Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott), my good friend and distinguished colleague.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to thank my friend for his powerful and significant statement. Mr. Speaker, I have no additional requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to thank my friend from Minnesota for her eloquent and powerful statement. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin), a fighter for human rights and the distinguished ranking member of the Helsinki Commission, the most successful international entity working for human rights.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 4 minutes to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. McCollum), my good friend and distinguished colleague, who has been a leader on all human rights issues, including the plight of torture victims.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, although I am unable to be present for the final vote on the Conference Report on H.R. 6 because of a long- standing commitment, I want to voice my very strong opposition to H.R. 6, the Energy Policy Act of 2003. Mr. Speaker, only in a one-party process is such a one-sided and ill- conceived bill possible. By excluding Democrats from meaningful participation in the conference committee, the Republican majority has failed to achieve the bipartisan consensus that is necessary to deal with America's real energy security needs. This bill does little or nothing to help the most populous state in our Nation--my home state of California. I am seriously concerned about the environmental impact of this ill-conceived and one-sided legislation. The bill protects manufacturers of the gasoline additive MTBE that has contaminated water supplies in California. It doubles the subsidy for ethanol, the corn-based anti-pollution gasoline additive that is not particularly helpful in our state. It does little or nothing to protect against an energy crisis such as the one California faced 2 years ago. I am seriously concerned that it opens the door to off-shore drilling in California. Mr. Speaker, this bill fails to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, and it fails to provide sufficient help for conservation or alternative energy development. In the end, I believe that the only beneficiaries are the oil and gas interests which are slated to receive increased subsidies, not the American consumer that needs help the most. Once again the Republicans in this House are selling out the American consumer in order to benefit their friends in Big Oil and the gas industry.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow is the 25th anniversary of the massacre at Jonestown where more than 900 people lost their lives to the sick cause of a sociopath masquerading as a visionary. Among the victims was my distinguished predecessor and good friend, Congressman Leo Ryan, the first Member of Congress ever killed in the line of duty. He was gunned down along with four others of his delegation whom he led to investigate reports of human rights abuses in the jungles of Guyana. Mr. Speaker, while we continue to struggle to understand such events, let us also continue to commemorate the people they affect. I would like to ask all of my colleagues for a moment of silence to remember our fallen colleague, my predecessor representing the San Francisco peninsula in Congress, Congressman Leo Ryan, and to honor his work for justice and human rights. Mr. Speaker, November 18, is the 25th anniversary of the massacre at Jonestown. A quarter century ago, more than 900 people lost their lives to the sick cause of a sociopath masquerading as a visionary. Among the victims was Congressman Leo Ryan, the first Member of Congress ever killed in the line of duty. He was gunned down, along with four others of the delegation that he led to investigate reports of human rights abuses at a compound in the jungles of Guyana. Ten members of his group were wounded, some of them seriously, including California State Senator Jackie Speier, who was then a member of Congressman Ryan's staff. In addition to those who died, thousands more were directly affected by the Jonestown tragedy: the grieving family members and friends of those who had misplaced their faith in the so-called Peoples Temple led by Jim Jones. Mr. Speaker, survivors of that misguided movement, as well as relatives of Leo Ryan and of others who died, are gathering in Foster City, California, in a park that bears Congressman Ryan's name. They will consider his gifts and accomplishments as a public servant, and they will carry on with the struggle to make sense of the events that cut short his life and those of so many others. Leo Ryan dedicated his life to protecting the oppressed. Elected to the California State Assembly in 1962, he was so moved by the conditions that led to the Watts Riots two years later that he volunteered as a substitute schoolteacher in Watts while the community rebuilt itself. This was typical of Leo Ryan: Confronted with a complex situation of social injustice, he insisted on getting his facts first- hand. In 1970, after hearing about abuses against convicts in California's top-security institutions, he spent a week undercover behind bars