, in freedom and in human rights. We will make it. Thank you.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, before yielding back our time, I would merely like to mention that a number of us coming back from Baghdad were in Ankara, Turkey's capital, just a couple of weeks ago. We had a lengthy and significant discussion with the distinguished Foreign Minister of Turkey. We reaffirmed, as did our Turkish counterparts, our firm commitment to fight terrorism globally. These tragic events in Istanbul since our visit to Ankara underscore the urgency and the importance of our stand. I call on all of our colleagues to support this very important resolution.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Nevada (Ms. Berkley), a distinguished member of the Committee on International Relations and a steadfast fighter against global terrorism.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I am strongly in support of this resolution. First, let me pay tribute to my dear friend, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), for initiating this important legislation and to recognize the contributions of my friends, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler) and the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith). I particularly want to thank the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) for being so gracious late yesterday afternoon in expediting the handling of this legislation. Madam Speaker, at least 50 people are dead and over 700 are injured in a sickening and appalling wave of suicide bombings in Istanbul over this past week. The attacks targeted Jewish places of worship and British governmental and business institutions; but the overwhelming majority of the victims are Muslim Turks, proof positive of the total cynicism and utter phoniness of these so-called Islamist assassins. This is not just a war on the Jews, though it is also that. It is not just a war on the British or on our own country, although it is that. It is a war on the entire civilized and democratic world and its values. It is now clear that al Qaeda and its Turkish supporters have declared war on the democratic Republic of Turkey as part of that overall assault. Al Qaeda recognizes that the existence of Turkey, 99 percent Muslim, pro-Western, a secular democracy on the frontiers of the Western world, makes a mockery of al Qaeda's religious extremism. These terrorists want to roll back Western values by destabilizing and destroying Turkish democracy. Madam Speaker, the Turkish Government has behaved admirably in this dark hour. It condemned the action and it vowed to catch the perpetrators, and I have no doubt that they shall. Now, the hard work of finding these terrorists, destroying their cells, and preventing future attacks begins. The Turkish Government and the Turkish people should know that the American people will be steadfast in our support of them in this dark hour. All civilized nations must do likewise. The Turkish Interior Minister is correct to dismiss what he calls the crocodile tears of those who express condolences, but do nothing to fight terrorism. Madam Speaker, we mourn the deaths, we pray for the wounded, and our hearts go out to the families of all of the victims. And to all the citizens of Istanbul and all of Turkey whose lives have been so brutally violated, let us honor them by joining with Turkey and with all who believe in freedom to fight the extremist criminals who want to end our way of life. They will fail and we shall prevail. I strongly support this resolution, and I urge all of my colleagues to do likewise. Madam Speaker, I am delighted to yield 6 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), my good friend and the author of this resolution.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler), my good friend, a distinguished member of the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no additional speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Emanuel).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone), my good friend and distinguished colleague.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, among the many Members who deserve commendation for the bill before us, I would like to single out for recognition my friend, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) who first introduced this bill in the 107th Congress; my good friend, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) for her superb chairmanship of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia who joined the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), in initiating this bill in the 108th Congress; and my friend, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia, who has been a tireless fighter for tough-minded U.S. policies towards State sponsors of terrorism. Mr. Speaker, for years, our government has favored Syria over other State sponsors of terrorism. We allow more trade with Syria than with the others, and we maintain normal diplomatic ties with Syria. This legislation, the Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003, will end this special treatment, this inequity. It will make our Syria policy more like our policies toward other State sponsors of terrorism. With this legislation, Syria's support for terrorism, as well as Syria's illegal occupation of Lebanon, will become the central focus of our bilateral relations, rather than just an afterthought. Mr. Speaker, Syrian-sponsored terrorism was responsible for the worst pre-September 11 terrorist incident in American history: the cold- blooded murder of 241 of our Marines by a suicide bomber in Lebanon a few years ago. Now, Syrian behavior is resulting in more American military being killed, this time in Iraq. Recently, as my colleagues know, I visited Syria and met with President Bashar al-Asad. I warned him that the Syria Accountability Act would soon be on its way to passage unless Syria changed its ways. My words to him were both a prediction and a