Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, since there are colleagues on various sides of this issue who wish to speak and, given the time limits, they no longer would have the opportunity, I ask unanimous consent that each side be given an additional 20 minutes.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from California (Mr. Cardoza). (Mr. CARDOZA asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished Democratic whip.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman will yield, the gentleman is correct.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), my friend and distinguished colleague.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution which condemns the recent wave of terrorism inflicted on Israel and expresses solidarity with the people of Israel in their heroic fight against terrorism. First, Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde) for the gentleman's cooperation in bringing this resolution to the floor. I also want to express my appreciation to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the Republican leader, for his principled support, and to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the minority leader, for her valued cosponsorship. The fact that these three leaders of the House have cosponsored my resolution is a powerful indication that it has strong bipartisan support. Mr. Speaker, I introduced this resolution with one basic conviction, that Israel has as much right to fight against suicide bombers and ruthless terrorists as any other free and democratic nation. At the recent Aqaba Summit, the Prime Minister of Israel, Mr. Sharon, made some extraordinary and historic statements. He called for a democratic state living at peace with Israel with mutual respect and shared prosperity. In less than a week of the Prime Minister's landmark speech, 22 innocent Israeli men, women and children fell victim to suicide bombings and over 100 were wounded. Israel's response to this unprovoked carnage was the only response a self-respecting democratic state could offer. When Israel responds with counterterrorist operations against suicide bombers, some criticize it for provoking a cycle of violence. This is an absurd and sinister argument. Let us be clear about one thing. As our resolution states, Israel would not conduct counterterrorist operations if Palestinian counterterrorism would cease. The bloodshed, the violence, the tragedy would end. The term ``cycle of violence'' must be permanently retired from the lexicon of Middle East politics since it preposterously implies moral equivalence between suicide bombers and the justified response of a free and democratic nation. Based on comparative populations, the 22 Israelis who were murdered in the days following the Aqaba Summit are the equivalent of 1,100 Americans. Were al Qaeda again to murder over a thousand Americans, we would demand that our government take strong measures to eliminate the threat they pose. None of us would tolerate our government waiting while someone pleads with the terrorists for a temporary cease-fire. In my recent meeting with Palestinian Authority Prime Minister Abu Mazen in Ramallah, he told me that he is opposed to terrorism. Subsequently he repeated his statement to President Bush and many others, but Abu Mazen's effectiveness as a leader will not be judged by his words, but by his deeds. Abu Mazen's political situation is unquestionably complex; but if he continues to refuse to use force against murderous terrorists, he will soon become irrelevant and his political demise will be sure to follow. But should he choose to take bold action against terrorism, he will deserve and he will receive the support of this body and the American people. Mr. Speaker, my resolution underscores the obvious. Israel's fight against terrorism is one of the front lines of the global war against terrorism. Israel's enemies are motivated by a hate-filled, sick, totalitarian ideology, as are our terrorist foes. Israel's enemies are ruthless and bloodthirsty, just like ours. If the Palestinian Authority will not or cannot destroy and defeat Palestinian terrorist groups, Israel has no choice but to take matters into its own hands. We are fighting our enemies relentlessly. Israel, under infinitely less favorable circumstances, can do nothing less. Mr. Speaker, it is universally accepted that it is the right of all states, including the democratic state of Israel, to make the defense of its citizens its number one priority. This is the bedrock of my resolution. I urge all of my colleagues to join me in voting for it. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Berman), my friend, the distinguished senior member of the Committee on International Relations.