in Folsom Prison to see for himself how they were treated. Mr. Speaker, this hands-on approach characterized Leo Ryan's work here in Congress, where he served on the Foreign Affairs Committee. In early 1978, concerns had been raised about U.S. citizens being held against their will in Guyana; stories were filtering out about beatings and forced rehearsals for mass suicides. When constituents brought the issue to Leo Ryan's attention, he took action. There were warnings, but characteristically, Congressman Ryan was undeterred. He moved with caution, yet without trepidation, to organize a trip to Guyana. And to alert the world to what he expected to find, he brought along with him a handful of journalists, as well as members of the Concerned Relatives group whose loved ones were in the thrall of Jim Jones. But after challenging Jones and confirming some of his concerns, Leo Ryan, three of the journalists and a defector from the Peoples Temple were to lose their lives on a jungle airstrip as the cataclysm at Jonestown began. What lessons can be drawn from these experiences, Mr. Speaker? What can we conclude when we continue to see the rise of aberrant social groups that use violence to control their members, and are capable of unleashing brutality upon the world? Jim Jones' methods of control mirror those of totalitarian leaders throughout history. He created a cult of personality centered on himself, demanded absolute obedience, isolated those who surrounded him from their former lives, and instilled in them a profound sense of paranoia about the outside world. The Peoples Temple's members were manipulated to see in it whatever they wanted it to be. It was a self-help group for some, for others a religious movement, and for many it represented a new means to address society's shortcomings. Jim Jones also managed to legitimize the group among some conventional religious and political leaders by supporting their public events and contributing money to their causes during the years when the Peoples Temple was based in San Francisco. How could so many people find themselves hoodwinked to varying degrees, letting themselves even be linked with this deviant community, much less joining its ranks and sacrificing their lives? Mr. Speaker, it is a hard question to confront. And the Peoples Temple example teaches us most dramatically not to be seduced by easy answers. It is left to historians and specialists in mass psychology to piece together and place in context the puzzle of Jonestown, the rise of Fascism in Europe, and any number of other instances in which a twisted and charismatic individual has found ways to exploit the weaknesses of large groups and to destroy their will. As John Ross Hall wrote in one of the definitive studies of Jonestown, Gone From the Promised Land, ``We hear the screams, but we do not entirely understand them, and we will continue to wrestle with the apocalypse they unveiled.'' And I would add, we will continue to commemorate the victims, and to pay tribute to their lives. Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask for a moment of silence here in this chamber to remember our fallen colleague, my predecessor representing the San Francisco Peninsula in Congress, Leo Ryan, and to honor his work for justice and human rights.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, first I would like to congratulate my good friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), vice chairman of the Committee on International Relations, for his continuing dedication to the critical issue of fighting trafficking in persons. The gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) has brought his passionate and principled commitment to this most important matter, and I want to congratulate him. I am proud to be an original cosponsor of this important reauthorization bill, and I want to thank the chairman, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), for bringing the matter to the floor today. I also want to express publicly my appreciation to the chief democratic council, Mr. David Abromowitz for his invaluable work in connection with this legislation. Mr. Speaker, in the 106th Congress, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) and our former colleague, my predecessor as the ranking member of the Committee on International Relations, Mr. Gejdenson of Connecticut, expended enormous energy to pass the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000. At that time, the shocking truth was that thousands of men and women were being forced to labor in fields across the United States without pay, to work endless hours in sweatshops, and to serve in sexual slavery in cities across this country. U.S. prosecution of traffickers faltered because attorneys in our Department of Justice did not have the right tools to pursue new forms of trafficking, which often relied on threats, not chains, and on document fraud, not bills of sale. Overseas, millions of people were being used as chattel, and the brothels of Bombay and Bangkok were overflowing with prostitutes, many of them pitifully young girls who were forced to provide sex. Governments were barely aware of what was happening to their own people. They usually blamed the victims instead