Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff), my good friend and distinguished colleague.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, before I yield back the balance of my time, I would just like to express my appreciation to Committee staff for the exceptionally effective work that they have put into this legislation. Legislation of this scope and magnitude could never be completed without the dedicated effort of our staff. The Republican staff of the Committee on International Relations worked with us in a bipartisan way. I want to express my particular gratitude to Kristen Gilley, Walker Roberts and Joseph Rees of the majority staff. I want to acknowledge the efforts of all of the members of the Democratic staff, since in a bill of this scope, everyone had a hand in the final product. Four people deserve particular recognition. David Abramowitz, our Democratic Chief Counsel has devoted enormous effort to the successful completion of this bill. We have greatly benefited from his solid legal and political judgement. David Fite, played a critical role in the security provisions of this bill, and I want to thank him for his outstanding contributions. lNisha Desai was heavily involved in the initial drafting and adoption of this bill. She has since left our staff, but her contribution was significant. Peter Yeo, Deputy Democratic Staff Director, as always played an extremely helpful role in bringing this legislation to completion. In addition, I want to express thanks to Art Rynearson of the Office of Senate Legislative Council, who helped assure that the substances of the legislation was accurate and accomplished what we intended. He is one of thee many unsung heroes who makes this institution function, as we owe him our thanks. Mr. Speaker, I again congratulate the Chairman of the Committee, and yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of S. 941, the Rancho Corral de Tierra Golden Gate National Recreation Area Boundary Adjustment Act. I am the principal sponsor of companion legislation introduced in the U.S. House of Representatives (H.R. 1953) which adds approximately 5,000 acres of pristine natural lands to one of our nation's most visited national parks, the Golden Gate National Recreation Area (GGNRA). The legislation is sponsored in the U.S. Senate by both California Senators Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer and has the strong and enthusiastic cosponsorship of the entire Bay Area Congressional Delegation. Mr. Speaker, the GGNRA is a true national treasure. It provides open space and recreation in the midst of a densely populated urban area. The new additions to the GGNRA covered by this legislation will be accessible to more than 6 million people who live within a one hour's drive of the park and will provide national park programs and experiences to millions of national and international visitors. The Rancho Corral de Tierra Golden Gate National Recreation Area Boundary Adjustment Act will adjust the boundary of the GGNRA to permit the inclusion of breathtakingly beautiful lands along the Pacific Ocean. When combined with already existing state and county parkland it will create 6,700 contiguous acres of publicly accessible land for recreational use. These lands are marked by topographical extremes. They include a dramatic ascent from the Pacific Ocean, 2,000 feet high in just over 1 mile--a spectacular sight not duplicated anywhere else in the Park and in few other places on the California coast. The upper parcels of land offer spectacular vistas, sweeping coastal and bay views and stunning headland scenery. On a clear day you can see the San Francisco Bay, the Marin headlands, Mr. Tamalpais, Mt. Diablo, Mt. Hamilton, the Farrallon Islands, Pillar Point and Pigeon Point. Inclusion of these lands would also protect the important habitats of several species of rare, threatened or endangered plants and animals. This legislation contains three important additions to the GGNRA. The largest parcel, the Rancho Corral de Tierra addition, is one of the largest undeveloped parcels on the San Mateo coast. It is comprised of the four main peaks of Montara Mountain and rises 2,000 feet from sea level. This 4,262-acre property includes a panorama of amazing views, important watersheds, miles of public trails, and an incredible array of wildlife and plantlife. The Rancho Corral de Tierra shares 3 miles of boundary with the GGNRA. Its relatively untouched upper elevations preserve rare habitats for several threatened and endangered plant and animal species. The property also contains four important coastal watersheds, which proved riparian corridors for steelhead trout, coho salmon and other aquatic species. This legislation also authorizes the National Park Service to include within the GGNRA the Martini Creek-Devil's Slide Bypass right-of-way, which was purchased by the California Department of Transportation (Caltrans) to build a highway across Montara Mountain. When San Mateo voters overwhelmingly decided in a local referendum in favor of building the Devil's Slide tunnel rather than the Martini Creek Bypass, this right-of-way became obsolete. This property covers approximately 300 acres and divides the Rancho Corral de Tierra property and connects the proposed additions to the GGNRA to existing State parkland, creating a seamless belt of parkland. Once the GGNRA boundary is adjusted through this legislation to include this right-of-way, Caltrans will be able to donate the property to the National Park Service. The legislation authorizes the National Park Service to include within the GGNRA boundaries approximately 500 acres of land along the Devil's Slide section of Coastal Highway 1, the scenic highway that winds its way along the entire California coast. These properties will make a logical addition to the park by filing in gaps to adjacent and existing State and Federal parkland. Caltrans either already owns or will acquire these lands when it builds the Devil's Slide tunnel and will then donate these properties for open space use after the tunnel is built. It is not the intention of this legislation, Mr. Speaker, to interfere with Caltrans' responsibility for building the tunnel at Devil's Slide. This legislation will simply make it possible for Caltrans or any other state or local agency to donate these properties to the National Park Service when the Devil's Slide tunnel is completed and when the National Park Service has determined that the acquisition of these lands is appropriate. Mr. Speaker, the Rancho Corral de Tierra Golden Gate National Recreational Area Boundary Adjustment Act provides the federal government a unique opportunity to place approximately 5,000 acres of pristine land under permanent protection for the enjoyment of Bay Area residents and visitors. The Peninsula Open Space Trust (POST) acquired the 4,252 acre Rancho Corral de Tierra site for $29.75 million to save the site from development and to preserve it as a natural area. POST is a local land conservancy trust in the San Francisco Bay Area and has a remarkable track record in working with and assisting the federal government with the protection of