Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker. I yield myself such time as I might consume, and I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, at the outset I would like to express publicly my delight at the decision of the distinguished chairman of the Committee on International Relations to continue his service in this Congress and for our Nation. This is the best news of the weekend, and I know that all of my colleagues on this side of the aisle join me in saying how proud and pleased we are that the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde) will continue his wit and wisdom and extraordinary statesmanship to the work of this body. Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for introducing this very timely resolution, which marks the 70th anniversary of the atrocity that Joseph Stalin committed against the people of Ukraine. We must never forget that Joseph Stalin killed more citizens of the Soviet Union through his inhumane and murderous policies than any invader of the Soviet Union, or Russia before. I also want to commend my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin), for introducing a similar resolution; and he will speak to this issue in just a moment. While the official estimates of the number of Ukrainians killed by Stalin's vicious policies during the 2 years of the Ukrainian famine is about 5 million, the more considered unofficial estimates suggest that about 7 million Ukrainians could have been killed because of a deliberately induced policy of starvation on the people of Ukraine. This act of terror and mass murder was designed to squash the national aspiration of the Ukrainian people. Grain shipments were seized, the borders of Ukraine blockaded, and all the while the Soviet regime continued to export large quantities of grain and suppress the news of Ukraine's suffering. The Soviet Government successfully hid this famine from the West, and only since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 have we been able to obtain access to documents confirming the deliberate and premeditated murder of vast numbers of the innocent men, women, and children of Ukrainian heritage by Stalin's Soviet dictatorship. It is a joy, Mr. Speaker, to see Ukraine take its proper place among the free and independent nations, no longer a part of the Soviet Union but a proud and independent nation, which, after the enormous difficulties of the Soviet period, is building a new future for the Ukrainian people; and so I urge all of my colleagues to support H. Res. 356. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin), my friend and colleague.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, and at the outset I want to commend my distinguished colleagues, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) and the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. McCotter) for their work on this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, it is right and fitting that we in Congress offer a resolution to honor the 25th anniversary of John Paul II's papacy. The Pope is a remarkable individual whose actions in the last quarter century have altered the course of world events. Polish-born Karol Jozef Wojtyla became Pope John Paul II on October 16, 1978, a quarter century ago. After a long succession of Western Europeans at the head of the world's largest Christian denomination, he brought an extraordinary and historically unique perspective to his task. It was reflected in his first address to the people who gathered that day to see him in St. Peter's Square, as well as to the people of faith around the globe. He said, ``Be not afraid.'' This was an important message as the Soviet Union dominated not only his native Poland but the gigantic Soviet Union and all the satellites in Central and Eastern Europe. From that moment on, His Holiness has steadfastly used his pontificate to speak out against global injustices and oppression, and he has committed to do so until his very last breath. He is widely recognized as a leader not only of the Catholic Church, but as a man of great moral authority for the entire globe. In the 1980s, the Pope played a pivotal role in supporting the Polish Solidarity movement, which was instrumental in the downfall of communism in Poland and throughout Central and Eastern Europe. This, in turn, helped launch the chain of events that led to the dissolution of Stalin's empire and the end of communist domination in the eastern half of Europe. Pope John Paul has been actively involved in social justice causes of all kinds, speaking out against dictators in Paraguay, Chile, the Philippines and traveling to 125 countries to visit with government leaders, but more importantly, to visit with ordinary people. Under his leadership, the Vatican's diplomacy around the globe has spanned a wide range of subjects, from small arms trafficking to the great gulf between rich and poor in the developing world. One of his unique features was his steady fight against the plague of anti- Semitism and this week when the leader of Malaysia has again raised in the ugliest form anti-Semitism at an international gathering, the important and decency of this Pope stands out in sharp contrast. The Pope has also welcomed tens of millions of visitors to the Vatican. My wife, Annette, and I were fortunate enough to have an audience with His Holiness. We were both impressed with his presence, his kindness, his wisdom and with his authority. He is one of the most influential and inspirational leaders of our time. I feel particularly close to him personally, Mr. Speaker, because he has survived the evils of both fascism and communism, as have I. This pontiff has remained a constant voice for human dignity and peace. His admonition to forgive was most poignantly exemplified by his forgiveness of the man who attempted to kill him in St. Peter's Square. Mr. Speaker, I ask all of my colleagues to join all of us who are supporting this resolution to this remarkable man and to his 25 years of unique and exemplary service to all mankind. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I invite my colleagues to join me in paying tribute to a dedicated and distinguished public servant, San Mateo Union High School District Superintendent Tom Mohr, who recently announced his retirement. During a remarkable 43-year career in public education as a teacher, counselor, principal, district level administrator, and Superintendent in my district, Mr. Mohr has demonstrated a continuous and unwavering commitment to providing the best education possible for San Mateo County's youth. After an exceptional career in the Jefferson School District in Daly City, he joined the San Mateo Union High School District in 1985 as an Assistant Superintendent, and was promoted to Superintendent in 1996. During a time of tremendous challenges in the field of education, Superintendent Mohr has never failed in his determination to provide a superior education for our students, while building first class institutions, and supporting a first-class professional staff. The San Mateo Union High School District serves 8,300 students from six communities in my congressional district. It maintains seven high schools--Aragon, Burlingame, Capuchino, Hillsdale, Mills, Peninsula, and San Mateo. Five of the district schools have been recognized as National Blue Ribbon, or California Distinguished Schools. Superintendent Mohr has been a strong leader in the district. His excellent communication skills have kept the community, staff, and students informed and involved, and have effectively reduced tensions between groups. His boundless energy has enabled him to excel in the many roles and demands placed on the Superintendency. Recently, under Mr. Mohr's outstanding leadership, the community passed a $137.5 million bond issue to modernize six of the district's schools. His erudition and experience have led to his appointment to numerous community and professional task forces and advisory boards, which include the U.S. Naval Academy undergraduate selection committee, plus nearly 30 different school accreditation teams, the majority of which he has chaired. He has worked tirelessly to establish high academic standards, encouraging all students from diverse backgrounds to pursue excellence in all of their endeavors. He initiated an exemplary safety program for the students that was endorsed by law enforcement agencies, and built strong school-community partnerships that serve the needs of citizens of all ages. Superintendent Mohr was honored in 1999 by the Mid-Peninsula Boys & Girls Club as its Citizen of the Year. In 2001 he was named Superintendent of the Year by the San Francisco and San Mateo County region of the Association of California School Administrators, and he is the City of San Mateo's Citizen of the Year for 2003. Upon his retirement in January 2004, Mr. Mohr plans to spend more time with his grandchildren and possibly to pursue advanced university studies. Such is his personal commitment to the value of education. Mr. Speaker, Mr. Mohr's presence will be greatly missed in the boardroom and classrooms of the San Mateo Union High School District. His courage, intellect, integrity, and level of professionalism testify to the endless capabilities of this man and to the impact he will surely leave on the district. His legacy lives in the standards of excellence he has modeled for those who follow and in his unwavering commitment to the district's goals and programs. Mr. Mohr's efforts to better the education of San Mateo County's youth will serve as an inspiration to all of us. I urge my colleagues to join me in wishing him enjoyment in his new pursuits during his well-earned retirement!

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I thank my distinguished friend for yielding me this time. I am very pleased that he and I are jointly sponsoring this amendment. I would like all of our colleagues on both sides of the aisle to note that the Obey-Lantos amendment is one amendment on which we will get a vote, and all of our colleagues who supported the Pence amendment just a few minutes ago should be supporting this amendment and will be able to vote on this amendment. Mr. Chairman, as my colleagues know, I have been a strong supporter of regime change in Iraq. I am convinced that the removal of Saddam Hussein is in the interest of the people of Iraq, the people of the region, and the people of the United States. And I believe the day when a civilized regime is in place, in a stable Iraq, is not far off. This supplemental comes in two parts. I am, of course, totally committed to all of the funds in this bill for the safety and security of the brave men and women of our armed services. Since the reconstruction component of this bill is indispensable to achieving our goal of seeing Iraq become a functioning and independent society, I also support the reconstruction portion of the supplemental, with one key modification. Let me explain. Iraq is potentially one of the wealthiest nations on this planet. The oil wealth of Iraq is estimated at $7 trillion. My colleagues, that is seven thousand billion dollars. I find it absurd, Mr. Chairman, and so do my constituents, that our taxpayers should fund as a grant necessary infrastructure improvements in Iraq. The stream of Iraq's oil revenue is limited at the moment, but in a few years it will be abundant. I find no reason on Earth why the American people should grant this soon- to-be wealthy nation some $18.6 billion for improvements of its infrastructure. I want