Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 45 seconds to the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cummings), chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Chairman, I yield 45 seconds to the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Greenwood). (Mr. GREENWOOD asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call the attention of my colleagues to an outstanding speech given by Majority Leader Tom DeLay. His remarks were made when he received the ``Friend of Israel Award'' at the Washington Briefing of Stand for Israel--an organization under the aegis of the International Fellowship of Christians and Jews. This statement is of unmistakable importance in its application of American values and moral clarity to the political problems of the Middle East. Mr. Speaker, the acts of terrorists--blowing up school buses, bombing markets, killing innocent children--are unmatched in their cowardice. I fully share Congressman DeLay's belief that murderers should neither be trusted nor rewarded for their crimes. He eloquently stated: ``As a friend of Israel, and a lover of liberty for all God's children, we must reject any suggestion that its government negotiation from weakness, stand on an even moral footing with suicide bombers or trust the promises of terrorists.'' These words should serve as the foundation of U.S. Peacemaking in the Middle East. Majority Leader DeLay understands that there can be no such thing as evenhandedness between good and evil. As Americans we can do nothing less. America did not waver when our British friends were imperiled by Nazi force during World War II. We did not tremble when Stalin and his successors threatened the destruction of our NATO allies in Europe. Mr. Speaker, as America confronts evil at home and around the world, we must stand with the democratic State of Israel and against the terrorist scourge that threatens its people and its existence. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to read Congressman DeLay's principled statement. Speech of Majority Leader Tom DeLay at Stand for Israel Washington Briefing Dinner, April 2, 2003. Thank you. I'm not a great award recipient. There are so many people that need to be thanked that worked so hard for so many reasons to support Israel. It's great to see so many of my friends in the audience that came to be with us tonight, and all the others that I haven't met yet, I just say to you and you'll understand when I say, to God belongs the glory. So I really want to thank you for this honor and I especially want to thank my good friend Tom Lantos for being here and he greatly deserves this award for his longstanding work in the Congress as well as work with Israel. He stands like a rock on behalf of Israel and has always stood that way and you can tell the worth of a man by the woman who stands beside him, and Annette is here tonight. She is always by Tom's side, and they work as a team and we greatly appreciate them. I just really have the utmost respect for Tom Lantos and have become closer to him over the last year or so, and greatly appreciate my friendship with him, and I do love him. He is really a wonderful, wonderful man. As we meet here tonight, something extraordinary is happening on the other side of the world. Hundreds of thousands of trained and dedicated volunteers, an army of virtue, are liberating a nation. Pretty Amazing. Mile by mile, a blood-thirsty dictator's grip on a noble people slips. Town by town, Iraqi families realize what smiling people in camouflage uniforms have won for them. And day-by- day, children wake up for the first morning of their lives to God's freedom. This is the meaning of Operation Iraqi Freedom. We all know greater love hath no man than this, than he lay down his life for his friends. Yet today, in Iraq, liberating armies are risking their own lives in a land and for a people they have never before met. Decades long Iraqi pleas for freedom and justice will soon be answered. But my friends theirs is not the only voice that cries out in the desert. For as we meet tonight, in that same part of the world, violent men plot the deaths of school children. These men view innocent human life as a means to an end and murder as a propaganda technique. These men act outside the boundaries of humanity and these men support a career terrorist too long tolerated by the civilized world. Tonight our thoughts are with the people of Israel, and it is on their behalf, the courageous who live everyday in the cross-hairs of such men, that I accept this award and proudly count myself as a friend of Israel. You know after Operation Iraqi Freedom is won, and it will be won, international attention necessarily focused on the removal of Saddam Hussein's regime will disperse. There will be the re-building of Iraq and its welcomed return to the community of nations, there will be a simmering crisis in North Korea, there will be strained relationships with old friends to address, and a blossoming alliance with the surging powers of new Europe to solidify. And there will be, as we all well know, calls on Israel to set aside decades of experience and once again trust the words and paper of a terrorist entity bent on her destruction. Voices will call on the United States to serve as an honest broker in negotiations between the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli government. They will call on Israel to take risks for peace. As a friend of Israel, and a lover of liberty for all God's children, we must reject any suggestion that its