of helping them. Today, Mr. Speaker, the picture is visibly brighter. Empowered by the Trafficking Victims Protection Act of 2000, the Attorney General is prosecuting cases from all over the United States. Victims are coming forward because of the Federal benefits we are offering to them as we treat them like the refugees that they are. Naming countries that are not making significant efforts to combat trafficking and threatening them with sanctions are forcing measurable changes in the way that governments around the globe are facing this modern-day form of slavery. This vicious practice is under assault from all directions. But, Mr. Speaker, trafficking in human beings remains a significant problem. In Brazil, for instance, an estimated 40,000 men, women, and children are forced to toil in large estates to clear land, mine for precious minerals, and produce charcoal and rubber. The abhorrent conditions in which they work amount to slavery in the 21st century in our own hemisphere. Although the recently installed administration of President Lula has done much to free many of these trapped laborers, resource constraints, political unwillingness to seek legislative changes and a powerful group of large estate owners impede additional efforts. Mr. Speaker, we clearly need to do more. In the 2\1/2\ years since the enactment of the trafficking legislation, we have learned much more about the phenomenon of trafficking and how to combat it. The legislation before us today, the Trafficking Victims Reauthorization Act of 2003, implements these new lessons. For example, our bill authorizes new strategies for prevention, including using trafficking victims to identify traffickers at the borders and deterring sex tourism, which is part of the fuel of sex slavery around the globe. It increases protection by making measured expansions of the visa category for trafficking victims. It improves cooperation with respect to State and local trafficking prosecutions, which are increasingly in the front line of law enforcement in this area. It enhances prosecution of traffickers by ensuring that trafficking is treated like the organized crime that it is. It coordinates more effectively Federal efforts by ensuring a comprehensive report on our efforts and by establishing an interagency group to ensure compliance. I believe the administration in this regard should consider using the expertise developed in the interagency group to review all U.S. assistance programs that affect trafficking victims, including public health programs such as HIV/AIDS that target trafficking victims. Mr. Speaker, before concluding, I want to commend the President for expressing his commitment to combat trafficking human beings in his speech before the General Assembly of the United Nations this past September. I welcome the President joining our fight against human rights abuses, both in the area of sex trafficking and forced labor. Indeed, our bill demonstrates a continuing congressional commitment to fighting this outrage by authorizing additional funds for U.S. agencies to combat this human rights crisis around the globe. Finally, Mr. Speaker, the original legislation, we must all remember, was one of the singular achievements of our late colleague from Minnesota, Senator Paul Wellstone. Adopting this legislation is a fitting tribute to his memory. I urge all of my colleagues to support H.R. 2620. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, first I want to thank my good friend from Virginia for his most gracious words. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield as much time as she might consume to my distinguished colleague and dear friend, the gentlewoman from California (Ambassador Watson).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith). On that basis, I would say this is a good bipartisan bill, and I strongly urge all of my colleagues to support it. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Before closing, I would first like to recognize my friend and colleague from New York (Ms. Slaughter) for her leadership on this issue for many years and for her commitment to this most important cause. I would like to yield for a colloquy with the distinguished vice chairman of our committee and the principal sponsor of this legislation. Mr. Speaker, as the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) knows, as in other bills, there are provisions in this legislation that represent a compromise and do not go as far as either side would like. In this case, Mr. Speaker, there is a provision that prohibits providing funds to any organization that promotes, supports, or advocates the legalization of the practice of prostitution. Some have raised concerns regarding this provision since the committee has reported this bill, and I think that this provision needs some clarification. When this provision was drafted, it was my understanding that an organization can satisfy this requirement if it states in a grant application or in a grant agreement or both that it does not promote, support, or advocate such action since it has no policy regarding this issue. Just to be clear on this point, I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) to confirm that this is his understanding of the statute.