other important open space in the Bay Area. In 1994, POST negotiated the acquisition and inclusion of the 1,300 acre second-growth redwood-forest Phleger Estate within the GGNRA. POST provided one-half the purchase price of the Phleger Estate through private donations. POST also assisted the federal government with the protection and acquisition of Bair Island, an important wildlife refuge in San Francisco Bay that is now managed by the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service. Mr. Speaker, we can accomplish permanent protection of these lands through a unique public-private partnership. Under this legislation, Rancho Corral de Tierra will be preserved through a tripartite partnership between the National Park Service, California State Parks and the Peninsula Open Space Trust. For the Rancho Corral de Tierra property, we will seek 50% of the acquisition from the federal government and 50% through state and private contributions. POST has offered to donate a significant amount towards the federal acquisition of the Rancho Corral de Tierra property through private donations. Mr. Speaker, the inclusion of these lands on the San Mateo Coastside enjoys strong local support. The Golden Gate National Recreation Area and Point Reyes National Seashore Citizens Advisory Commission adopted a resolution endorsing this legislation after holding a public hearing and receiving public comment from local residents. The San Mateo County Board of Supervisors also passed a resolution supporting enactment of this legislation. The legislation also has the strong support of local environmental advocacy and preservation groups. The proposed additions were studied by POST in accordance with National Park Service criteria and in consultation with National Park Service staff. The study found that the three tracts of land meet the criteria for additions to units of the National Park Service. The study found that the properties will preserve significant natural, scenic and recreational resources that are equal to or unparalleled in the Golden Gate National Recreation Area. The National Park Service testified before Congress that it supports adjusting the boundary of the GGRNA to include these lands. This legislation will also reauthorize the Golden Gate National Recreation Area and Point Reyes National Seashore Citizens Advisory Commission for an additional 10 years. The Advisory Commission has been an invaluable resource for park management since its inception in 1972. It provides an important forum for the gathering and receipt of public input, public opinion and public comments and allows the park to maintain constructive and informal contracts with both the private sector and other federal, state and local public agencies. The Advisory Commission aids in strengthening the spirit of cooperation between the National Park Service and the public, encourages private cooperation with other public agencies, and assists in developing and ensuring that the park's general management plan is implemented. Mr. Speaker, preserving our country's unique natural areas must be one of our highest national priorities, and it is one of my highest priorities as a Member of Congress. We must preserve and protect these unique and rare areas for our children and grandchildren today or they will be lost forever. Adding these news lands to the GGNRA will provide greater recreational opportunities for the public to enjoy and will allow us to protect these fragile natural areas from encroaching development or other inappropriate uses which would destroy the scenic beauty and natural character of this key part of the California coast. The California coast is a true national treasure and passage of this important legislation will preserve it for the generations that follow us. I urge my colleague's support of S. 941, the Rancho Corral de Tierra Golden Gate National Recreation Area Boundary Adjustment Act of 2001.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend for yielding me the time. Mr. Speaker, I would just like to make a few comments about this legislation. My legislation adds about 5,000 acres to the Golden Gate National Recreation Area. The beauty of this region is beyond description. A person's soul will sore when they see it. It is stunning panoramic scenery containing flora and ecosystems found nowhere else on the face of this planet. The legislation will provide recreational opportunities for millions of our Bay Area citizens and visitors. It will link existing county, State, and Federal parklands into a 6,700 acre contiguous, publicly- accessible land. It will link miles of public hiking trails. It will protect four sensitive watersheds containing steelhead trout and coho salmon. It will protect rare and endangered plant and animal species. It will prevent development along our uniquely scenic California coastline, and it will protect sweeping panoramic coastal views and stunning headland scenery. The legislation will be financed through a public-private partnership: 50 percent Federal funding, 50 percent private and State funding. It is widely supported throughout our region. Our entire Bay Area congressional delegation are cosponsors of my legislation, as are both California United States Senators. The legislation is endorsed by the National Park Service, the San Mateo County Board of Supervisors, the Golden Gate National Recreation Area, and Point Reyes National Seashore Advisory Commission and national and local environmental, conservation and civic groups. I want to express my deep appreciation to my good friend from Utah, the chairman, and to my good friend who is the ranking member; and they have been so helpful in bringing this legislation forward. I want to thank all of my colleagues who have played a role in making this a reality. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of S. 941, the Rancho Corral de Tierra Golden Gate National Recreation Area Boundary Adjustment Act. I am the principal sponsor of companion legislation introduced in the U.S. House of Representatives (H.R. 1953) which adds approximately 5,000 acres of pristine natural lands to one of our nation's most visited national parks, the Golden Gate National Recreation Area (GGNRA). The legislation is sponsored in the U.S. Senate by both California Senators Dianne Feinstein and Barbara Boxer and has the strong and enthusiastic cosponsorship of the entire Bay Area Congressional Delegation. Mr. Speaker, the GGNRA is a true national treasure. It provides open space and recreation in the midst of a densely populated urban area. The new addition to the GGNRA covered by this legislation will be accessible to more than 6 million people who live within a one hour's drive of the park and will provide national park programs and experiences to millions of national and international visitors. The Rancho Corral de Tierra Golden Gate National Recreation Area Boundary Adjustment Act will adjust the boundary of the GGNRA to permit the inclusion of breathtakingly beautiful lands along the Pacific Ocean. When combined with already existing state and county parkland it will create 6,700 contiguous acres of publicly accessible land for