government negotiate from weakness, stand on even moral footing with suicide bombers, or trust the promises of terrorists. The United States stands for justice and that means we stand for Israel. Our qualms are not with the Palestinian people, but their self appointed leaders. Yasser Arafat and his thugs do not serve the interests of the Palestinian people, they are exploiters, in business today as always, only for themselves. They perpetuate violence and misery in a country that has known too much of both. Negotiating with these men who sharpen their tongues like swords is folly, and any agreement arrived at through such empty negotiations would amount to a covenant with death as generations of Israelis have already witnessed. Yasser Arafat and his cronies are enemies of peace and a threat to the community of civilized nations. The Palestinian people, used as pawns by Arafat's regime, do not desire this existence. More and more of them are coming to realize the barriers to this new life are not in Ariel Sharon's cabinet but Yasser Arafat's compound. Palestinians and the Arab world at large tragically have only their corrupt leaders to blame for their economic depravation, not Americans and not Israelis. Ladies and Gentlemen, in Iraq today we are making a stand against oppressive terror. It is not the first time and it won't be the last. The United States and it allies will no longer live in fear of terrorist networks of global reach, nor of their state sponsors. That is why we are in war tonight in Iraq. We are disarming a dangerous regime because it threatens the security of the world. The President has directed his advisors to craft a plan, to do it with speed and precision never before witnessed in the history of war. The plan is working, the military is advancing, and the under-informed talking heads of the media elite are just dead wrong. We thank God every day that the President is a man of faith and a man of confidence. But it must frustrate him to hear the incessant carping of blow dried Napoleons hunkered down in their air-conditioned studios night after night on the twenty-four hour news networks. Peter Arnette thinks a war plan that advanced hundreds of miles in a week, in less than a week, is a failure. Geraldo Rivera drew a map in the sand of American positions for our enemies to see. Well thankfully, President Bush has also drawn in the sand. He has drawn a line beyond which the civilized world will not accept the behavior of evil men. We will free ourselves from terrorist threats and free those who live under terrorist regimes. Americans have defended our freedom for more than two hundred years and Israelis have done the same for more than fifty. We are opposed by many of the same enemies who use many of the same tactics. Israel's fight is our fight against terror and for humanity. The United States therefore can not serve as a disinterested broker between an ally and its terrorist enemy. There is no moral equivalence between an aggressor and a man who defends himself against aggression, just as there is no moral equivalence between terrorists and the Israeli government sworn to stop them, despite the absurd assertions of the State Department's newly released human rights reports. This report just boggles my mind. This report is designed to document human rights conditions in countries all around the globe, however it compares the human rights record of a free, tolerant, and pluralistic nation with that of a terrorist network. There is no comparison and to assert one is absolutely ridiculous. Israel is governed by democratically elected representatives. The Palestinian Authority is governed by a gang of murderers. Experience and common sense lead to one conclusion about America's proper role in the Middle East. We are absolutely right to stand with Israel and our opponents are absolutely wrong. The moral ambiguities of our diplomatic elites not withstanding, Israel is not the problem, Israel is the solution. The House of Representatives said as much, they shouted in fact, by a margin of 352 to 21, by passing the resolution that Tom Lantos and I sponsored last year. The resolution affirmed America's solidarity with Israel, supported Israel's right to self-defense, urged all Arab states to denounce all forms of terrorism and encouraged the alleviation of the needs of the Palestinian people. Any viable plans for peace must require the Palestinian Authority to do the same and to permanently sever ties with those who do not. President Bush has laid out a bold vision to this extent. He has made it clear Israel must have a right to defend herself and that the Palestinian Authority must stop its acts of terror once and for all. Certain parties to the peace process, more interested in appeasing aggression than combating terrorism, have forfeited their right to leadership on this issue. The United States is the world's defender of freedom, and Israel is one of our greatest allies. We won't allow anyone to reward terrorists and terrorist acts, least of all nations and organizations who appease Saddam Hussein and who continue to appease Yasser Arafat. This struggle is one of good versus evil. Nations and organizations who fail to distinguish between the two disqualify themselves from input on this matter. The President understands Israel must not be asked to negotiate with the men terrorizing its innocent citizens even as speak. The Palestinian Authority and their state sponsors must end the violence. This must be an act of principle, not some gesture of goodwill. The Palestinian Authority's