pledge. Asad understood me perfectly. The Secretary of State, Colin Powell, delivered a very similar message to him one week after my visit. Yet, Syria's unacceptable and menacing behavior has not changed. Palestinian terrorists still populate Damascus. Hezbollah still occupies the south of Lebanon, its military arsenal regularly replenished, both by arms from Syria and Iran. Lebanon continues to remain under Syria's thumb. There are some 17,000 Syrian occupation troops in Lebanon, and countless additional thousands of Syrian intelligence officers controlling Lebanon. Anti-U.S. incitement continues in the Syrian media. Dissident Syrian parliamentarians and academicians, who want only freedom, languish in prison. Terrorists and Jahadists are allowed to cross the Syrian border into Iraq for the purpose of killing our own fighting men and women. Mr. Speaker, I wish that this legislation had not been necessary, but the Syrian regime has made it so. Despite warning after warning, it has refused to heed the dictates of common sense. Now, Syria will pay the consequences. The door to good relations with the United States has been wide open to Syria. Secretary of State Powell, myself, and others beckoned Syria to enter, but the Syrian regime has contemptuously slammed the door shut. Mr. Speaker, even now, as this legislation makes clear, our Nation would welcome good relations with Syria just as soon as the Syrian regime conforms to the minimal norms of civilized international conduct. Until then, I urge my colleagues to support H.R. 1828.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 7\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), the originator of this legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to offer some observations regarding H.R. 3521, which includes the text of H.R. 528 that would establish normal trade relations for the Republic of Armenia. First, I wish to make clear I have supported conditionally terminating the application of the Jackson-Vanik amendment, known as Title IV, to the Soviet successor states, starting with the Kyrgyz Republic and the Republic of Georgia in 2000. In the case of this legislation, I support granting permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) status to Armenia. I believe that graduation from Jackson-Vanik will contribute to economic growth in Armenia. Starting in 1989, Armenia had been receiving annual Jackson-Vanik waivers, first as part of the Soviet Union and then as an independent country. It's time to make this process permanent. However, I also strongly believe that the graduation for any successor state must be conditioned upon the development of a legal structure that guarantees internationally recognized human rights for its Jewish citizens, and members of other religious, national and ethnic minorities. In the absence of such conditions, there is in my opinion no possibility of establishing democratic institutions applicable to all citizens. Twice in the past, in the case of the Republic of Georgia and the Republic of Kyrgyzstan, Congress has prudently determined that graduation from Jackson-Vanik would require more than the mere opening of a country's doors to emigration. The legislation prudently noted the advances made in other areas prior to waiving Jackson-Vanik, including the ability of Jews and other minorities to identify with their cultural heritage, restitution of communal property, rigorous governmental responses to anti-Semitism an xenophobia, and commitments on the implementation of laws and practices ensuring minority protection. I believe that we do a disservice to the Republic of Armenia and to the Armenian diaspora--Armenia's greatest resource and asset--by not including the same standards to this legislation. The findings that we believe should be included in this legislation are as follows: The Congress of the United States finds that Armenia-- Registered significant progress in developing a system of governance in accordance with the provisions of the Final Act of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (also known as the ``Helsinki Final Act'') regarding human rights and humanitarian affairs; Addressed issues related to its national and religious minorities through the relevant articles of its Constitution, and as a member state of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), ensured that persons belonging to national minorities have full equality individually as well as in community with other members of their group; Provided protection against incitement to violence against persons or groups based on national, racial, ethnic, or religious discrimination, hostility, or hatred, including anti-Semitism; [Append the following to finding in H.R. 528 related to enacting free-market reforms] And is committed to making additional reforms to its economy; Concluded a bilateral trade agreement with the United States, which entered into force on April 7, 1992, and a bilateral investment treaty, which entered into force on March 29, 1996; Demonstrated a commitment to enforcing internationally recognized core labor standards and to continue to improve effective enforcement of its laws reflecting such standards; and Acceded to the World Trade Organization on February 5, 2003, and the extension of unconditional normal trade relations treatment to the products of Armenia will enable the United States to avail itself of all rights under the World Trade Organization with respect to Armenia. Armenia's small Jewish community is relatively well-treated and maintains a good working relationship with the government. I hope that the Armenian government will make available to the Jewish community an appropriate public space as symbolic compensation for communal properties destroyed during the Soviet period. Although Armenia has gained accession to the World Trade Organization, the decision to graduate a country from the Jackson-Vanik amendment should be based upon those issues which motivated the original enactment of this law: religious freedom and human rights. Adoption of PNTR for Armenia by this House in the context as part of a larger, unrelated tax measure without this language should not be seen as any precedent for any future graduation. In any case, I look forward to working with the gentleman from California and the gentleman from New York on incorporating language along these lines in the final bill regarding this legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), who has played such a pivotal role in bringing peace and democracy to this whole region.