to address, Mr. Chairman, the argument that Iraq's debt burden precludes further loans. Let me deal with this phony argument head on. Iraq's debt is of two types: some $50 billion is owed to Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Neither of these countries would be in existence today if we and our allies had not waged the first Gulf War. Their security has been immeasurably increased as a result of our recent military actions against Saddam Hussein. I fully expect that both of those countries will cancel Iraq's debt to them. Mr. Chairman, the balance of Iraq's debt was incurred for a vast armament procurement program and a nauseating chain of Saddam's presidential palaces which dot the landscape along the Tigris and Euphrates rivers like gaudy and ostentatious and conspicuous versions of Las Vegas hotels. The countries and companies which were pumping billions to build up Saddam Hussein's military might and his ego should now show humility and remorse and eagerly cancel Iraq's debts. Today, Mr. Chairman, the United Nations Security Council adopted a resolution which explodes the flimsy argument that there is no Iraqi Government that can commit to loans. The Security Council adopted a resolution which declares that the Iraqi Governing Council, and I quote, embodies the sovereignty of the State of Iraq. This U.N. Security Council resolution urges the World Bank and other international institutions, and I quote again, to take immediate steps to provide their full range of loans and other financial assistance to Iraq working with the Governing Council and appropriate Iraqi ministries. If the Security Council believes that the World Bank can make loans to Iraq, then I believe this administration will find a way to do so as well. Mr. Chairman, it would be a mistake, particularly at a time when our own economic recovery is still so feeble, to ask the American people to shoulder the financial obligations that, by right, should devolve to the people of Iraq who, in the foreseeable future, will be more than capable of bearing it. It is obvious, Mr. Chairman, that we have made a national commitment to building a stable and civilized Middle East. I support such a goal. But let us not foist the cost of this struggle entirely onto the backs of the next generation of Americans. That is the result if we adopt the administration's all-grants approach. For the sake of fairness, good sense and for the sake of the American taxpayer, I urge all of our colleagues to support the Obey-Lantos amendment.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the Gentlewoman for bringing this important resolution to the floor. I would have preferred to see this resolution considered by the Committee on International Relations so that we could debate and discuss its provisions. It is unfortunate that a resolution like this was taken directly to the floor rather than first being considered by the committee of jurisdiction as House Rules provide. In calling on Russia, France, Germany, and other nations to forgive Iraqi debt, this resolution focuses on one of the issues most important to Iraq's future development. Because of Saddam Hussein's profligate and murderous ways, Iraq is saddled with an international debt estimated to be as high as $200 billion. That means an inordinate amount of Iraq's resources will be devoted to debt repayment, unless something is done such as this resolution suggests. Unless that debt is dealt with soon, Iraq will be unable to develop as its resources and the skills of its people would otherwise allow. This is an absurd situation and an affront to any reasonable standard of justice. The Iraqi people had absolutely nothing to do with the acquiring of this debt. Creditor nations supplied Saddam resources to build up his army to invade his neighbors and attack his own citizens; for his effort to develop weapons of mass destruction; and for his building of palaces and monuments for self-aggrandizement. This money did not serve the needs of the Iraqi people. These loans were not used to develop the infrastructure and resources of the country. The Iraqis not only failed to benefit from this policy of relentless borrowing; they were its primary victims. Without debt forgiveness, we are now asking the Iraqis literally to pay for Saddam Hussein's crimes for generations to come. By way of illustration, let me boil this absurd situation down to a simple truth: Without debt forgiveness, generations of Iraqi Kurds will be asked to pay the bills for developing the chemical weapons that were used to kill and maim their brethren at Halabja. As a further absurdity: If the Iraqi people are forced to repay Saddam's debts, most of these repayment funds would be directed to creditor nations that actually opposed Iraq's liberation. Mr. Speaker, our nation not only liberated Iraq. It has also already donated--I repeat, donated--approximately $3 billion to provide for Iraq's humanitarian needs and rebuild its crumbling infrastructure. And now it has been asked to give more. It is time for Iraq's creditors to step up to the plate and at last do something for the Iraqi people, instead of for Saddam Hussein. As both direction to Administration policy-makers and to strengthen their hand, it is important that this body go on record with a clear demand for international debt forgiveness for Iraq.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler), a distinguished member of our committee, my good friend.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no additional requests for time, and we yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutsch), my good friend and distinguished colleague.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Price).