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we reserve the balance of our time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), who has been throughout his congressional career and prior to that an indefatigable fighter for human rights. (Mr. HASTINGS of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. First, I want to commend the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter) and the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel) and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler) for their leadership on this important resolution, and the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), our chairman, for moving it forward so expeditiously. Our resolution celebrates cooperation and forward-thinking among the nations of the Balkans, a region that just a few years ago was engulfed in ethnic violence and strife. Our Nation, Mr. Speaker, has an enduring interest in the independence, territorial integrity, and security of Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia and supports their full integration in the community of democratic Euro-Atlantic states. The Adriatic Charter affirms the commitment of Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia to the values and principles of NATO and to their joining the Atlantic Alliance at the earliest practical time. Albania, Croatia, and Macedonia have taken positive steps to advance their integration into Europe and have already contributed to European security and to the peace and security of southeast Europe through the resolution of severe conflicts in the region. Mr. Speaker, I commend all of my colleagues who have worked on this concurrent resolution. I urge every Member of this House to support its passage. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution, which I had the privilege of writing. Mr. Speaker, I want to express at the outset my appreciation to my able assistant, Robin Roizman, for working on this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I want to express my thanks to my colleagues, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Green); the distinguished chairman of our committee, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde); the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Pence); and the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Pitts), for joining me in introducing this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 264 expresses the deepest sympathy of the American people and of this Congress for the victims of the devastating earthquake that struck Algeria on May 21, 2003. This was the most tragic earthquake to hit that country in almost a quarter century. With a Richter scale reading of 6.8, the earthquake devastated the country, severely disrupted its health services, water supply, electricity and telecommunications. The earthquake and its aftershocks have killed over 2,000 innocent people of Algeria, injured over 10,000, and left over 200,000 Algerian citizens homeless. We immediately responded to this disaster by providing emergency humanitarian supplies. My resolution encourages our administration to continue providing assistance to the people of Algeria in this very difficult time. The resolution expresses our sympathy for the Algerian people and calls on our administration to monitor conditions there and to continue providing all necessary assistance to the government and people of Algeria. I want to note, Mr. Speaker, that we have in the gallery the distinguished Ambassador from Algeria, and I want to express to him personally our deep support and commitment to help in these difficult days for his country. I urge all of my colleagues to support H. Res. 264. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time. Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. First, I want to thank the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Green), my good friend and colleague, a distinguished member of the Committee on International Relations who has brought special expertise on Africa to our committee, for introducing this resolution which draws attention to the highly successful elections held recently in Kenya. Kenya, Mr. Speaker, has traveled a bumpy road as an emerging democracy and has struggled with corruption, ethnic politics and questionable elections. It sounds like some other countries we know. Yet throughout its 40 years of independence, the Kenyan people have kept the dream of democracy alive, strived to build strong civic institutions, and upheld the ideals of democracy; and now this has paid off. Mr. Speaker, Kenya is one of our strongest allies in our global war against terrorism, and it has paid a very high price. Many civilian lives were taken in the attacks on our embassy in Nairobi and a major tourist hotel. May I mention parenthetically, Mr. Speaker, that just this past weekend we were again forced to close our embassy in Nairobi, our new embassy because of terrorist threats. The Kenyan economy, which is so heavily based on tourism, has suffered enormously. Yet the government of Kenya remains a staunch ally in our global fight against terrorism, a democracy in the face of this vulnerability. Mr. Speaker, our resolution puts the U.S. Congress on record, supporting the people and the leaders of Kenya as they strive to build their democracy. They are on the right track. I hope, Mr. Speaker, that congressional support does not end with this resolution. Kenya continues to need our assistance in consolidating its democracy. The country needs our help in preventing future terrorist attacks and in rebuilding their tourism industry. I urge all of our colleagues to support H. Res. 177.