words have no meaning, their actions do. The violence must stop--period. No negotiations. And when it does, and not before, the Palestinian people will have a real, viable opportunity for peace. Thankfully, President Bush understands that no peace process worthy of its name can be obscured by appeasers or moral relativists. He understands that process for its own sake is not the goal, the security of our allies is the goal, and no quartet of appeasement will obscure that fact. You know, though tested by generations of fire, the people of Israel do not exhibit malice or even seek revenge. Much like everyday Palestinians, they just want peace and the security to live their own lives, free from want and free from fear. They are not fools, and should not be expected to bargain with murderers. But when a new generation of Palestinian leaders arise, with a real and lasting peace as their goal, and more importantly the authority and will to deliver on it, a comprehensive solution may finally be attainable. But Israel should not be expected to offer substantive concessions while the Palestinian leaders offer only empty promises. Israel should have the freedom to defend its national security and to negotiate at a time and on terms set by its democratic government, not those imposed by anyone else. To be a friend of Israel demands no less than supporting her through these very difficult days, as well as the better ones we all know await her, and await her people in the future. And despite decades of terror in the holy cradle of faith, we must hope, as did a fifteen year-old girl hiding in Amsterdam writing in her diary less than a month before she was taken to Auschwitz, ``I somehow feel that everything will change for the better, that this cruelty too shall end, that peace and tranquility will return once more.'' You know Ladies and Gentlemen, through God's grace, the friendship of the United States and Israel will endure to see the dreams of that little girl fill the whole world with light and truth forever.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to call the attention of my colleagues to an excellent speech given a few days ago by Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi, my colleague, friend and neighbor in California. Her address was given at the recent Conference here in Washington of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, an organization of Americans who see strong American ties with the State of Israel is a vital element in our nation's vital interest. Mr. Speaker, Leader Pelosi's position on terrorism was clear and unequivocal: ``There is no place in the civilized world for terrorism. Not now. Not ever. . . . No injustice, real or imagined, can ever justify, and no future can ever be built upon, the calculated slaughter of innocents.'' She was emphatic: ``The world must never accept in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, or Haifa what the world would not tolerate in London, Washington, New York, or San Francisco.'' These words must be the basis of our country's efforts to bring peace to the Middle East. Congresswoman Pelosi understands that peace cannot come through ``lowering the threshold for the cessation of violence'' and any roadmap for peace in the region must, in her words ``be based on real change on the ground, not artificial dates on the calendar.'' Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to read Congresswoman Pelosi's excellent address. Address of Democratic Leader Nancy Pelosi to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee Good morning. My, how this group has grown. Congratulations. Cissie Swig, thank you so much, first for that warm introduction, but more importantly for your friendship and your mentioning of me over the years and for your leadership on so many issues. I cherish our friendship. President Amy Friedkin, a dear friend for so many years. It has been wonderful to see Amy rise within your great organization, from the East Bay Federation and the Northern California chapter of AIPAC, all the way to become the national President. I am thrilled that Amy is the first woman to be President of AIPAC. And with president-elect Bernice Manocherian, perhaps it is the beginning of a wonderful trend. I commend AIPAC for breaking down another barrier and leading America closer to the ideal of equality that is both our heritage and our hope. Cissie and Amy will appreciate this story. My daughter is Catholic. My son-law is Jewish. Last week, I celebrated my birthday, and my grandchildren--ages four and six--called me to sing Happy Birthday. And the surprise, the real gift, was that they sang it in Hebrew. I'm so pleased to be joined by three of my colleagues- Congressman Howard Berman of California, Congressman Sander Levin of Michigan, and Congressman Bob Matsui of California. All are strong supporters of Israel. Thank you to all the members of AIPAC, especially those who have traveled so far from California and the Bay Area. The special relationship between the United States and Israel is as strong as it is because of your fidelity to that partnership and the commitment of every person in this room today. I am honored to be here to speak about something that can never be said enough: America's commitment to the safety and security of the State of Israel is unwavering. Today, the thoughts and prayers of all Americans are with our courageous forces in Iraq. Americans may have had our differences going into this war, but we are united in support of our men and women in uniform. Let me also say this: I