Mr. LANTOS. I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise to commend the extraordinary efforts of our firefighters called to duty in Southern California during the recent wildfires. We all watched closely the television coverage of the terrifying devastation of unimaginable proportions in widespread fires so large we learned the names of the Old Fire, the Cedar Fire, and the Grand Prix Fire. The latest statistics reflect the enormous impact caused by these fires. Twenty-one lives have been lost, nearly 3500 homes destroyed, with nearly 650,000 acres of state, federal, and private land involved. The firefighting cost alone is already estimated at over $90 million. This only represents some of the measurable loss for no estimation can ever determine the human cost of lives, homes, and lands lost. Firefighters from all over came to help their neighbors in this time of desperate need. An estimated 12,000 firefighters were on the fire line over last weekend. I am particularly proud of the firefighters from my Congressional district that responded to the alarm. Fire Captain Charles Barringer of San Bruno, California, led a strike team of firefighters from Millbrae, San Mateo, Burlingame, Hillsborough, and San Bruno to help fight the blaze in Simi Valley in Ventura County. Captain Barringer said that he never had seen anything like it and that ``it was like a volcano went off in the streets.'' Another strike team led by Foster City Battalion Chief Stan Maupin was made up of firefighters from Woodside, Menlo Park, South County Fire, Redwood City, and Foster City. This team fought the fires in San Bernardino County. Each of these two teams spent about a week fighting the fires and now have returned home. It is my understanding that a third team from San Mateo County consisting of firefighters from South San Francisco, Daly City, Colma, Half Moon Bay, and Hillsborough remains on duty in Southern California. On behalf of the people of my district I wish to extend our heartfelt sympathies to those who have lost family members and friends. To those who are suffering from the devastation we hope you know that all your neighbors have stood with you and stand ready to help you rebuild and recover. I am pleased to join my distinguished colleagues, Mrs. Davis and Mr. Hunter as a cosponsor of H. Res. 425 to recognize and honor the firefighters and other public servants who responded to the October 2003, historically devastating, outbreak of wildfires in Southern California. I commend all those who have been engaged in this fight. Most particularly I commend those firefighters from San Francisco and San Mateo County who answered the call and risked their lives to help others. I have always been proud of our firefighters and am reminded once again of their dedicated and selfless service.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, the experts told us during the 1980's that freedom for South Africa was a lost cause, and sanctions would never work. South Africa is now free. They said that the Soviets would never release Nathan Sharansky. He is now a Member of the Israeli Cabinet. They said that freedom for East Timor was a lost cause. East Timor is now free. And they said democracy, free press and civil society would not thrive in Taiwan. Mr. Speaker, the people of Taiwan are living proof that there are no ``lost causes'' when it comes to human rights, only battles yet to be won. Taiwan's democratic development is exemplary of Chinese people around the world who, regardless of where they live, seek the same basic human freedoms as everyone else. Mr. Speaker, like South Africa, Soviet refusniks, and East Timor, the road to freedom in Taiwan was not easy, and there were many choices to be made along the way. After political activists in Taiwan were arrested in 1980, Chen Shui-bian could have stayed silent. But instead, he joined the team of attorneys defending them. In 1986, when the Taiwan Government locked Mr. Chen behind bars for ``criminal libel''-- otherwise known as telling the truth--it would have been easy to withdraw from politics upon his release. Instead, Mr Chen joined the Democratic Progressive Party, and ran successfully for the legislature in 1989. In 1994, Mr. Chen ran for Mayor of Taipei even though the position of mayor had never been held by a member of the opposition party. He won. And during the 2000 Presidential elections in Taiwan, it seemed inconceivable that a member of the opposition would actually win the presidency for the first time in Taiwan's history. Not only did he prevail, but the peaceful transition of power demonstrated the strength and vitality of Taiwan's nascent democracy. Mr. Speaker, it would have been easy upon Mr. Chen's election to focus solely on ``bread and butter'' issues--the economy, national security, education. He did all that, but Mr. Chen never forgot the battle he waged for freedom, and the moral imperative to constantly fight for internationally-recognized human rights, freedom and democracy. Mr. Speaker, President Chen Shui-bian proceeded to enshrine human rights as part of Taiwan's laws. He established Taiwan's first-ever Human Rights Advisory Committee. He continues to fight for the Taiwanese people to receive