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the distinguished ranking member of the Committee on Appropriations Subcommittee on Foreign Operations, Export Financing and Related Programs. (Mrs. LOWEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as he may consume to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished democratic whip who has been an indefatigable fighter for freedom and against terrorism throughout the globe.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), my distinguished colleague. (Mr. NADLER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Matsui), who has been unique in his support for constructive development in the region and who has been fighting tenuously against terrorism throughout the region and the world.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield for the purpose of making a unanimous consent request to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman), who has been fighting for peace in this region for his entire congressional career. (Mr. ACKERMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield whatever time she may consume to the distinguished democratic leader, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), my friend and colleague and neighbor, who has been a fighter against terrorism and for free societies through her entire life.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), my good friend and the original author of this legislation, who has been indefatigable in pursuing this cause; and I am delighted to see it is coming to fruition this afternoon.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 1828. Mr. Speaker, among the Members who deserve our praise for sponsoring this bill, I would like to single out the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), who first introduced this bill in the 107th Congress. I want to commend the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen) chair of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia, and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Ackerman), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on the Middle East and Central Asia, for their invaluable work in bringing this legislation to the floor. Mr. Speaker, no one in Damascus should be surprised by our action today. One might even say that the Syrian Government is the moving spirit behind this action. Syria, Mr. Speaker, is the leading regional force for destabilization and against peace. Syria is a charter member of the U.S. Government's list of state sponsors of terrorism. Syria hosts and provides both military and economic support to a wide array of vicious terrorist groups. For too many years, inexplicably, our government has treated Syria better than it does other state sponsors of terrorism. We have been allowing more trade with Syria, and we have maintained normal diplomatic ties. It is time, Mr. Speaker, for this special treatment to end. The Syria Accountability and Lebanese Sovereignty Restoration Act of 2003 will closely align our Syria policy with our policy toward other state sponsors of terrorism. Twenty years ago, Mr. Speaker, Syrian-sponsored terrorism was responsible for the worst pre-September 11 terrorist incident in American history: the murder of 241 U.S. Marines by a suicide bomber in Lebanon in October of 1983. I visited with those Marines just a few weeks before the tragedy. Now, Syria's irresponsible behavior is again resulting in more murders of American soldiers, this time in Iraq. Six months ago, Mr. Speaker, I visited Syria and met with the president of that country. I told him that he had made a major miscalculation regarding Iraq. Completely misunderstanding media reports of Coalition difficulties in the first days of the war due to a sand storm, Syria promptly aligned itself with Saddam Hussein, opening its borders to jihadists and suicide bombers, and opening the floodgates for arms and military equipment to flow into Iraq. To this very day, Mr. Speaker, Syria keeps its borders open, and suicide bombers and pro-Saddam thugs are allowed to cross into Iraq and attack our American soldiers in that country. But it is not the only way that Syria is aiding terrorists in Iraq. This last weekend, Mr. Speaker, we learned that Syrian state-controlled banks are holding some $3 billion of Saddam Hussein's cash. Despite our diplomatic efforts, Syria is refusing to freeze those funds and to return them to pay part of the cost of rebuilding Iraq. Meanwhile, Saddam's ``bitter-enders,'' perhaps Saddam himself, are drawing on those funds to fuel their murderous attacks on American soldiers. When I met with President Asad 6 months ago, I warned him that the Syria Accountability Act would soon be on its way to passage in the House and in the Senate unless Syria changed its ways in Iraq and throughout the region. President Asad understood me perfectly. I was not surprised to find that he was very familiar with the Syria Accountability Act. Secretary of State Colin Powell visited Asad one week after my visit; and told him, as I had, what he needed to do to improve Syria's standing in the United States: he had to end support for terrorism in Iraq and elsewhere. He had to stop supporting Hezbollah and other terrorist groups in Lebanon. He had to close the terrorist offices in Damascus. He had to remove the 17,000 Syrian soldiers in Lebanon. He had to remove the thousands of Syrian military intelligence officers who effectively run Lebanon. He had to stop work on weapons of mass destruction. He had to free the many political prisoners in Syrian prisons, and he had to end vicious anti-U.S. incitement in Syria's media. I repeated my warning in a press conference with Arab media immediately after my meeting with Asad. When I returned to Washington, I wrote the president of Syria, reviewing the contents of our meeting. I reminded him that congressional action was looming, but that he had the power to avert it. Mr. Speaker, at this time I will introduce into the Record the text of my letter of last May to President Asad. Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives, Washington, DC, May 23, 2003. His Excellency, President Bashar al-Asad, Damascus, Syrian Arab Republic. Dear Mr. President: Once again I would like to thank you for receiving me in your office recently. Our discussion was valuable, and I believe it could mark the beginning of a productive dialogue that benefits both our nations. I have therefore been surprised and deeply dismayed by Syria's failure to take truly meaningful action on the issues we discussed in the weeks since my visit. Notwithstanding press reports that some of the offices of Palestinian terrorist organizations in Damascus may have been closed, I am deeply disappointed by your failure to confirm this definitively and to affirm that their closure is the result of a decision by the Syrian government, not by the terrorists. I was also disturbed by your failure to join the U.N. Security Council consensus in favor of UNSC Resolution 1483 ending sanctions on Iraq and by the Syrian state media's harsh and inaccurate accusations against the U.S. regarding that resolution. Mr. President, closing the offices of Palestinian terrorist organizations is the most basic of steps you must take if we are to make a start toward improving U.S.-Syrian relations, as you and I discussed. But it is crucial not only that you actually close the offices and prevent these groups and their partisans from carrying out activities in Syria but that you also make clear, publicly and formally, that you are doing so. Only if such actions are executed in a transparent and definitive manner can Syria demonstrate to the world that it opposes the actions of these terrorist organizations. A stealthy closing of the offices, or a sham closing in which terrorist personnel continue to carry out their activities less publicly and from different locations--or a closing which you claim is strictly the result of the terrorists' decision, as you so far have done--will only leave the world skeptical of your real intentions and will prevent you from reaping any benefits in U.S.-Syrian bilateral relations. I was pleased that, in our meeting, you said you oppose terrorism ``anywhere.'' Since the Palestinian groups with offices in Damascus have claimed credit for numerous terrorist attacks in Israel--and sometimes have issued these claims from Damascus itself--they surely have no business in Syria, and you should have no trouble making public declarations to that effect. As we agreed, there is no point in discussing semantics. Whether one calls them information offices or terrorist headquarters, it is imperative that they be closed and their cadre expelled--and that this decision be publicly announced and definitively implemented--if we hope to begin a new era in bilateral relations. You will recall that we discussed the Syria Accountability Act. I told you at that time that, depending on your decisions and actions, Congressional action on that bill will be delayed, halted, or accelerated. I also told you that I would be looking for the earliest possible positive action on your part and in particular in the immediate aftermath of the Powell visit. Based on what I have seen and read thus far, such positive action from you has not been sufficiently forthcoming. Should that continue to be so, I will have no choice but to join with like-minded colleagues in the near future to accelerate action on the Syrian Accountability Act. So that there be no misunderstanding, I think it is important that I review with you the content of our discussion and my reflections on it. As I indicated to you, Syria made many regrettable decisions in the months leading up to the Iraq war, during it, and in its immediate aftermath. These mistakes were reflected in both your statements and actions during this period. My impression during our meeting was that you understand this. In fact, it is crucial that your future performance fully reflect this understanding, that you expel any Iraqi officials and Saddam Hussein family members who took refuge in Syria, that you seal your border so as to prevent the smuggling of arms and other military equipment into Iraq as well as the infiltration of anti-U.S. personnel, and that you fully cooperate with the United States' Iraq policy in all other ways. Indeed, my overwhelming concern--and I believe that of all of my colleagues in the U.S. Congress--is that you cooperate to the fullest extent with ongoing United States efforts in Iraq. Based on Syria's absence from yesterday's UN Security Council vote, you clearly have not comprehended the urgency of this concern. Beyond cooperation regarding Iraq, several steps are necessary in order to reverse the recent erosion of bilateral ties. Let me once again enumerate these steps: (1) The offices of the Palestinian terrorist groups must be closed and their activities ended immediately, and this decision be publicly announced and definitively implemented, as discussed above. (2) All military assistance to Hizballah, both directly and as a conduit for Iran, must be terminated. (3) Hizballah must be removed from the Lebanese-Israeli border area as well as from the area of Shebaa Farms, and the Lebanese Armed Forces must be deployed throughout the length of the border. Hizballah also must cease its attacks on Israeli territory and personnel, including in the Shebaa Farms area. (4) Hizballah must be disarmed, as every other Lebanese militia has been. (5) Iranian Revolutionary Guard cadre must be expelled from Lebanon. (6) All terrorist bases in Lebanon and Syria must be closed, and all other support for terrorism