absolutely condemn the statements or suggestions of those who seek to place responsibility for this conflict on the American-Jewish community. The Jewish community in America, like America itself, has been divided on whether to fight this war at this time. Any accusations to the contrary have no place in our discourse--public or private. Today, Americans are seeing for themselves what I saw on my trip to the Persian Gulf in March and my previous visits with our troops at bases here at home. Our men and women in uniform are focused on their mission, enduring tremendous hardships, motivated by a profound love of country and prepared to make the ultimate sacrifice. We pray for the swift and successful disarmament of Iraq with the least possible loss of life. We pray that the end of this conflict will bring new hope for the people of Iraq. That starts by promoting a multilateral response to the potential refugee crisis along with a democratic government of, by and for the people of Iraq. We pray for the families who have lost a loved one. And we pray for the safe return of the missing, our prisoners of war, and all of our forces into the loving arms of their families. Their noble service reminds us of our mission--to build a future worthy of their sacrifice. That future begins with our commitment to the fundamental principles to which all people in all nations are entitled-- freedom, security, peace and prosperity. And in the Middle East, those principles rest upon a foundation that is as enduring as it is essential--the unbreakable bond of friendship between the United States of America and the State of Israel. The United States stands with Israel because of our common history--two beacons founded on the ideals of liberty and justice, forged by pioneers, and fulfilled by immigrants in search of a better tomorrow. The United States stands with Israel because of our common interests--our fundamental interest in the most basic of all rights: the right to exist, the right to live free from fear, the right to put our children on the school bus in the morning knowing they will come home safely in the afternoon. Let there be no doubt--the United States of America stands with the State of Israel also because it is in our national interests to stand with the State of Israel. I will never forget my first visit to Israel. From the moment one lands at Ben Gurion Airport, one appreciates what every Israeli knows--security is measured in miles and minutes. From the Golan Heights, we could see Damascus just 40 miles away. Today, Syria's and Iran's bankrolling of terror and the development of weapons of mass destruction is a clear and present danger. Today, Israelis in the north live under the constant threat of Hezbollah's rockets just across the border in Lebanon. Ben-Gurion's famous words remain true today: Israel is `a small nation that has suffered much, but at the same time has won for itself a special place in the history of mankind because of its spirit, faith and vision.' And yet, `we have a long thorny path ahead of us,' he said. More than a half-century later, our challenge is the same: how can America and Israel together walk the long thorny path and preserve Israel as a special place in the history of mankind? First and foremost, we must be unequivocal in our words and uncompromising in our deeds. There is no place in the civilized world for terrorism. Not now. Not ever. Our prayers go out to the people of Israel following this weekend's attack in Netanya. No injustice, real or imagined, can ever justify, and no future can ever be built upon, the calculated slaughter of innocents. Let there be no doubt: whether it is called Al Qaeda, Islamic Jihad, Hezbollah, Hamas, or the Al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigade, the murder of innocents is madness. It must stop. And it must stop immediately. The world must never accept in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, or Haifa what the world would not tolerate in London, Washington, New York or San Francisco. Last spring, an overwhelming majority of Congress expressed our solidarity with Israel in its fight against terrorism and in reaffirming Israel's right to self-defense. Second, we must ensure that Israel always has the tools and resources it needs to confront its security and economic challenges. President Truman knew this 55 years ago when Israel was born, recognizing her just eleven minutes after independence. President Johnson knew this when Israel fought for her survival, supplying her with the tools to help win the Six Day War. And President Clinton knew this when Israel was ready to embrace peace--indeed, a peace of the brave--at Camp David two years ago, promising to stand by her as she took historic steps for peace. Having served on the Intelligence Committee for ten years- including two years as the Ranking Democrat--I have an understanding of the threats facing the Israeli people. Having served as the senior Democrat on the Foreign Operations Appropriations Subcommittee, I have always fought for the vital economic and military assistance that Israel needs--not only because it is in Israel's interest, but because it is in America's interest. Last month, I called upon President Bush to respond to Israel's urgent request for assistance to confront its unprecedented economic and military crisis. The President answered with the aid package he submitted to Congress last week. As House Democratic Leader, I pledge to you today: Democrats in Congress will be in the lead in the fight for passing this emergency