recreational use. These lands are marked by topographical extremes. They include a dramatic ascent from the Pacific Ocean, 2000 feet high in just over 1 mile--a spectacular sight not duplicated anywhere else in the Park and in few other places on the California coast. The upper parcels of land offer spectacular vistas, sweeping coastal and bay views and stunning headland scenery. On a clear day you can see the San Francisco Bay, the Marin headlands, Mt. Tamalpais, Mt. Diablo, Mt. Hamilton, the Farrallon Islands, Pillar Point and Pigeon Point. Inclusion of these lands would also protect the important habitats of several species of rare, threatened or endangered plants and animals. This legislation contains three important additions to the GGNRA. The largest parcel, the Rancho Corral de Tierra addition, is one of the largest undeveloped parcels on the San Mateo coast. It is comprised of the four main peaks of Montara Mountain and rises 2,000 feet from sea level. This 4,262-acre property includes a panorama of amazing views, important watersheds, miles of public trails, and an incredible array of wildlife and plantlife. The Rancho Corral de Tierra shares three miles of boundary with the GGNRA. Its relatively untouched upper elevations preserve rare habitat for several threatened and endangered plant and animal species. The property also contains four important coastal watersheds, which proved riparian corridors for steel head trout, coho salmon and other aquatic species. This legislation also authorizes the National Park Service to include within the GGNRA the Martini Creek-Devil's Slide Bypass right-of-way, which was purchased by the California Department of Transportation (Caltrans) to build a highway across Montara Mountain. When San Mateo voters overwhelmingly decided in a local referendum in favor of building the Devil's Slide tunnel rather than the Martini Creek Bypass, this right-of-way became obsolete. This property covers approximately 300 acres and divides the Rancho Corral de Tierra property and connects the proposed additions to the GGNRA to existing State parkland, creating a seamless belt of parkland. Once the GGNRA boundary is adjusted through this legislation to include this right-of-way, Caltrans will be able to donate the property to the National Park Service. The legislation authorizes the National Park Service to include within the GGNRA boundaries approximately 500 acres of land along the Devil's Slide section of Coastal Highway 1, the scenic highway that winds its way along the entire California coast. These properties will make a logical addition to the park by filling in gaps to adjacent and existing State and Federal parkland. Caltrans either already owns or will acquire these lands when it builds the Devil's Slide tunnel and will then donate these properties for open space use after the tunnel is built. It is not the intention of this legislation, Mr. Speaker, to interfere with Caltran's responsibility for building the tunnel at Devil's Slide. This legislation will simply make it possible for Caltrans or any other state or local agency to donate these properties to the National Park Service when the Devil's Slide tunnel is completed and when the National Park Service has determined that the acquisition of these lands is appropriate. Mr. Speaker, the Rancho Corral de Tierra Golden Gate National Recreation Area Boundary Adjustment Act provides the federal government a unique opportunity to place approximately 5,000 acres of pristine land under permanent protection for the enjoyment of Bay Area residents and visitors. The Peninsula Open Space Trust (POST) acquired the 4,262 acre Rancho Corral de Tierra site for $29.75 million to save the site from development and to preserve it as a natural area. POST is a local land conservancy trust in the San Francisco Bay Area and has a remarkable track record in working with and assisting the federal government with the protection of other important open space in the Bay Area. In 1994, POST negotiated the acquisition and inclusion of the 1,300 acre second-growth redwood-forest Phleger Estate within the GGRNA. POST provided one-half the purchase price of the Phleger Estate through private donations. POST also assisted the federal government with the protection and acquisition of Bair Island, an important wildlife refuge in San Francisco Bay that is now managed by the US Fish and Wildlife Service. Mr. Speaker, we can accomplish permanent protection of these lands through a unique public-private partnership. Under this legislation, Rancho Corral de Tierra will be preserved through a tripartite partnership between the National Park Service, California State Parks and the Peninsula Open Space Trust. For the Rancho Corral de Tierra property, we will seek 50% of the acquisition from the federal government and 50% through state and private contributions. POST has offered to donate a significant amount towards the federal acquisition of the Rancho Corral de Tierra property through private donations. Mr. Speaker, the inclusion of these lands on the San Mateo Coastside enjoys strong local support. The Golden Gate National Recreation Area and Point Reyes National Seashore Citizens Advisory Commission adopted a resolution endorsing this legislation after holding a public hearing and receiving public comment from local residents. The San Mateo County Board of Supervisors also passed a resolution supporting enactment of this legislation. The legislation also has the strong support of local environmental advocacy and preservation groups. The proposed additions were studied by POST in accordance with National Park Service criteria and in consultation with National Park Service staff. The study found that the three tracts of land meet the criteria for additions to units of the National Park Service. The study found that the properties will preserve significant natural, scenic and recreational resources that are equal to or unparalleled in the Golden Gate National Recreation Area. The National Park Service testified before Congress that it supports adjusting the boundary of the GGRNA to include these lands. This legislation will also reauthorize the Golden Gate National Recreation Area and Point Reyes National Seashore Citizens Advisory Commission for an additional 10 years. The Advisory Commission has been an invaluable resource for park management since its inception in 1972. It provides an important forum for the gathering and receipt of public input, public opinion and public comment and allows the park to maintain constructive and informal contacts with both the private sector and other federal, state and local public agencies. The Advisory Commission aids in strengthening the spirit of cooperation between the National Park Service and the public, encourages private cooperation with other public agencies, and assists in developing and ensuring that the park's general management plan is implemented. Mr. Speaker, preserving our country's unique natural areas must be one of our highest national priorities, and it is one of my highest priorities as a Member of Congress. We must preserve and protect these unique and rare areas for our children and grandchildren today or they will be lost forever. Adding these news lands to the GGNRA will provide greater recreational opportunities for the public to enjoy and will allow us to protect these fragile natural areas from encroaching development or other inappropriate uses which would destroy the scenic beauty and natural character of this key part of the California coast. The California coast is a true national treasure and passage of this important legislation will preserve it for the generations that follow us. I urge my colleague's support of S. 941, the Rancho Corral de Tierra Golden Gate National Recreation Area Boundary Adjustment Act of 2001.