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, I am pleased to welcome to the Chamber Rabbi David Halpern, who offered our opening prayer. I thank him for his thoughtful invocation. Madam Speaker, Rabbi Halpern's accomplishments in his community of Flatbush, Brooklyn, have touched many lives across the Nation, and his work merits national recognition. He leads the Flatbush Park Jewish Center. He is the Principal of the religious school there, which he helped found in 1952. He sought to create a place where religiously observant and religiously curious alike can feel comfortable; to advance the goal of Jewish learning; and to support Jewish causes around our country and around the globe. He also served as a Chaplain in the 71st Infantry of the 42nd Division of the National Guard for 10 years, and he sits on the New York board of Rabbis. Madam Speaker, the esteem in which the Flatbush Park Jewish Center is held indicates that Rabbi Halpern's efforts have been an unqualified success. In recognition of his sense of compassion and leadership, he was chosen to speak on behalf of the community of Flatbush in the wake of the 9/11 tragedy. Madam Speaker, I am delighted that he was able to share some of his wisdom and grace with us today. We admire his commitment to his faith and to his community.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, last month leaders and citizens from throughout America gathered in the Capitol Rotunda to commemorate the Days of Remembrance. This annual ceremony assumed special significance this year, as it took place during the 60th anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, an event that epitomizes the true meaning of bravery and honor. In April 1943, the Gestapo set out to liquidate the surviving Jews of Warsaw. Most ghetto residents--over 300,000--had been deported to Treblinka the previous year, where they faced immediate death in the gas chambers of the notorious extermination camp. Those left in Warsaw vowed not to meet a similar fate. The Gestapo expected the clearing out of the ghetto to be a simple operation. How could a small number of Jews, poorly fed and with few arms, even think about fighting back against thousands of machine gun- toting storm troopers? When the Nazis entered the ghetto on the early morning of April 19th, this question met with an emphatic answer. Young Jewish fighters greeted the Gestapo with a hail of bullets and homemade Molotov cocktails, forcing the Nazis into a panicked retreat. ``Juden haben waffen,'' they yelled at the top of their lungs. ``Juden haben waffen.'' Translated literally: ``The Jews have arms.'' The men and women of the ghetto would not die quietly. For the next month, the Jews of Warsaw fought with a fierce determination that stunned the Nazi leaders and inspired the world. Few expected to survive, and few did. Nevertheless, the courageous men and women of the Warsaw Ghetto live on through the power of their heroism and the strength of their sacrifice. Mr. Speaker, the Days of Remembrance ceremony included moving remarks on the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising by Ruth B. Mandel, the Vice Chair of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council (USHMC) since 1993. Professor Mandel is the Director of the Eagleton Institute of Politics and Board of Governors Professor of Politics at Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey. Her contributions to the USHMC have been extraordinary, and I'm honored to enter her remarks into the Congressional Record. Days of Remembrance Remarks ruth b. mandel, vice chair united states holocaust memorial council april 30, 2003--the capitol rotunda Memory and Action Honored guests, one and all: It is April 30, 2003. We gather to Remember and to pay our respects. To light a candle in memory. The memory of a past we wish not to repeat is tantamount to a hope. Hope can be uplifting or comforting, an expectation that something positive might happen--I hope for good luck; I hope for a cure; I hope for happiness. Yet in itself, hope is a passive stance, a rather weak force. For memory to be a strong force, it must be the fuel for action. An active stance can be inspired by memory, but it cannot linger in memory. It must move beyond memory. Thus, as we observe this Day of Remembrance, as we recall our personal nightmares and once again revisit our losses, even as we honor those we memorialize--the millions in the human family, our families, annihilated by guns and gas in the unspeakably grotesque collapse of civilized society, let us each consider how to link memory to action. In these frightening, worrisome times, the understandable question of despair--``But what can I do?''--s a perfectly rational individual response to the magnitude of pain and threat humanity visits on itself regularly. But it is not an adequate response. Honoring memory as an active stance requires some effort to use it. Even in the smallest ways, use memory. Honored guests, one and all: It is April 30, 2003, and we are here to memorialize children . . . and men . . . and women--millions annihilated by guns and gas in the grotesque collapse of civilized society. Today we pay special tribute to some of those who defied evil with heroic action. Their actions offer lessons, warnings, and even inspiration for the issues we face in our own times. The Warsaw Ghetto Uprising of 60 years ago is just such an event. At the beginning of a new and, so far, troubled century, the uprising's power to inform, enlighten, and challenge our own choices remains strong. On April 23, 1943, determined to uphold the honor of the Jewish people in the face of odds they knew they could not overcome, the Warsaw Ghetto fighters wrote: Let it be known that every threshold in the ghetto