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in strong support of this resolution. First, Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter), and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler) for their leadership on this important resolution and the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) for moving it forward so expeditiously. Mr. Speaker, this resolution celebrates cooperation and forward thinking among the nations of the Balkans, a region that just a few years ago was engulfed in bloody ethnic violence and strife. The United States has an enduring interest in the independence, territorial integrity, and security of Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia. We must make every effort to support their full integration into the community of democratic Euro-Atlantic states. The Adriatic Charter affirms the commitment of Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia to the values and principles of NATO and to joining the alliance at the earliest possible time. Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia have taken positive steps to advance their integration into Europe and have already contributed to European security and to the peace and security of southeast Europe through the resolution of conflicts in the region. Croatia has announced its intention to join the European Union and is moving steadily in that direction. Albania has been making important progress in its transition to democracy and as a candidate for NATO membership. Both Macedonia and Croatia are also candidates for NATO membership, and all three nations are fully committed to the Membership Action Plan agreed upon by NATO. Mr. Speaker, the Adriatic Charter is a milestone in this region, where very recently people were skeptical about the fate of democracy and human rights. Many argue that the American emphasis upon democracy in the region was misplaced and that our Nation's efforts would fail. We proved the skeptics wrong. If the Speaker will allow a personal word, it was not too many years ago that my wife and I were the first American officials to visit Albania, at the time still a communist dictatorship; and the head of Albania asked me to carry a letter to our President asking for the reestablishment of diplomatic relations between Albania and the United States of America. I did so and the rest is history. Mr. Speaker, I again commend all of my colleagues who have worked so hard on this legislation, and I urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Hawaii (Mr. Abercrombie). (Mr. ABERCROMBIE asked and eas given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend for her eloquent and powerful statement. Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Guam (Mr. Bordallo).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, it gives me extraordinary pleasure to yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Watson), our former distinguished Ambassador to Micronesia.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this legislation. I am very pleased that the House is taking final action today on renewal of the Compact of Free Association with the Federated States of Micronesia and the Republic of the Marshall Islands. With final approval of these compacts, the United States will further solidify our relationship with these Western Pacific nations, both of which are close allies and make an ongoing contribution to our national defense. To understand the importance of renewing the compacts, Mr. Speaker, we must remember our Nation's history in the region. During the Second World War, American soldiers liberated the Pacific, island by island, in brutal and bloody battles. After the war, the United States administered Micronesia and the Marshalls, and we have maintained a vitally important military base on Kwajalein Atoll. In the 1940s and 1950s, the United States used the Marshall Islands as a nuclear testing ground. The Marshallese people were dramatically affected by these nuclear tests, and entire islands remain uninhabitable, even today. Since the independence of the Marshalls and Micronesia in 1986, the ties between our nations have grown even stronger. When Congress approved the Compact of Free Association in 1986, we received a very good bargain. Funds would flow to the island nations in return for strategic denial and a defense veto. The Kwajalein Army Base is vitally important to American missile tests, and as a listening post to the world. With approval of the compacts, the United States advanced our national security interests. However, our government inadequately monitored the expenditure of funds and ignored the need to promote economic development in the islands. The compacts before the House today ensure that funds will be well spent in the future, will promote sound economic development, and will focus on the all-important subjects of education and health care. They also establish trust funds for both nations to ensure that they can become self-sufficient in 20 years. Mr. Speaker, H.J. Res. 63 promotes our Nation's national security interests and furthers our already excellent relationship with the Marshalls and Micronesia. I urge its approval. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend my friend from California for his powerful statement. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lofgren). (Ms. LOFGREN asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Capps).