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to invite my colleagues to commemorate a very sad day in Burma. Today, September 18th, marks the 14-year anniversary of the Burmese military regime's bloody takeover of Burma, after gunning down an estimated 10,000 non-violent demonstrators throughout the country. Since that awful day, the Burmese people, led by the courageous 1991 Nobel Peace Prize recipient Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, have against great odds never given up their hope, their belief, and their struggle for the kind of freedom we have enjoyed in this country. This struggle was enshrined into political reality when Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the National League for Democracy won a democratic election in 1990 with 82% of the seats in parliament--a landslide election the regime has never recognized. Today, I commend the 50 million people of Burma on their struggle, and call on them to never give up their passionate belief that freedom and democracy should not be reserved for a small number of western nations, but extended to all men and women. Freedom and democracy are your rights. You struggle on the side of truth, and sooner or later, truth always triumphs over darkness. Recently, our hopes for change in Burma were raised. In May of this year, just as my colleagues and I in the U.S. Congress were strongly considering to greatly expand international pressure on the regime, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi was released from 19 months of house arrest. At the time, we hoped that her release signaled the start of a tripartite political dialogue in Burma that would include the regime, ethnic nationalities, and the National League for Democracy. My distinguished colleague and chair of the House International Relations Committee, Henry Hyde, and I stated, ``It is our hope that Daw Aung San Suu Kyi's release represents the dawn of a new era in Burmese history. However, first the junta must demonstrate through concrete actions a serious and consistent commitment to national reconciliation.'' However, we were proven right to be cautious. The junta has yet to show a serious commitment to these discussions, which still must yield tangible reforms and changes toward democracy. It would be a tragedy if the release of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi ended up mere window dressing for an ongoing litany of abuse. The regime has stonewalled the NLD in its efforts to commence a political dialogue and refused to release all political prisoners while factual reports of an intensified campaign of systematic rapes, massacres, and arrests have increased. The regime terrorizes its own population with particular brutality in the country's ethnic areas, where its soldiers continue to facilitate the drug trade. I am especially frustrated by the regime's refusal to extradite Khun Sa and other drug lords and end its complicity in production of the methamphetamines and heroin that are destroying the lives of people around the world. Those who have watched this regime's untrustworthy leaders over years know that we must rely on actions rather than words. The regime has not complied with our efforts to stop the global flow of drugs. As long as this narco-regime stays in power, it can expect to receive no assistance from the United States. Fourteen years is far too long for freedom, and we absolutely must lend our vocal public support to the Burmese people's struggle for freedom. It is time the United States and the international community see through the regime's smoke and mirrors and again move to increase concrete political and economic pressure.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, today, September 19, 2002, is the 200th anniversary of the birth of Lajos Kossuth--Hungarian freedom fighter, democratic visionary, and frequently called ``the George Washington of Hungary.'' Kossuth is the symbol of democracy, representative government, and national independence of the Hungarian people. On this bicentennial of the birth of Lajos Kossuth, the Hungarian government has held a parliamentary anniversary day, convened conferences, restored monuments and held historical competitions. For Hungarians, Kossuth is not only the leading symbol in Hungary's quest for a democratic society, he is also a key figure in the development of the consciousness of the Hungarian nation. During the middle of the 19th century, Kossuth came to symbolize these democratic values and respect for human rights in the United States and in Europe as well. As an official guest of the United States government for six months in 1851-1852, Kossuth was the first non- American in our nation's history after the Marquis de Lafayette to have the honor of addressing the Senate and the House of Representatives. American journalist Horace Greeley said of him in 1852: ``Of the many popular leaders who were upheaved by the great convulsions of 1848 . . . the world has already definitely assigned the first rank to Louis Kossuth--advocate, deputy, finance minister, and finally governor of Hungary.'' American man of letters Ralph Waldo Emerson, in welcoming Kossuth to the town of Concord, Massachusetts, where the American revolution began said: ``We only see in you the angel of freedom.'' Mr. Speaker, in recognition of his role as a symbol of democracy and the relationship between the American and Hungarian people, a bust of Lajos Kossuth was placed in the United States Capitol on March 15, 1990. My wife Annette was the motivating force behind that inspired effort. On that occasion in 1990 the Hungarian people were on the cusp of their liberation from the communist governments that dominated the country for the previous 45 years. Our celebration of the placement of the Kossuth statue in our Capitol building provided the occasion for us to pay tribute to Lajos Kossuth, his contribution to democracy, and the close links that he forged between Hungary and the United States. Mr. Speaker, Lajos Kossuth was born on September 19, 1802 in Monok, Zemplon County, Hungary. He was born in modest circumstances, though his father was a member of the gentry. Following his father's profession, he became an attorney, and began his career as an agent for a local nobleman. In 1832 at the young age of 30, he was designated a substitute to represent a noble in the Hungarian Diet (Parliament). In this position, he produced a record of the Diet's proceedings, and became an advocate for political reform and national