has been and will continue to be a fortress, that we may all persist in this struggle, but we will not surrender; that, like you, we breathe with desire for revenge for the crimes of our common foe. A battle is being waged for your freedom as well as ours. For your and our human, civic, and national honor and dignity. That battle was waged not only in Warsaw. Although Warsaw is most well known, throughout occupied Europe there were many brave individuals who took up arms against their oppressors in order to affirm their humanity, and ours. These brave fighters bequeathed the memory of heroic action to a people. Reflecting on the future of the Jewish people, they realized that the memory of their efforts would be as important as the struggle itself. The Warsaw revolt began in desperation; ultimately, it was an act of inspiration. They spoke about fighting for their freedom and ours; they taught us a lesson for their time and for ours. In lighting a candle to remember those who stood against the Nazis, we honor those who perished and are in turn reminded that the moral conscience of the individual can be a great weapon against evil. This was a lesson of the last century; this is a warning for the present one.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, last month leaders and citizens from throughout America gathered in the Capitol Rotunda to commemorate the Days of Remembrance. The ceremony had many powerful moments, but none more moving than the remarks of my good friend Dr. Elie Wiesel, the Founding Chair of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council and one of the world's foremost champions for human rights and civil liberties. A native of Romania, Elie Wiesel was fifteen when he and his family were deported to Auschwitz. His mother and younger sister perished, but he survived with the conviction that the international community must never forget the lessons of the Holocaust. During the past fifty years, as both an author and a teacher, Dr. Wiesel has devoted his life to this end. However, to classify Elie Wiesel's legacy as one of remembrance takes into account only a small portion of his impact on society. He has spoken out not only against anti-Jewish atrocities, but also on behalf of victims from every corner of the globe, from Argentina's Desaparecidos to refugees of Cambodia's Khmer Rouge regime. When Dr. Wiesel was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1986, his speech clearly elucidated the link between the Holocaust and all other human rights abuses: Human suffering anywhere concerns men and women everywhere. . . . As long as one dissident is in prison, our freedom will not be true. As long as one child is hungry, our life will be filled with anguish and shame. What all these victims need above all is to know that they are not alone; that we are not forgetting them, that when their voices are stifled we shall lend them ours, that while their freedom depends on ours, the quality of our freedom depends on theirs. Mr. Speaker, on April 30 we were once again privileged to learn from this extraordinary man. Dr. Wiesel used his remarks to remind us that horrific memories of the Holocaust do not constitute a social end in and of themselves; rather, they must be used to ameliorate suffering in today's world and in that of tomorrow. ``If we want to remember,'' he said, ``if we want you to remember all those emaciated faces, all those burning eyes, all those muted prayers, it is not only for our sake but also for your children's and theirs. . . . Is memory the only answer to the tragedy itself? But whatever the answer, memory is its most indispensable element.'' Mr. Speaker, I am honored to enter the full text of Elie Wiesel's remarks into the Congressional Record. Days of Remembrance Remarks elie wiesel, founding chair united states holocaust memorial council, april 30, 2003--the capitol rotunda From Isaiah, chapter 21: Shomer, ma milail? Watchman, what of the night? This ancient call of the prophet of chastisement and consolation reverberates in our memory today as we remember the men and women, young and old, rich and poor, learned and ignorant, secular and pious, dreamers of sacred blessings and seekers of hidden redemption, who were sentenced to suffer unparalleled agony and solitude in ghettos and death-camps not for what they have done or possessed or believed in but for what they were, sons and daughters of a people whose memory of persecution was the oldest in recorded history. All the rivers run to the sea, days come and go, generations vanish, others are born, remembrance ceremonies follow one another--and hatred is still alive, and some of us, the remnant of the remnant, wonder with the poet Paul Celan: who will bear witness for the witness, who will remember what some of us tried to relate about a time of fear and darkness when so many, too many victims felt abandoned, forgotten, unworthy of compassion and solidarity? Who will answer questions whose answers the dead took with them? Who will feel qualified enough and strong enough, faithful enough to confront their fiery legacy? What was and remains clear to some of us, here and elsewhere, is the knowledge that if we forget them, we too shall be forgotten. But is remembrance enough? What does one do with the memory of agony and suffering? Memory has its own language, its own texture, its own secret melody, its own archeology