must end. (7) Syrian military forces must be evacuated from Lebanon. (8) All Israeli prisoners held by Hizballah or Syria must be released. (9) Syria must take immediate steps to address the many serious human rights problems addressed in the U.S. State Department's recent human rights report. In particular, it must release the academicians, journalists, and members of the Syrian parliament currently in prison for crimes of speech and thought. (10) Hostile anti-U.S. propaganda in state media must be terminated. All of these steps are required urgently, but again I emphasize that an affirmative decision to close the offices of the Palestinian groups in Damascus must be announced and implemented definitively and immediately. During our meeting, you asked me whether I expect you to undertake these actions ``for free.'' To reiterate, I am not asking anything for free. In English, there is a saying that virtue is its own reward. Indeed, a state that supports terrorist groups and violates the sovereignty of a neighboring nation cannot be fully accepted as member in good standing of the civilized world in the twenty-first century. But of course I understand that you were asking what the political pay-off would be for Syria. The reward, Mr. President, is immeasurable and of the greatest significance. It is the goodwill of the Congress, the Administration, and the American people. This goodwill is a priceless commodity, and it has long been lacking in our bilateral relations precisely because of Syria's failure to take the necessary actions I enumerated in our talk and have underscored here. From the establishment of goodwill all other benefits flow. If you show clear indication that you are progressing in the direction I outlined--beginning with full cooperation regarding Iraq and the immediate and definitive closing of the offices of the Palestinian terrorist organizations and the cessation of their activities on Syrian or Lebanese soil--I will do everything I can to prevent Congressional consideration of the Syria Accountability Act. Let me add something else: Once it would be fully clear that Syria no longer belongs on the list of state-sponsors of terrorism, nothing would give me greater satisfaction than to advocate its removal from that list. Absent such indication, however, I can only foresee the worst. I must again underscore the importance of your acting immediately. Time is running out. You asked that I sound out the Israelis about their interest in pursuing negotiations regarding the Golan Heights and Syrian-Israeli peace. I did indeed raise this matter with Prime Minister Sharon during my visit to Israel. He assured me that he is ready to engage in negotiations, on an unconditional basis, at any time. I would be delighted to be of any further assistance to you on this matter. Let me reiterate that I foresee the prospect of a new and positive era in U.S.-Syrian bilateral relations. The recent war in Iraq is a cataclysmic development that will usher in great changes in the region. A Middle East that is more politically liberal and increasingly friendly to the United States is on the horizon. This trend is typified by some of your bordering neighbors, such as Jordan, Israel, Turkey, and, soon no doubt, the new Iraq. It is my fervent wish that Syria be seen as fully in step with these regional trends. It is my firm conviction that Syria indeed must be fully in step with these trends if U.S.-Syrian relations are to improve and prosper rather than suffer still further damage. The path our relations follow will depend, Mr. President, on your vision, your leadership, and, most important, your willingness to take bold decisions along the lines we have discussed. Sincerely, Tom Lantos, Ranking Democratic Member. Mr. Speaker, after 6 months of waiting, 6 months after Secretary Powell's visit, and 6 months after my own visit, Syria has done nothing to comply with our long-standing requirements. This conclusion is confirmed by the administration which has sensibly changed its position on the Syrian Accountability Act from one of opposition to its current stance, which I view as implicit support for our legislation. It seems, Mr. Speaker, everyone's patience has run out. I wish that this legislation had not been necessary, but the Syrian regime's actions, or perhaps I should say inactions, have made it imperative. Despite warning after warning, the Syrian Government has refused to heed the dictates of common sense. In fact, it has regressed with its latest outrages resulting in more terrorism in Iraq. The door to good relations with the United States has been wide open to Syria, but the Syrian regime has contemptuously slammed it shut. Now it must pay the consequences. Nevertheless, Mr. Speaker, as our legislation makes it clear, the United States remains ready and receptive to good relations with Syria, just as soon as the Syrian regime conforms to the norms of civilized conduct. The whole Middle East is changing, Mr. Speaker. Syria cannot and will not be frozen in a past of supporting terrorism and suppressing its own people. I trust change in Syria will come peacefully. I know it will come soon. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend my good friend for his very important piece of legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, it is with deep sadness that I pay tribute to a gem of a lady, Millie O'Neill, wife of former Speaker of the House Thomas P. ``Tip'' O'Neill, who recently passed away. According to the obituary in the Boston Globe, Millie had taken an afternoon nap in order to watch her beloved Red Sox play the fifth and deciding game of the American League Division Series against the Oakland Athletics and she passed away in her sleep. Millie O'Neill was an incredible woman who was not often recognized for the selfless work she did for Congress and our country. Mr. Speaker, I want to call attention to two things that Mrs. O'Neill was instrumental in achieving. The first was a massive fundraising effort on behalf of the Ford's Theatre Foundation, raising over $4 million dollars, for which Millie was recognized at a Gala dinner in 1984. The second item that I believe Mrs. O'Neill deserves to be recognized for was ensuring that the House of Representatives keep normal hours during her husband's Speakership. According to Tip's autobiography, he wrote that when he became Speaker, Millie told him that she didn't want him keeping the House in till 8 or 9 at night because she had heard concerns from other Member's wives that they didn't appreciate not knowing when their husbands would be home. As a result, during the majority of Speaker O'Neill's leadership the House of Representatives was a more family friendly environment and did not have the all night sessions that plague our distinguished body today. Mr. Speaker, as I mentioned, Mrs. O'Neill passed in her sleep while taking a nap in order to watch her beloved Red Sox play later that evening. Although her passing prevented her from watching in person, I am sure that she was delighted to watch the Red Sox triumph from the best seat in the house, next to her beloved Tip. Mr. Speaker, I urge of my colleagues to join me in offering the strongest condolences to the entire O'Neill family and request that today's Boston Globe article about her passing be placed in the Congressional Record. [From the Boston Globe, Oct. 7, 2003] Mildred O'Neill, 89; Wife, ``Partner'' of Political Icon (By Ron DePasquale) Mildred A. ``Millie'' O'Neill, widow and celebrated sweetheart of Thomas P. ``Tip'' O'Neill Jr., former speaker of the U.S. House of Representatives, died in her sleep yesterday in her Bethesda, Md., home, her family said. Her son, former Massachusetts Lieutenant Governor Thomas P. O'Neill III of Boston, said Mrs. O'Neill had taken a nap, so she could catch last night's Red Sox playoff game, when she died. She was 89. Her son called her a ``lovely, perfect lady'' who enjoyed taking care of her family and working for charity. His parents' love was inspiring, he said. ``They were inseparable at a very early age and right through to the end of their lives,'' he said. On the dedication page of his 1987 autobiography, ``Man of the House,'' Tip O'Neill referred to his wife as ``The Speaker of My House. A loving wife, mother and my partner through so many triumphs and trials.'' Anyone involved in Massachusetts politics from the 1940s to the 1980s could remember Tip O'Neill singing the 1930s' tune ``Apple Blossom Time'' to his wife, said U.S. Representative Barney Frank of Newton. ``Whenever you were with the two of them, everybody was happy,'' Frank said last night. ``They were like some couple out of the movies. The sense of warmth that existed between the two of them was just extraordinary.'' Born Mildred Miller in Somerville in 1914, she met her future husband at St. John's High School in North Cambridge, where she graduated in 1932. At a 1999 Boston College ceremony honoring her husband with a permanent library exhibit, Mrs. O'Neill said, ``life with Tom was a wonderful experience, and I am proud to have shared those 50 years and see parts of it displayed at this library.'' Tip O'Neill died in 1994, ending a storied life as one of the country's premier politicians. He retired from the House in 1986 after 50 years in politics. His wife was a constant presence in his social and political circles. In his autobiography, O'Neill wrote that when he became speaker and Millie learned that other wives never knew when their husbands were coming home at night, she told him, ``I don't want you keeping them in the House until 8 or 9 at night. And that, more or less, marked the end of evening sessions in the House.'' Mrs. O'Neill was chair or a member of the boards of the March of Dimes, the Congressional Wives Club, and the International Club. As chairwoman of the historic Ford's Theatre in Washington, she was one of the first to receive the Lincoln Award, in recognition in 1984 for spearheading a $4 million fund-raising drive. ``Now, Mildred, you may have suspected now and then that from time to time your husband and I find something about which we disagree,'' President Ronald Reagan quipped at the awards ceremony. ``But there is one thing that we sure agree on--he's lucky, mighty lucky, to be the man in your life. On behalf of everybody with whom you work, your work for this grand, old theater has meant so much, Millie, that we all thank you from the bottom of our hearts.'' The O'Neills lived in Cambridge until 1976, when Tip was named speaker and the family moved to Washington. The city of Cambridge dedicated the north branch of its library as the Mildred A. O'Neill Library in 1995. Raymond L. Flynn, former mayor of Boston, said, ``She was a great friend. She was just a remarkable mother and led a wonderful life and was a great representative for America.'' In addition to her son, Mrs. O'Neill leaves two daughters, Rosemary of Washington and Susan of Bethesda; a son, Christopher, also of Bethesda; a sister, Dorothy Ryan, of Marston Mills; and eight grandchildren. A son, Michael, died in 1997. A funeral Mass will be said Friday at 10 a.m. in St. John the Evangelist Church in Cambridge. Burial will be at Mt. Pleasant Cemetery in Harwichport, where Mrs. O'Neill had long summered.