independence. This alarmed the Austrian government, and resulted in his being sentenced to a four year prison term, although he was released after serving one year. While incarcerated, he taught himself English by studying the Bible and the works of Shakespeare. In 1847 Kossuth was elected to the Diet as a representative of the county of Pest. He became the leader of the opposition Reform Party, and urged extensive political and social reforms. The outbreak of the 1848 revolution in Paris and Vienna gave the reform movement new impetus. In powerful speeches to the Diet in March of 1848, Kossuth demanded the removal of the dead hand of Austrian absolutism as the only way to protect the liberties of the Hungarian and other peoples of the Austrian empire, and he called for the adoption of representative democratic government throughout Austria. On March 15, Hungarians in the city of Pest staged a massive peaceful demonstration demanding their independence from Austria. That same day in Vienna, Kossuth and other parliamentary delegates presented demands to the Austrian imperial court for virtual independence of Hungary. The panicked court accepted the Hungarian demands, and a Hungarian government was appointed by the emperor. March 15 remains a Hungarian national holiday in commemoration of this occasion. Kossuth served in the key role of Minister of Finance. Kossuth's oratorical prowess and his commitment to social and political reform soon made him the most popular and highly regarded member of the government. As the Hungarian government adopted ever bolder reforms and asserted its independence from Vienna, the Austrian government began an effort to reassert its control. In September 1848 an Austrian army invaded Hungary, the Prime Minister resigned, and Kossuth was named President of the Committee of National Defense. He mobilized the Hungarian nation against overwhelming odds and instilled in the people the determination to resist Austrian absolutism. Initially Kossuth and the Hungarian forces succeeded in driving the Austrian troops back nearly to Vienna, but the superior military power of the Austrians resulted in the occupation of Budapest in January 1849. In March of 1849, a new emperor, Franz Josef I, was installed, and he immediately annulled the previous decree acknowledging Hungary's autonomy. In April, the Hungarians rallied and expelled most Austrian military forces from the country. Under Kossuth's leadership, the elected Hungarian Diet declared the independence of the nation in a document influenced by our own American Declaration of Independence. At that same time, Kossuth was elected ``Governor-President'' of Hungary, responsible to the elected representatives in parliament. The Austrian government and military forces were unable to reestablish control of Hungarian areas of the empire, and meanwhile, the Russian tsar and his government became paranoid about the possibility that Hungary's embrace of democracy and representative government could influence peoples within its boundaries. With the acquiescence of Austria, a massive Russian army invaded Hungary in June 1849. The badly outnumbered Hungarian military force surrendered six weeks later. The Russians carried out brutal reprisals against leaders of the independent Hungarian government and the Hungarian army. Kossuth, many of his loyal followers and thousands of Hungarian troops were able to flee to Turkey. Under pressure from the governments of the United Kingdom, the United States, and other west European states, the Turkish sultan refused Russian and Austrian demands that Kossuth be returned to their control. Kossuth was taken from Turkey on the US frigate Mississippi. He made brief stops in France and England, and he arrived in New York City on December 5, 1851. His arrival was an occasion of remarkable celebration. U.S. Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts later recalled that occasion in these terms: ``I remember the landing of Kossuth. The admiration, . . . enthusiasm, . . . love of people, gave him an ovation which only two men had ever received-- Washington and Lafayette.'' Over the next six months, Mr. Speaker, Kossuth was received by the President of the United States, the Senate and the House of Representatives, and he traveled throughout the United States. An indication of the enthusiasm which Kossuth's visit to our country generated is that fact that a county was named after this Hungarian freedom fighter in Iowa; towns were named in his honor in Indiana, Mississippi, New York, and Ohio; and many American cities have streets or avenues named for him in places such as St. Louis, New York City, Buffalo, Providence, and Trenton. Mr. Speaker, the visit of Kossuth to the United States in 1851-1852 immediately involved him in critical foreign and domestic policy issues facing the American people. U.S. involvement in the struggle for democracy and independence in Europe was the first of these questions. Many American leaders favored our active participation and support for that struggle, while others strongly opposed any involvement beyond our borders. By his very presence in our country, Kossuth--the leader of the best known revolution against absolutism, monarchy, and repression of the mid-19th century--gave powerful support to those who favored American involvement in the international fight for freedom and democracy. Kossuth, during his stay in Washington, made a particularly noteworthy comment: ``It is a remarkable fact in the history of mankind that while in the past honors were bestowed upon glory and glory was attached only to success, the legislative authorities of this great republic bestow the highest honors upon the persecuted in exile, not conspicuous by glory, not favored by success, but engaged in a just cause.'' Lajos Kossuth was also a fervent foe of bigotry, racism, and anti- Semitism, and in a world where such values are increasingly under attack, it is useful to recall his remarks on this topic: ``I have never had and never will differentiate between man and man, based on race, language or religion; as a man of the nineteenth century I am ashamed by the anti-Semitic agitation, as a Hungarian I feel repentant towards, as a patriot I scorn anti-Semitic agitation. I am scornful of anti-Semitism for the additional reason of its presentation of the social and economic problems not as symptoms but causes, depicting the Jews as they would have serve foreign interests preventing the well being of our country. This sentiment distracts attention from the recognition of the real reasons of these problems, the urgency and search for solutions. I consider the principle of discrimination based on race, language or religion not only a moral but a political impossibility.'' Mr. Speaker, I invite my colleagues to join me in marking the bicentennial of the birth of the great Hungarian statesman and freedom fighter, Lajos Kossuth. It is most appropriate that we in the United States mark the occasion of his birth and recognize the positive impact he has had upon Hungary and other nations throughout the world, including our own. He was greatly influenced by the values and principles of American democracy, and our nation was enriched by his visit here a century and a half ago and by his life-long commitment to the values and principles we share.