and its own limitations: it too can be wounded, stolen and shamed; but it is up to us to rescue it and save it from becoming cheap, banal, and sterile. Like suffering, like love, memory does not confer special privileges. It all depends on what one does with what we receive, for what purpose, in the name of what ideal. If we invoke our right, our obligation to remember a frightened child who, in a ghetto, was assassinated before the eyes of his mother, an old teacher beaten to death in the presence of his disciples, a nocturnal procession walking towards open pits already filled with corpses, a beautiful woman driven insane with grief before being knifed by the killer--if we want to remember, if we want you to remember all those emaciated faces, all those burning eyes, all those muted prayers, it is not only for our sake but also for your children's and theirs. If it weren't for their memory, much of what has been undertaken and even accomplished would be without relevance-- and worse: without meaning. To remember means to lend an ethical dimension to all endeavors and aspirations. When you, my good friend Secretary Powell, search deep into your heart, you find that most of your diplomatic initiatives and military responses have been rooted in your faith in the mysterious power of History of which memory is made. Isn't that principle the one that keeps on governing all our lives? Wasn't 1938 the main factor in your recent decision-making regarding Iraq? In those years there were two great powers in Europe: France and Great Britain. Had they intervened instead of preaching appeasement, there would have been no world war, no Auschwitz. Watchman, what of the night? Is memory the only answer to the Tragedy itself? But whatever the answer, memory is its most indispensable element. An ancient Talmudic legend tells us that when the soul leaves the body to return to heaven, it cries out in great pain; and the outcry is so powerful that it reverberates throughout creation. What about the outcry of six million souls? Well, among the victims who were killed there was a 12- year-old girl, Yunite Vishniatzky, from a small village named Byten near Slutsk. This is her last letter, dated July 31, 1942: . . . ``Dear Father, I say good-bye to you before dying . . . We want very much to live . . . But they won't let us-- that's how it goes . . . I am so afraid of dying: small children are thrown into the grave alive . . . I say good-bye to you forever . . . And give you a big kiss . . . Your Yunite . . .'' Watchman, what of the night? Watchman, what of the night? And the watchman says: the morning comes, and also the night . . . So--we remember all the children whose lives bothered the enemy so much he felt the irresistible urge to wipe them out. We remember Yunite Vishniatzky . . . When her soul left her frail body, was her cry heard by anyone, anywhere?

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, last month leaders and citizens from throughout America gathered in the Capitol Rotunda to commemorate the Days of Remembrance. This annual ceremony assumed special significance this year, as it took place during the 60th anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, an event that epitomizes the true meaning of bravery and honor. Why must we remember this tragedy? Fred S. Zeidman, the Chairman of the United States Holocaust Memorial Council, reminded us in his remarks. The Holocaust Museum, he explained, must serve ``as a warning to all people, whatever their backgrounds, about the consequences of hatred and indifference, and the failure to act.'' Mr. Speaker, given the challenges our country faces today, Mr. Zeidman's words echo with uncommon strength. America faces a war against international terrorism, a fight against forces that allow bigotry to drive rivers of violence. The Holocaust taught us that such evils do not go away if they are ignored. They must be battled by a global community conscious of its responsibilities and mindful of its past. ``For your freedom and ours.'' Mr. Zeidman used this refrain to characterize the Holocaust's legacy. It was the theme of Jewish fighters in the Warsaw Ghetto. It remains true today. Fred Zeidman is the Chairman of Seitel, Inc., a member of the New York Stock Exchange that is a leading provider of seismic data and related geophysical expertise to the petroleum industry. He is also a prominent activist in the Jewish community; in addition to his service as Chairman of the U.S. Holocaust Memorial Council, he holds leadership positions in the Anti-Defamation League (Southwest Region), the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA), Jewish Federation of Greater Houston, and the American Jewish Committee Mr. Speaker, I would like to enter the remarks of Fred S. Zeidman into the Congressional Record. Days of Remembrance Remarks fred s. zeidman, chairman united states holocaust memorial council, april 30, 2003--the capitol rotunda Survivors of the Holocaust; The Museum's founding chairman Elie Wiesel, our moral compass and humanity's moral compass; Secretary Powell; Senate Majority Leader Frist, House Majority Leader DeLay, House Democratic Leader Pelosi, Senator Voinovich, Senator Corzine, and other members of Congress; Ambassador Ayalon; -My distinguished predecessor Miles Lerman and my co-chair Ruth Mandel; Friends of the Museum. Secretary Powell, you have devoted your entire life