package--and soon. As we always have, as we always will, Democrats will insist that Israel has the tools it needs--both to defeat terrorism and to work toward a just and lasting peace. Let no one ever question our unshakable commitment to the security that Israel must have and the safety of the Israeli people and to its qualitative military edge. Israel will never stand alone, because America will never abandon Israel. Third, for Israel to have peace, Israel needs a partner in peace. Yasser Arafat is not that partner. At Camp David, Israel was prepared to cede territory, dismantle settlements, and recognize an independent Palestinian state. And Yasser Arafat said no to peace. And then--even as Israel continued to negotiate and offer concessions--Arafat said yes to a campaign of violence and terror that continues to this day. President Bush's statement last June made clear that any new Palestinian state requires a new Palestinian leadership. I applaud that. The President's clarity was a catalyst. Palestinian moderates were strengthened. Arafat was weakened. And the new post of prime minister gives us guarded hope. A cabinet is being assembled. And the world is watching for genuine change. Therefore, as were many of you, as were many Democrats in Congress, I was seriously concerned about the timing, tone and effect of the President's statement of March 14. Indeed, we should be worried when those with little sympathy for Israel welcomed the President's words. Let there be no weakening in our resolve, no softening in our stance, no lowering of the threshold for the cessation of violence. Any roadmap toward peace must be based on real change on the ground, not artificial dates on the calendar. The terror must end. The new Palestinian prime minister must have the independence, the authority, and the personal commitment to lead the Palestinian people in a new direction. The new Palestinian leadership must be open and accountable. And the reconstituted Palestinian security services must prevent terrorism, not promote it. Only then will we realize a future of security, statehood and stability--security for Israelis, statehood for the Palestinians, and stability for the region. Fourth, we must address the real source of so much of the instability across the Middle East--the lack of freedom, prosperity and human rights, including women's rights. Last year's Arab Human Development Report stated it clearly: ``The wave of democracy that transformed . . . most of Latin America and East Asia in the 1980s and Eastern Europe and much of Central Asia in the late 1980s and early 1990s has barely reached the Arab states. This freedom deficit undermines human development and is one of the most painful manifestations of lagging political development.'' Those words were written by dozens of leading Arab intellectuals. If we want to achieve long-term peace and security in the Middle East, we must achieve security for Israel and a future for the Palestinian people. At the same time, it is clear that freedom, security, peace and prosperity can strengthen the hand of those in the Arab and Islamic world who want to pursue a more hopeful and peaceful path. These ideals that we cherish can make countries plagued by conflict and despair better places to live and better partners in creating a safer world. Finally, we must raise our voices of hope, and drown out the voices of hate. Whether in the Middle East, around the world, or in this country, we must be intolerant of intolerance. No one should ever fear, and no American should ever have their allegiance questioned because of their faith. As we protect and defend the American people against terrorism, however, we must protect and defend the Constitution and the civil liberties that define our democracy. Cissie and Amy told me there are hundreds of college students here today. Allow me to speak directly to the students. Thankfully, you are too young to have witnessed the darkest chapters of the last century--the Nazism, communism, and authoritarianism. But in your eyes I see the glow of one of the brightest stars of the past century--the founding of the State of Israel. You are the messengers to a future we will never know. It is your charge to build that future in the spirit of tikkun olam, the repairing of the world, in the spirit of peace and security. On behalf of all who cherish freedom, thank you for your commitment to the ideals and values that define our two democracies--the United States and Israel. My grandchildren tell me that this week begins the month of Nisan, the month of miracles, the month of deliverance. And over the coming weeks, Israelis and Jews everywhere will mark the miracles that have brought us to this day: The survivors who endured the darkness of the Shoah and who braved their way to the light of Israel; The heroes of Israeli independence who prevailed against overwhelming odds; And all those who have defended Israel through decades of struggle and sacrifice, including a fallen hero Americans and Israelis mourned together--Space Shuttle Columbia astronaut Colonel Ilan Ramon, who literally took the Torah to the stars. This is the spirit that defines the American-Israeli partnership. America stands with Israel now. America will stand with Israel forever. We will never abandon Israel. We will never abandon Israel. God bless you. God bless our men and women serving on the frontlines today. And God bless our special relationship between the United States of America and the State of Israel.