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, last Friday (September 6, 2002), an outstanding article by our distinguished former Secretary of State, George P. Shultz, was published in a number of American newspapers. Secretary Shultz eloquently explained why he believes we must act decisively against Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein. As Secretary of State for President Ronald Reagan, George Schultz exhibited remarkable experience in foreign affairs. Since leaving the Department of State, Secretary Shultz has continued to deal with international relations as a Distinguished Fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution, an institution dedicated to public policy analysis of international and domestic questions. In recognition of Secretary Schultz's outstanding commitment to education and public service, the Hoover Institution's Foreign Service Institute was recently renamed in his honor. Mr. Speaker, I believe that all of our colleagues in the United States Congress would benefit from reading Secretary Schultz's excellent analysis on the issue of Iraq, and I ask that it be placed in the Record. Act Now--The Danger Is Immediate Saddam Hussein Must Be Removed (By George P. Shultz) Are we to be the Hamlet of nations, debating endlessly over when and how to act? Saddam Hussein's performance as ruler of Iraq is a matter of grave concern not just for the United States but for the international community as a whole. The major debate going on in the media, in Congress and with our friends and allies is necessary. But it is also necessary to move beyond debate and create the clarity that is the basis for action. The world now has entered the third decade of crises and dangers to international peace and security created by Saddam Hussein. In 1980 he launched an eight-year war against Iran. Chemical weapons were used, and at least 1.5 million people were killed or severely wounded. In 1990 he invaded Kuwait in a war aimed at eradicating another state's legitimate sovereign existence. As he was forced out, he deliberately created environmental degradation of gigantic proportions. He has used chemical weapons against the Kurdish people in an attack on a genocidal scale, and he has sent his forces into Kurdistan to conduct widespread slaughter. He has relentlessly amassed weapons of mass destruction and continues their development. He has turned Iraq into a state that foments, supports and conducts terrorism. No other dictator today matches his record of war, oppression, use of weapons of mass destruction and continuing contemptuous violation of international law, as set out by unanimous actions of the U.N. Security Council. Against this background, much of the current debate ignores the facts of the United Nations' long series of steps to rein in Saddam Hussein and authorize action against his regime. A strong foundation exists for immediate military action against Hussein and for a multilateral effort to rebuild Iraq after he is gone. A remarkable series of U.N. Security Council resolutions in 1990 and 1991 authorized war to oust Hussein's forces from Kuwait. This was the basis for the Desert Storm campaign that won the Gulf War in 1991. With that military victory, a Security Council resolution declared the ``suspension'' of offensive operations, deliberately leaving intact the original authorization to use force. Then Security Council Resolution 687 imposed a series of demands upon Iraq with the objective of restoring peace and security in the area. This carried the case against Hussein beyond the matter of liberating Kuwait to focus on the elimination, under international inspection, of his weapons of mass destruction. In other words, the threat to the region and the world of a decisively armed Iraq was fully recognized and declared unacceptable. In the first years after Desert Storm, U.N. inspectors uncovered Iraqi facilities used to manufacture weapons of mass destruction. They dismantled uranium-enrichment and other nuclear weapons installations and destroyed a chemical weapons plant and hundreds of missile warheads armed with poison gas. Threats of Iraq's noncooperation were countered by U.S. airstrikes. But even limited Iraqi compliance decreased sharply over time. The U.N. inspectors did what they could. They found a lot, but they missed even more. In 1995 Lt. Gen. Hussein Kamel Hassan Majeed, a son-in-law of Saddam Hussein, defected and revealed that Hussein was making biological weapons at a center where inspectors had found nothing. The center, which had produced 30,000 liters of biological agents, including anthrax and botulinum toxins, was destroyed, but the inadequacy of inspections in Iraq was demonstrated. In 1997 Saddam Hussein escalated his campaign of harassment, obstruction and threats against the inspection effort. He activated ground-to-air missile systems to deter inspection flights. He expelled all American members of the inspection teams. In early 1998 Hussein refused access to ``presidential sites''--the numerous palaces he had built for himself around Iraq. The United States responded with a military buildup, including ground troops deployed to Kuwait. In a speech at the Pentagon in February 1998, President Clinton gave details of Iraq's violations and declared that Hussein must grant ``full, free and unfettered'' access to inspectors or the United States would launch attacks to compel his compliance. In an attempt to defuse the crisis, U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan negotiated that same month a Memorandum of Understanding between Iraq and the United Nations, which pledged ``immediate, unconditional and unrestricted access'' for inspections. A Security Council resolution endorsed the Memorandum of Understanding and warned Iraq of the ``severest consequences'' if the memorandum was violated. In September 1998, the chief U.N. inspector informed the Security Council that Iraq was again barring inspections, and the council, in yet another resolution, condemned Iraq for suspending its cooperation. A further U.N. effort to regain Iraq's cooperation failed as Iraq declared that it was suspending all cooperation with U.N. inspections. In an emergency session, the Security Council passed Resolution 1205 on Nov. 5, 1998, condemning Iraq's action as ``a flagrant violation'' of the original resolutions of 1990-91. Since then, nothing consequential has been done. The failure to take military action against Hussein after his flagrant violation in 1998 has given him nearly four years to continue unencumbered in his development and accumulation of weapons of mass destruction. Iraq by its own actions has, in effect, terminated the cease-fire established in 1991 at the end of the Gulf War and reactivated the ``suspended'' authorization to use military force against Iraq. No longer can anyone plausibly claim that Iraq's weapons of mass destruction can be eliminated by an inspection program. The Security Council's judgment still stands: A Saddam Hussein armed with