to liberating oppressed people and fighting for freedom. We are particularly gratified, Mr. Secretary, that you are able to join us today. For your freedom and ours--there could hardly be a more appropriate time, or a more appropriate place in which to consider these words. Consider the figures in these murals that surround us, the statues on their pedestals. I think the leaders they represent would be hard-pressed to find a phrase that better captures what drove them to create a ``new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.'' For your freedom and ours--the theme of the manifesto smuggled out of the Warsaw ghetto and posted across the city, written by its Jewish freedom fighters in what they surely knew would become, in effect, their last testament. For your freedom and ours--it is a call to service that resonates all the more in light of recent events. What better words to characterize our national sense of urgency as we confront international terrorism today. It is an urgency echoed in our vigorous international leadership, represented here by Secretary Powell, and the courage of our armed forces, represented by the flags of the liberating units and the young men and women who carry them. So, mindful of the dedication others have demonstrated on our behalf--whether 60 years ago or today--we are here to remember all the victims of the Holocaust as individuals with full and vibrant lives. For your freedom and ours--I truly believe the resonance of this battle cry lies behind the American public's commitment to the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum. The last ten years have demonstrated that Americans understand our living memorial as a warning to all people, whatever their backgrounds, about the consequences of hatred and indifference, and the failure to act. That understanding is based on our Holocaust survivors' most precious legacy-- their memories. We cannot see all that passed before their eyes. We cannot endure the terror they suffered. We cannot grasp the human capacity for evil in the way that they can. But through them, it is possible that future generations may be spared a similar fate. But only, that is, if we learn from, and take up, their stories, the lessons of their history. That is the purpose and the hope of the Museum. We may not all be called to the heroism of Vladka Meed, but in one way or another we are called to demonstrate moral courage. And each of us, as individuals, does have the power and responsibility to make a difference, to act. As we confront the terrorism, hatred, and virulent antisemitism that pollute today's world, we must draw strength from the survivors' strength, courage from their courage. For your freedom and ours--their history calls out to us. It is our obligation to ensure that the world listens, both now and for generations to come.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I deeply regret that once again the time of this House and its members will be spent dealing with the so-called ``partial birth abortion'' issue. I would emphasize that the term ``partial birth abortion'' is not a medical term, but rather a political term which the sponsors of this legislation have created in order to shock people into supporting this legislation. I will not be able to cast my vote today when the roll call is taken on this pernicious piece of legislation, so I would like to take this opportunity to indicate my views on the underlying legislation (H.R. 760) and on the Greenwood/Hoyer/Johnson (of Connecticut) amendment that will be offered to this bill. Mr. Speaker, the amendment in the nature of a substitute that our colleague from Pennsylvania, Mr. Greenwood, is offering makes it unlawful to knowingly perform an abortion after the fetus has become viable, unless, in the medical judgment of the attending physician, it is necessary to preserve the life of the woman or to avert serious adverse health consequences to her. I am not in support of the Congress substituting its judgment for that of a physician in a matter of medicine and health, but clearly this amendment is a substantial improvement over the original text of H.R. 760. I want to commend our colleagues--Mr. Greenwood, Mr. Hoyer, and Ms. Johnson of Connecticut--for offering this amendment. If I where able to be here for the vote on this amendment, I would cast my vote in favor. Mr. Speaker, even if the more reasonable and moderate language of the Greenwood Amendment is approved by this house, however, I would cast my vote against this bill if I were here when the House considers final passage later today. Even with the Greenwood language, the House is being asked to specify that a rarely utilized medical procedure is illegal. It seems to me that it is not particularly useful for the Congress of the United States to tell physicians how to practice medicine. The matter of terminating a pregnancy is a deeply personal and private matter, and it ought to be left to the woman and her physician. It is not a matter for the Congress of the United States to decide. I find it hypocritical that most members of the majority party in this body are anxious to keep the federal government out of the lives of Americans, but in the case of this most personal and most private of decisions, they seek to have the federal government take over that decision. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on H.R. 760.