the respect they deserve in the international community. And he has zealously guarded and promoted Taiwan's democratic system, serving as a beacon for democracy throughout the Asia-Pacific region. Mr. Speaker, some great fighters for freedom and human rights have preceded President Chen Shui-bian in receiving the International Human Rights Award--Nelson Mandela, Elie Wiesel, Andrei Sakahrov, and George Mitchell, to name but a few. Given Mr. Chen's decades-long struggle for human rights and democracy in Taiwan, it is only fit and just that he has been invited to join this most-exclusive and noble club. It is with great pleasure that I enter into the Congressional Record a copy of President Chen's speech upon accepting the International Human Rights Award. (By President Chen Shui-bian, Republic of China) President Horton, Congressman Lantos, Congressman Ackerman, Mr. Rabaut, Mr. Wu, Executive Director Dr. Kantrow, Board Member Dr. Chen, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen: Good evening! On behalf of the government and people of Taiwan, I would like to pay special tribute to the International League for Human Rights (ILHR). Over the last 62 years since its establishment, the League has worked unrelentingly in carrying out its mission of defending human rights and rights advocates who have risked their lives to promote the ideals of a just and civil society. The Human Rights Award conferred on me this evening is an honor bestowed upon the 23 million people of Taiwan. It signifies both affirmations and expectations. The award is representative of the international validation that the people of Taiwan have received for decades of effort in pursuit of democracy, freedom and human rights. It is also a reminder that we have assumed by destiny the duty of protecting human rights and of upholding international human rights principles. The year 2000 marked Taiwan's first peaceful transfer of power and our country's first alternation of political parties, an accomplishment unprecedented in the history of all Chinese societies. In my inaugural speech, I proposed a goal of building our nation on the principles of human rights. We are committed to abide by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Vienna Declaration and Program of Action. We also pledged to bring Taiwan on par with the international human rights system despite our authoritarian past. Over the past three and a half years, concrete actions have been taken to fulfill our commitments. In step with the institutionalization of human rights protection mechanisms, comprehensive human rights policies and implementation measures have been carefully drafted, as outlined in our Human Rights Policy White Paper, and the Organic Law of the National Human Rights Commission is currently under review in our National Legislature. My office has established a presidential Human Rights Advisory Committee and the Cabinet has also established an Inter-Ministerial Committee. Both have been collaborating with local and international human rights NGOs for the purpose of incorporating the International Bill of Rights into a ``Taiwan Bill of Rights.'' Furthermore, the ``National Human Rights Report'' will soon be published--another first for Taiwan--and work is in progress for a National Human Rights Memorial Museum responsible for social education and raising public awareness. My friends, although our journey has not been easy, Taiwan has not stood alone. Support from the international community, particularly the United States, has played a critical role. I will never forget the watershed event--the Kaohsiung Incident--in Taiwan's democratization process. On December 10, 1979, a group of Taiwan citizens defiantly held a rally to commemorate International Human Rights Day. Because such activity was forbidden by the ruling regime of the time, rally leaders were charged with illegal assembly and conspiracy for sedition. As a defense attorney in the Kaohsiung Incident, I personally witnessed the efforts of ILHR, who sent Professor John Kaplan to Taiwan to observe the trail at the military tribunal. The rest of the international human rights community also rendered assistance--and inspiration--to Taiwan's democratic movement. My wife and I were both victims of human rights violation. I was sentenced to prison for fighting for freedom of speech. My wife was seriously injured in what is believed to be a politically motivated accident and must spend the rest of her life in a wheelchair. However, like the brave sacrifices made by Taiwan's pioneers of democracy, our suffering only serves to strengthen the determination of the Taiwanese people in their pursuit of political and personal freedoms. Today, there are no more black lists, no more political prisoners, no more religious persecution. Citizens in Taiwan now enjoy full civil rights--freedom of speech, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, freedom of press and other categories of rights. Despite our exclusion from the United Nations, Taiwan has never slowed its pace to push for human rights reform. At a time when the international community is caught up in debates on ``clashes of civilization'' with regard to human rights protection, Taiwan's experience is proof that