weapons of mass destruction is not acceptable. Military force against Hussein is both necessary and authorized to rid Iraq of weapons of mass destruction. The full range of reasonable legal, diplomatic and other alternatives has been exhausted. All conceivable forms of leverage have been employed: sanctions; embargoes; massive military buildups to threaten him into compliance; limited military operations in the form of air and cruise missile strikes; the encouragement of internal opposition; positive inducement through the ``oil for peace'' program; and diplomacy in all forms--unilateral, multilateral, private, public, direct and through intermediaries. Nothing has worked. Any further steps will only provide him with more time and heighten the danger. Self-defense is a valid basis for preemptive action. The evidence is clear that Hussein continues to amass weapons of mass destruction. He has also demonstrated a willingness to use them against internal as well as external targets. By now, the risks of inaction clearly outweigh the risks of action. If there is a rattlesnake in the yard, you don't wait for it to strike before you take action in self-defense. The danger is immediate. The making of weapons of mass destruction grows increasingly difficult to counter with each passing day. When the risk is not hundreds of people killed in a conventional attack but tens or hundreds of thousands killed by chemical, biological or nuclear attack, the time factor is even more compelling. The moment is racing toward us when Hussein's possession of nuclear weaponry could transform the regional and international situation into what, in the Cold War, we called the balance of terror. Some argue that to act now might trigger Hussein's use of his worst weapons. Such self-imposed blackmail presumes easier judgments when he is even better equipped than now. Time is his ally, not ours. Concern over the future of Iraq is legitimate. Following the end of the current Iraqi regime, a new Iraq can emerge as a territorially integral sovereign state with a federal-style form that respects the Kurdish, Sunni and Shia communities. A set of phased transitional steps, including referendums and elections, can be carried out and involve the range of Iraqi political parties, factions and groups in exile and internally opposed to the Hussein regime over the years. For the Middle East, a major source of and support for terror and instability will have ended. Those who argue that the Iraq crisis should be deferred until progress is achieved between Israelis and Palestinians are proposing an impossible task. For the Arab world as a whole, a new Iraq offers the opportunity to start a reversal of the stagnation detailed in the ``Arab Human Development Report 2002'' recently released by the United Nations. The report describes how Arab societies are being crippled by a lack of political freedom, repression of women and isolation from the world of ideas that stifles creativity. The history of Iraq, the achievements of its peoples, its high civilization of the past, and its extensive natural resources all point to the possibility of a positive transformation once Hussein's yoke is lifted. In the process, a model can emerge that other Arab societies may look to and emulate for their own transformation and that of the entire region. The challenge of Iraq offers an opportunity for a historic turning point that can lead us in the direction of a more peaceful, free and prosperous future. This is a defining moment in international affairs. Authorization for action is clear. We have made endless efforts to bring Saddam Hussein into line with the duly considered judgments of a unanimous U.N. Security Council. Let us go to the Security Council and assert this case with the care of a country determined to take decisive action. And this powerful case for acting now must be made promptly to Congress. Its members will have to stand up and be counted. Then let's get on with the job. The writer was secretary of state from 1982 to 1989. He is the Thomas W. and Susan B. Ford Distinguished Fellow at Stanford University's Hoover Institution.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), one of the true statesmen in this body.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, this has been a fine moment for the House of Representatives. We came together, not as Republicans or as Democrats, but as American citizens who are still so painfully aware of that horrible moment a year ago when lives were snuffed out, orphans were made, widows were made, family tragedies were made across this land. And the people who did it so totally and so profoundly misunderstand the nature of an open and free society. They sought to intimidate us. They sought to make us give up the good fight, but they have only succeeded in steeling our will and determination that the terrorists of this globe and the regimes that harbor them will not prevail. This struggle will go on for a long time. Al Qaeda may have been largely defeated in Afghanistan, but they are all over the world in scores of countries planning to perpetrate additional evil deeds. We are ready for them. Not since Pearl Harbor have the American people been as determined, as united, as committed to defending the values of our way of life, our Constitution, our pluralism, our acceptance of all religions, of all ethnic groups, of all forms of commitments to values that we so dearly cherish in this country. The terrorists may have succeeded in bringing down two magnificent buildings but they also succeeded, contrary to their hopes and aspirations, of steeling the determination of the American people to protect this free and open and magnificent society. As we recall the events of a year ago and as we plan the next action, it is important for us to realize that while not always will governments be with us, people who love freedom will be with us in every corner of the world. The President will be addressing the United Nations tomorrow. He will be speaking to all freedom-loving peoples on the face of this planet. He will be talking on behalf of all of us because we are determined in the 21st century, as we were in earlier centuries, not only to preserve our way of life but to expand the arena of freedom for people everywhere. It is easy, Mr. Speaker, to become discouraged. When Pearl Harbor struck, many were pessimistic. When Hitler swept across Europe, many were pessimistic. But the indomitable spirit of men like Winston Churchill knew full well that free societies will prevail. The Osama bin Ladens of this world are simply incapable of comprehending how powerful the spirit of freedom is in open and democratic societies. We may suffer setbacks, we may suffer occasional defeat, but our goal of preserving this way of life for ourselves and making it available for others if they so choose cannot be defeated either by hijacking an aircraft, spreading biological or chemical weapons, or any such means. The spirits of free men and women will prevail. And there is no doubt in the minds of any of us in this body that however long this struggle will take against terrorism and countries that support terrorists, we will prevail in the long run as free men and women always have. The many ceremonies across this Nation, from New York to the Pentagon to Pennsylvania, to every town and hamlet in the United States, is proof that the American people have learned the lesson of a year ago. We may have lost our innocence but we have multiplied our resolve and determination. This Nation is united, strong, and conscious of the fact that our values, more than our physical capabilities, will result in our ultimate victory. I want to commend all of my friends and colleagues who have participated in this discussion. I trust the message that we sent with many voices, many phrases, different approaches, will not be lost on those who cynically or otherwise are doubting the resolve of the American people. This resolve is unshakeable, and this resolve will bring about ultimate victory over terrorism and totalitarian societies. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Millender-McDonald), a good friend and neighbor and colleague. (Ms. MILLENDER-McDONALD asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from Washington (Mr. Inslee). (Mr. INSLEE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to my good friend and our distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Davis).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. Blumenauer), my good friend and distinguished colleague.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to my good friend and our distinguished colleague, the gentleman from New York (Mr. Meeks).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 4 minutes to my good friend and distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Cardin).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, at the outset, let me commend my good friend and distinguished colleague, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), for his powerful and thoughtful statement; and I identify myself with both the sentiments and the words that we have just heard. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of this historic resolution, and I yield myself such time as I might consume. Mr. Speaker, just a bit over a year ago, I had the great honor of joining my good friend, the distinguished chairman of the Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Hyde), in managing the debate on the resolution condemning the September 11 terrorist attacks. On that day, I spoke of our Nation's loss of innocence. America's illusions of invulnerability were violently shattered on September 11, 2001; and our Nation turned its focus on far greater concerns than some of the follies and frivolities that had consumed us prior to that day. Since September 11 last year, we have matured as a Nation. We Americans have come to terms with the terrible reality that ours continues to be a most dangerous world from which there is no escape. Distant events can and do impact on our daily lives in unpredictable and even unthinkable ways. We have matured too, Mr. Speaker, in our understanding of the meaning of the term ``homeland security.'' September 11 made clear that our safety is as dependent upon a strong foreign policy as it is upon strong domestic defenses. There is no homefront in this fight, only a united front in which our domestic and foreign policies form a single seamless defense against terrorism. Among the many casualties of September 11 was the false dichotomy between domestic and foreign policy. Now, a year later, we face a new challenge. It is incumbent upon us now to prosecute this war against terrorism not simply in our own self defense, but in defense of the principle of democracy that is at the very core of our Nation. The terrorists and their protectors fear the freedom we cherish, and they seek to destroy it wherever it thrives. The war on terrorism, then, is a common struggle with all democracies to preserve democracy itself, and we can only achieve true victory in this epic struggle when we bring democracy to all the corners of the globe. In his address before a joint session of Congress on September 20 of last year, the President defined our adversaries in this war as the perpetrators of the September 11 attacks and their protectors. He further widened the war in his State of the Union address to include other terrorist organizations and states that terrorize the world with weapons of mass destruction. We must now widen our struggle further still to encompass all those repressive, undemocratic regimes that provide the breeding ground for terrorism. It is only through the creation of open societies, resilient to dissent and capable of free debate, that terrorism can truly be defeated. It is in the crucible of the Middle East where this greater struggle must now be waged. It is not enough to defeat Osama bin Laden and his minions, although that we surely must do. We must also combat the repression, the lies, and the hatred that consume so many in this crucial region. The United States and our allies must recommit ourselves to bringing democratic institutions and free and open societies to these peoples. It is tempting, Mr. Speaker, amid the grief of this day to find solace in the victories we have achieved in the war against terrorism to date. And indeed, the brave men and women of our armed services engaged in Afghanistan and around the globe deserve our deepest praise and gratitude for their battlefield achievements. But we must not grow complacent in this epic fight, a fight that may span generations. To do so would dishonor those who perished on this day one year ago, and to do so would undermine the cause of democracy worldwide. In the immortal words of President Lincoln, repeated at the World Trade Center this morning, we are a nation engaged in a great war, testing whether our Nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. For our own sake and for the sake of free societies, we must continue our fight. Mr. Speaker, on this first anniversary of September 11, 2001, we mourn the victims, we honor the heroes, we contemplate the lessons, and we celebrate the unity of our Nation so proudly displayed since that fateful day. One year ago, we suffered a grievous wound. One year later, that wound has begun to heal and the scar it has left has toughened our skin, but it has not and will not harden our hearts or dampen our spirits. God bless this great Nation. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton), our distinguished colleague from our capital city who represents Washington with such grace and effectiveness.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Capps).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), a distinguished colleague and good friend.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Ross), my distinguished colleague and good friend.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Stenholm), my good friend, the distinguished ranking member of our Committee on Agriculture, and a great patriot.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Wexler), our good friend and distinguished colleague.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield 3 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Sanders).