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of this resolution. First, Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend my good friend and colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Houghton), who has done so much to promote human rights and human dignity and fairness and justice in Africa, and indeed throughout the globe. I also want to thank all of my colleagues on both sides of the aisle for making a contribution to this legislation. Mr. Speaker, our legislation requires the United States to participate in the Kimberly Process certification scheme. This process is designed to prevent international trade in conflict diamonds while protecting legitimate trade. One cannot speak of conflict diamonds, Mr. Speaker, without recalling in vivid detail the young children from Sierra Leone who came before this Congress as tiny witnesses to the horror of so-called resource wars in Africa. Little boys and little girls with arms and legs missing sat quietly before the Committee on International Relations as we listened to the gruesome details of the civil war in Sierra Leone. The civil war was not a just war. This was a war of shameless greed and shameless corruption, an uncivilized war that knew no mercy, that knew no limit to cruelty. This war, and the wars in Angola and the so- called Democratic Republic of Congo, were fueled in large part by the illicit trade in so-called conflict diamonds. While some call these diamonds a curse on these countries, it is the evil men who would slaughter parents and maim children who are the ultimate curse on these countries and on humanity as a whole. Mr. Speaker, the wars in Sierra Leone and Angola have ended, and in Sierra Leone many of the wrongdoers are being brought to justice. Sanctions against conflict diamonds played a significant part in helping to stop these wars. While the immediate crisis has passed, the effects will linger far into the future. I trust we will be willing to step up to the plate when we are called upon to help. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 1584 will make sure that the United States and our jewelry industry are not complicit in any further exploitation of diamonds to fuel civil conflicts. Our legislation prohibits the importation to or exportation from the United States of any rough diamonds, from whatever source, that are not controlled through the Kimberly Process. I urge all of my colleagues to support H.R. 1584. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee), my good friend and neighbor, who has fought so hard for human rights in Africa and elsewhere.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Synder).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel). (Mr. RANGEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Watson), a former distinguished ambassador, and a distinguished member of the Committee on Ways and Means.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks).

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no additional speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this resolution. First, I would like to commend the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde); the chairman of the Subcommittee on Europe, the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Bereuter); and the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Emanuel) for their leadership on this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, the tragic assassination of Prime Minister Djindjic happened just a few weeks ago, but the repercussions of this barbaric act will be felt throughout the Balkans for years to come. Prime Minister Djindjic was a courageous and bold political leader, an anti-communist and a democratic activist. He was one of the leaders of the ouster of dictator Slobodan Milosevic in the fall of 2000. Djindjic was a Serbian patriot who clearly understood that Serbia's future lay in Europe, not in the isolation nationalism that plagued the Balkans at the sunset of the 20th century. Prime Minister Djindjic will go into history books as the man who made the brave decision to extradite former dictator Slobodan Milosevic to The Hague for trial on war crimes. It is widely believed that the renewed attempts by Mr. Djindjic and his government to go after entrenched organized crime in Serbia and war criminals in that country led to his assassination. Prime Minister Djindjic was also a pragmatic politician. While pushing the Serbian nation towards Europe, Mr. Djindjic also tried to appease nationalistic elements of Serbian society. His government's cooperation with the International War Crimes Tribunal was uneven, but on balance Mr. Djindjic was leading Serbia in a positive direction, progress that will be set back as Serbia deals with the ramifications of this horrendous assassination. Mr. Speaker, today we mourn, together with the Serbian people and with Mr. Djindjic's colleagues and loved ones. We know that the job of leading Serbia is risky and difficult, and we pledge to offer support to the continued democratic reforms initiated by Mr. Djindjic. That is why today, Mr. Speaker, I want to call on my colleagues in Congress and in our government to remain engaged in the Balkans and to offer continued support to the reformers there. Our national interest will suffer if this region backslides towards lawlessness and conflict. The United States has unfinished business in the Balkans. The establishment of a genuine rule of law and a system of justice that benefits the citizens of these countries, the restructuring of local economies, the establishment of a vigorous civil society, the creation of