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I strongly support H. Res. 372 and urge all of my colleagues to do so as well. If it were not a violation of House rules, I would be pleased to recognize the presence in the Chamber of the distinguished Ambassador of Sweden, but since it is, I shall not do so. Madam Speaker, I am grateful to my lead cosponsors, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler) and the many other cosponsors supporting this legislation. Madam Speaker, many of our colleagues on the Committee on International Relations will remember as long as they live meeting, about a year ago, with Swedish Foreign Minister Anna Lindh. We had an extraordinarily sophisticated and lively discussion on the broader spectrum of international issues. We disagreed on some matters and agreed on others, but I know all of us found her to be extremely impressive, charming and intelligent as the top foreign policy person, as our friend, Sweden. Less than a year ago at the NATO summit in Prague, by chance my wife, Annette, and I were seated next to Foreign Minister Lindh at the banquet given in Prague Castle by the distinguished President of the Czech Republic, Vaclav Havel. I simply cannot tell you how much I enjoyed the lively conversation these two extraordinary women had, both of them passionately committed to human rights and public service. Madam Speaker, as my colleagues painfully know, just recently Anna Lindh was murdered by an assailant in a Stockholm department store. Her inexplicable and untimely tragic death was a shock to all of her countrymen in Sweden and to all of us who knew her and admired her and who have worked with her ever since she began her service as Foreign Minister of Sweden. Her death was a blow to the peace-loving people of Sweden. The shock had an even greater impact, Madam Speaker, because former Swedish Prime Minister Olaf Palme, who had been Anna's role model, was murdered on a Stockholm street in 1986 under similar and still-unresolved circumstances. Madam Speaker, House Resolution 372 expresses the condolences of the House of Representatives and of the American people to the family of Foreign Minister Anna Lindh. We condemn all such senseless acts of violence against public officials, and we express our solidarity with the people of Sweden at this difficult time. Madam Speaker, Anna was very young. She was a brilliant lawyer, who at age 37 became Minister for the Environment in Sweden, one of the most important cabinet posts in the Swedish Government, and at age 41 she became Sweden's Minister for Foreign Affairs. Madam Speaker, the distinguished Prime Minister of Sweden, Goran Persson made very poignant remarks at the memorial service for Anna which characterized her many gifts and talents. I would like to share a few of Prime Minister Goran Persson's remarks during her eulogy. ``Anna Lindh lived out her vision for the world in her everyday life. She knew that good political leadership is about more than just lofty words. Anna Lindh believed in people. She believed in people as the remarkable beings they are, with an almost unlimited capacity to grow and to develop. She believed in people's inner-strength and potential, but she also knew how easily that strength can be lost. For Anna, people were at the core of every issue. Human rights were always her driving force. Violations and oppression were the opponents in the fight. Democracy was always the means and people were always the answer. That is the way she was, in big issues and small alike. She cared.'' Madam Speaker, I humbly ask for strong support of H. Res. 372, which sends our deepest condolences to Anna Lindh's family and to the people of Sweden, and I urge all of my colleagues to join me in this effort.

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. I would first like to commend my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for introducing this important resolution and my good friend and fellow Californian, the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) for being such a leader on this important issue. I am proud to have joined them in introducing this initiative. Madam Speaker, over the past two decades, the world has witnessed a democratic revolution. Russia has broken from its totalitarian past and held free and open elections. The Indonesian people have freely elected their new leaders for the first time in decades, and all South Africans have finally been granted the franchise. Madam Speaker, the National Endowment for Democracy played a critical role in supporting this Democratic revolution across the globe. With each new wave of democracy since its establishment, the endowment and its partners, the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute, have been at the forefront of our struggle to expand the arena of democracy across the globe. This is such a quintessential bipartisan American undertaking that all of us in this House must be very proud of. Together, the National Democratic Institute and the International Republican Institute have seeded the new fertile soil in Eastern Europe and Latin America which have bloomed into regions where democracy and not tyranny now dominate. Democracy is often the precursor of the development of human rights and personal freedom, causes that we have championed our entire political lives. Recognizing this, NED has not only pushed forward democracy, but has supported human rights activists on every continent with financial grants, with personal awards, and with tremendous moral support. All of us should express our profoundest gratitude for the men and women who have worked tirelessly to support these goals which are so central to the success of U.S. foreign policy in this fast-moving era of change. I am delighted to have had the opportunity to cosponsor this resolution with the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), my good friend, the chairman of our committee. I urge all of my colleagues to support H. Con. Res. 274. Madam Speaker, we have no further requests for time, and we yield back the balance of our time.