human rights are a universal value and humanity's common asset. All countries and individuals should have access to these universal rights; none should be subjected to a double- standard. As stated in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, ``Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.'' I would like to take this opportunity to express appreciation to the government of the United States of American for its efforts to help promote human rights in Taiwan. Section II(C) of the ``Taiwan Relations Act'', which was passed by the U.S. Congress in 1979, stipulates that ``the preservation and enhancement of the human rights of all the people on Taiwan are hereby reaffirmed as objective of the United States.'' We appreciate, and are always mindful of the concern and support a more established democracy has given to a fledging one. Taiwan's achievement in human rights and democracy so far would not have been possible were it not for the generosity of those of the international community who have stood behind us. Likewise, we would not be able to receive the affirmation and commendation of the ILHR and other international human rights organizations. Of course, a sound and solid institutionalized system is requisite for the effective protection of human rights. Taiwan has now established a fair electoral environment with an increasingly vigorous civil society. However, much remain to be further strengthened in terms of consolidating and deepening our democracy and human rights. Whether we succeed or not would rely on the collective and continuing efforts of the people, particularly on whether we can consolidate our democracy by rectifying the inadequacies in our constitutional framework. More than two centuries ago, the founding fathers of the United States spurred in Constitutional debate, prompting a great New Yorker, Mr. Alexander Hamilton to criticize ``the insufficiency of the present Confederation to preserve the Union.'' He argued in ``The Federalist Papers'' that the Articles of Confederation failed to address issues such as a checks-and-balances system of the government, separation of powers among agencies, fair representation of the states, and safeguarding freedom of the people. He concluded that the very design of the Articles of Confederation was insufficient to meet the needs of the American people. As a result of extensive discussions and debates by America's founding fathers, the Constitution of the United States of America was created and has been honored to this day. The U.S. Constitution became the pulse of American society, and allowed for amendments, including Bill of Rights, to be incorporated, thereby guaranteeing freedom and laying a strong foundation for sustainable development of the American democracy. Taiwan now faces a similar ``insufficiency'' of the constitutional framework. As my country's leader, it is imperative that I shoulder responsibility for Taiwan's national development and set a clear vision for the future. I believe that a sound and sustainable constitutional framework can be created through rational debate and engendered by civic consciousness. This is the rationale upon which I have proposed the concept of ``hastening the birth of a new constitution for Taiwan.'' The ``hastening of a new Taiwan constitution'' will determine whether or not our democracy can come into full bloom. This, strengthened and supplemented by the institutions of direct democracy, such as referendums, would be a necessary step in advancing Taiwan's human rights and the deepening of its democracy. One must not be misled by the contention that holding referendums or re-engineering our constitutional framework, bears any relevance to the ``Four No's plus one'' pledge presented in my inaugural speech. Neither should matters concerning Taiwan's constitutional development be simplistically interpreted as a political debate of ``unification versus independence.'' I stand before you today, appealing to the collective conscience of the world community, asking that the voice of Taiwan be heard, for ours is the voice of democracy and progress. It is my job as President, to safeguard the security, democracy, freedom and human rights of the 23 million people of Taiwan, and, in so doing, build a solid foundation for the sustainable progress of Taiwan's continuing democratization. The progression of democracy and human rights in Taiwan not only signifies a triumph of our people in the relentless pursuit for freedom, it is also a torch of democracy for all Chinese societies and has become an indispensable asset to the United Stats as well as the international society. I have great confidence that by advancing our democracy, we shall show where Taiwan stands in terms of values: a veritable part of the world's democratic community. While furthering human rights in Taiwan, I call for a joint effort among Asian governments and regional NGOs for a regional framework for the advancement of human rights, including a state-sponsored regional charter, a regional commission, and a regional court of human rights. The newly founded Taiwan Foundation for Democracy can serve as one of the channels through which we shall endeavor to make our rightful contributions and share out experience