independent media, and the resettlement of refugees are just a few of the tasks that remain. Mr. Speaker, with continued U.S. leadership and engagement in the Balkans, these tasks can all be achieved. I urge all of my colleagues to support the passage of this important resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Emanuel), one of the original movers of this important resolution. (Mr. EMANUEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I have no additional speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume and rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, first I would like to thank my friend, the gentleman from Illinois (Chairman Hyde), for expediting consideration of this resolution; and I want to congratulate my good friend, the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), for her powerful and eloquent statement and for her leadership on this resolution, as well as my colleagues, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez) and the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Lincoln Diaz-Balart). Mr. Speaker, after several years of masquerading as a liberalizing regime, the brutal and deplorable nature of Fidel Castro's sickening communist state has manifested itself once again. In the last couple of weeks, Castro's thugs have arrested and detained approximately 80 Cubans. Their crime? They sought to express their disagreement with their government, provide an independent media voice, stock their shelves with banned literature that reports the interests of independent labor, and otherwise improve the lot of their fellow citizens. Among those arrested, Mr. Speaker, were prominent political dissidents, such as Marta Beatriz Roque; independent journalists, such as Raul Rivero and Ricardo Gonzalez; independent labor advocates, like Pedro Pablo Alvarez; and civil society activists, such as Antonio Diaz Sanchez of the Varela Project. The Castro regime intends to place these and other individuals on trial in what have been called kangaroo courts for allegedly collaborating with the United States to harm Cuba and its economy. Just yesterday, a sham court sentenced Marta Beatriz Roque, Antonio Diaz Sanchez and Ricardo Gonzalez Alfonso, among others, to 20 years in prison for ``acts of conspiracy.'' Neither representatives of the diplomatic corps nor the international press were permitted to witness the summary trials, which does not surprise those of us who have experienced the tactics of the Gestapo in Hitler's time and the KGB under Stalin. Fidel Castro is a worthy follower of both of these outrageous dictators. Not only are the trumped-up charges against these political dissidents indefensible; Castro and his henchmen are convicting individuals for practicing their profession and exercising their fundamental political and civil liberties. Accordingly, Mr. Speaker, our resolution calls upon the international community to recognize these outrageous violations of human rights and to exclude Cuba from the United Nations Commission on Human Rights after its term expires at the end of this year. Mr. Speaker, while Castro and his henchmen seem intent to break the backs of many political dissidents and their growing organizations in a manner not seen since the 1960s, the regime has concentrated much of its fury against the Varela Project. Founded and led by Oswaldo Paya, the Varela Project asks Cubans to sign a petition calling for a referendum on open elections, freedom of speech, freedom for political prisoners, and free enterprise. Despite gigantic risks, over 30,000 courageous Cubans have penned their names to the petition in the hope for change. Mr. Speaker, we have had many contentious disagreements, both in committee and on this floor, on how best to bring about change in Cuba; but today this body stands united in solidarity with those who endure torture, incarceration, and deprivation of all types because they dare to strive for freedom. We stand together in strong condemnation of these cowardly arrests and the outrageous prosecution and persecution of those 80 individuals, and we demand their immediate release and the release of all political prisoners in Castro's jails. We stand together in our conviction that, despite the Castro regime, democracy will prevail in Cuba. Mr. Speaker, I strongly urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 5 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Menendez), the ranking member on the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere, the chairman of the Democratic Caucus and an indefatigable fighter for freedom in Cuba.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Rangel), the distinguished ranking member of the Committee on Ways and Means, and an indefatigable fighter for human rights across the globe. (Mr. RANGEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 6 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Delahunt), one of the leaders on the House Committee on International Relations, and our acknowledged expert on Latin America.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that each side may have an additional 10 minutes so all of our colleagues may be heard.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I would like to request my colleague to reconsider his objection. This is a matter of great principle. Several colleagues would like to speak on this subject, and I think it is singularly unfair to deny them the opportunity to do so.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, would my friend agree to 5 minutes on each side?