in the protection and promotion of human rights. I want Taiwan to be a positive contributing force in the international human rights movement. On the Green Island, situated off the south-east coast of Taiwan, there used to be a concentration camp and prison for the confinement and deprivation of countless human rights defenders. On this island, the Taiwanese equivalent to the infamous Robin Island of South Africa, there stands a monument on which names of victims of human rights abuse are inscribed. The epitaph reads: ``In those times, how mothers wept through long nights for their imprisoned children.'' I have kept that epitaph in my heart, and tonight, I would like to share it with you as a tribute to all who support, advocate, and have stood up in the name of human rights: Let there be no more fear, let there be no more tears. Let the world take Taiwan as an example. She is emerging from her democratic metamorphosis. Thank you.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Brown), a distinguished member of the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. At the outset, let me thank my good friend, the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), for his undeserved and very generous comments for which I am very deeply grateful. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend my friend and distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler), for introducing this significant resolution. When I first visited Taiwan decades ago, it was a destitute dictatorship. It is now a thriving and prosperous free and democratic society. The political landscape in Taiwan has fundamentally changed over the past 2 decades. Authoritarian rule has been tossed aside, and Taiwan's leaders are now chosen by free and fair elections. Taiwan has become a vibrant democracy, serving as a beacon to those across the entire Asia Pacific region who yearn for freedom, showing that democracy can and does thrive in a Chinese context. The resolution before us, Mr. Speaker, welcomes the elected President of Taiwan, Chen Shui-bian to the United States during a so-called transit visit. Mr. Speaker, we are, of course, pleased that President Chen is transiting the United States and he will have the opportunity to meet with Members of Congress and other American leaders over the next few days. But if Taiwan were any other nation, Mr. Speaker, President Chen would be welcomed with a Rose Garden ceremony, a state dinner, and the opportunity to address a joint session of Congress. These honors, Mr. Speaker, would be commensurate with the increasingly close and mutually beneficial relationship between our two countries. Not only is Taiwan a bulwark of democracy in the Asia Pacific region, it is our eighth largest trading partner. We have an extremely close security relationship, and Taiwan has stepped up to provide humanitarian and medical assistance in both postconflict Afghanistan and postconflict Iraq. In short, Mr. Speaker, Taiwan is one of our closest allies in the Asia Pacific region. Yet, due to the sensitivities of the People's Republic of China, the executive branch refuses to give Taiwan the status and recognition it deserves. Mr. Speaker, I support a strong and vibrant relationship between the PRC and the United States. Provocative steps which upset the peace across the Taiwan straits should be avoided; but we must find new ways to show the people of Taiwan that the United States recognize Taiwan's profound economic and Democratic transformation and that our Nation will work energetically to promote a greater role for Taiwan in the community. Mr. Speaker, I look forward to meeting with President Chen this weekend and discussing with him ways in which we can strengthen the political, economic, and security ties between our two nations. I will tell President Chen that this Congress will not stop fighting until Taiwan can participate in the World Health Organization and many other international organizations in which Taiwan can and will make a significant contribution. I strongly urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. We are all looking forward to the distinguished President's visit. It will further strengthen U.S.-Taiwan relations, and on behalf of all of us in Congress, we are honored to have him come again to the United States.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler), the distinguished author of this resolution.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no further speakers, and I yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and at the outset I want to commend my distinguished colleagues, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. McCotter) for their work on this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, it is right and fitting that we in Congress offer a resolution to honor the 25th anniversary of John Paul II's papacy. The Pope is a remarkable individual whose actions in the last quarter century have altered the course of world events. Polish-born Karol Jozef Wojtyla became Pope John Paul II on October 16, 1978, a quarter century ago. After a long succession of Western Europeans at the head of the world's largest Christian denomination, he brought an extraordinary and historically unique perspective to his task. It was reflected in his first address to the people who gathered that day to see him in St. Peter's Square, as well as to the people of faith around the globe. He said, ``Be not afraid.'' This was an important message as the Soviet Union dominated not only his native Poland but the gigantic Soviet Union and all the satellites in Central and Eastern Europe. From that moment on, His Holiness has steadfastly used his pontificate to speak out against global injustices and oppression, and he has committed to do so until his very last breath. He is widely recognized as a leader not only of the Catholic Church, but as a man of great moral authority for the entire globe. In the 1980s, the Pope played a pivotal role in supporting the Polish Solidarity movement, which was instrumental in the downfall of communism in Poland and throughout Central and Eastern Europe. This, in turn, helped launch the chain of events that led to the dissolution of Stalin's empire and the end of communist domination in the eastern half of Europe. Pope John Paul has been actively involved in social justice causes of all kinds, speaking out against dictators in Paraguay, Chile, the Philippines and traveling to 125 countries to visit with government leaders, but more importantly, to visit with ordinary people. Under his leadership, the Vatican's diplomacy around the globe has spanned a wide range of subjects, from small arms trafficking to the great gulf between rich and poor in the developing world. One of his unique features was his steady fight against the plague of anti- Semitism and this week when the leader of Malaysia has again raised in the ugliest form anti-Semitism at an international gathering, the important and decency of this Pope stands out in sharp contrast. The Pope has also welcomed tens of millions of visitors to the Vatican. My wife, Annette, and I were fortunate enough to have an audience with His Holiness. We were both impressed with his presence, his kindness, his wisdom and with his authority. He is one of the most influential and inspirational leaders of our time. I feel particularly close to him personally, Mr. Speaker, because he has survived the evils of both fascism and communism, as have I. This pontiff has remained a constant voice for human dignity and peace. His admonition to forgive was most poignantly exemplified by his forgiveness of the man who attempted to kill him in St. Peter's Square. Mr. Speaker, I ask all of my colleagues to join all of us who are supporting this resolution to this remarkable man and to his 25 years of unique and exemplary service to all mankind. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker. I yield myself such time as I might consume, and I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, at the outset I would like to express publicly my delight at the decision of the distinguished chairman of the Committee on International Relations to continue his service in this Congress and for our Nation. This is the best news of the weekend, and I know that all of my colleagues on this side of the aisle join me in saying how proud and pleased we are that the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) will continue his wit and wisdom and extraordinary statesmanship to the work of this body. Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for introducing this very timely resolution, which marks the 70th anniversary of the atrocity that Joseph Stalin committed against the people of Ukraine. We must never forget that Joseph Stalin killed more citizens of the Soviet Union through his inhumane and murderous policies than any invader of the Soviet Union, or Russia before. I also want to commend my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin), for introducing a similar resolution; and he will speak to this issue in just a moment. While the official estimates of the number of Ukrainians killed by Stalin's vicious policies during the 2 years of the Ukrainian famine is about 5 million, the more considered unofficial estimates suggest that about 7 million Ukrainians could have been killed because of a deliberately induced policy of starvation on the people of Ukraine. This act of terror and mass murder was designed to squash the national aspiration of the Ukrainian people. Grain shipments were seized, the borders of Ukraine blockaded, and all the while the Soviet regime continued to export large quantities of grain and suppress the news of Ukraine's suffering. The Soviet Government successfully hid this famine from the West, and only since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 have we been able to obtain access to documents confirming the deliberate and premeditated murder of vast numbers of the innocent men, women, and children of Ukrainian heritage by Stalin's Soviet dictatorship. It is a joy, Mr. Speaker, to see Ukraine take its proper place among the free and independent nations, no longer a part of the Soviet Union but a proud and independent nation, which, after the enormous difficulties of the Soviet period, is building a new future for the Ukrainian people; and so I urge all of my colleagues to support H. Res. 356. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin), my friend and colleague.