Tom Lantos

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time to close for my side. It has been a good debate. The bottom line is, Israel is a democracy and Israel is our friend, and Israel is our ally in the global war against terrorism. In our war against Iraq 10 years ago, Israel stood with us. In our war against terrorism today, Israel is standing with us. In turn, we must stand with Israel in its war against terrorism. Mr. Speaker, it is particularly important that we adopt this resolution now at a time when Israel is subject to a vicious chorus of blind and bigoted hate. Our friends in Israel must be assured that they are not alone in facing the terrorist onslaught. We must make clear that there is no moral equivalence between terrorism and self-defense. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to rise to the occasion and show our strong solidarity with the democratic state of Israel in our shared struggle against terrorism.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we appreciate that very much.

Mr. LANTOS. I am delighted to do so, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent for an additional 1\1/2\ minutes so that we may accommodate the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Meek). She will be our last speaker before I close.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Meek).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my good friend, the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Maloney). (Mrs. MALONEY of New York asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutsch).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as he may consume to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee). (Mr. KILDEE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I will be delighted to respond to the gentleman. There was no reason for the lack of hearings. This issue has been discussed ad nauseam and ad infinitum, and the tragedy which is unfolding in the area compelled us to move expeditiously. We will be delighted to have extended hearings, as I am sure the Chairman plans, on the whole issue of peace in the Middle East.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted and proud to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), our distinguished Democratic whip, and my friend and neighbor.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong support for H.R. 4103, the Martin's Cove Land Transfer Act, introduced in this House by our distinguished colleague from Utah, Mr. Hansen, the Chair of the Committee on Resources. The legislation directs the Secretary of the Interior to offer to convey to the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints federal lands in the state of Wyoming known as Martin's Cove. The Church would be required to pay the fair market value for acquisition of the land and any improvements. Generally speaking, Mr. Speaker, I have strongly supported the acquisition of lands by the federal government. During the time I have served in this body, I have introduced and supported a number of bills which have provided for the addition of new lands to the Golden Gate National Recreation Area in California and the acquisition of other lands for preservation and protection by the federal government. It may appear to be an unusual step that I support this legislation which would provide for the sale of federal lands. The land at Martin's Cove, however, is unique. Clearly the transfer of this parcel of land from the federal government to the Mormon Church makes good sense for all concerned. Mr. Speaker, this site is a particularly important historical site for Latter-day Saints. At or near Martin's Cove in 1856 some 150 emigrants of the Willies and Martin handcart companies lost their lives in an early fall snowstorm. Those who perished were buried where they died, and many were placed in common graves because of the difficult and trying conditions. Many members of these two groups had begun their trek to Salt Lake City in Europe, and others joined the group in the eastern United States. They sought a new life in the American West and the freedom to practice their religion. This loss of life was one of the most tragic events in the entire westward migration on the Oregon and Mormon trails in mid-nineteenth century America. It is obvious that this site holds a special significance for the many descendants of those who survived this ordeal, many of whom are Latter-day Saints. But it is also a holy place as well for other members of the church who give special honor to their pioneer heritage. Mr. Speaker, the church's interest in acquiring this site is consistent with the federal government's interest in public access and preservation of this location. The church has an interest in preserving this place as an authentic historic site. It has an interest in maintaining relics and evidences of the Mormon, Oregon and Pony Express trails that pass through the area. The church also has an interest in making the area accessible to visitors in a way that will preserve the historic significance of the place. Furthermore, I believe that the church's commitment to this site in care, concern and funds is likely to be much greater than that of the federal government, and as a result the area will be better preserved under Latter-day Saint stewardship than under federal control. Finally, Mr. Speaker, I do not see this legislation for the transfer of this particular piece of land to be establishing any precedent for the sale or transfer of other federal lands. Clearly this is a unique situation. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints has an interest that is very similar to the federal interest to preserve, protect and provide public access to the site. This land transfer makes eminent sense, but it clearly does not change any federal policies or practices regarding the protection and preservation of public lands. Mr. Speaker, I commend my colleague from Utah, Mr. Hansen, for introducing this legislation, and I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting it.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, today, Israel is engaged in a struggle against violence and terror. Suicide bombings promoted and abetted by Yasser Arafat and his Palestinian Authority have ravaged Israeli cities and towns killing scores of innocent Israeli men, women and children. Arafat's refusal to denounce--persistently, convincingly and in Arabic--these atrocious suicide bombings is indicative of a man who has no interest in a cease-fire, much less a lasting peace settlement. Palestinians are sadly ill-served by irresponsible leaders who advocate violence and homicide instead of peace. I would like to call to your attention an article that appeared in the Wall Street Journal on April 11, 2002 by Tarek E. Masoud, a graduate student at Yale University. His points are accurate and relevant to the current crisis. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to read Tarek E. Masoud's thought- provoking article, and I ask that the text be placed in the Record. [From the Wall Street Journal, Apr. 11, 2001] Palestinians Deserve Better Leaders (By Tarek E. Masoud) Those of us who watched Palestinian kids throw stones at Israeli soldiers and tanks during the intifada of the late 1980s find it hard to reconcile those images of bravery and daring with the current wave of atrocities carried out in the name of Palestine. The stone-throwing youths of the first intifada made it easy for reasonable people (who always saw Yasser Arafat for the terrorist that he was) to get behind the Palestinian cause. Today, when Palestine has become synonymous with the murder of innocents, supporting the cause is not so easy. One constantly has to separate the justness of the cause from the injustice of the acts carried out in its name. It is a near impossible feat of mental acrobatics. What disturbs me is the degree to which many supporters of Palestinian statehood do not even attempt it. They issue pro forma denunciations of suicide bombing, and then go on to offer justifications. The Palestinians, they tell us, are frustrated by their lack of freedom, by the erosion of the dignity by an Israel that places settlers on their land and soldiers outside their homes. They are a people with their backs against the wall. After 50 years of occupation, we are told, the Palestinians have thrown their hands in the air and declared, quite literally, Give me liberty or give me death. But of course, as Thomas Friedman and others have pointed out, the choice before the Palestinians is not between liberty and death. Israel's leaders long ago accepted the logic of a Palestinian state; they put forward proposals for what that state would look like, and they haggled with the Palestinians over these proposals. Whatever one wants to say about the quality of Israeli proposals or the personal commitment of Ariel Sharon to a Palestinian state--and I happen to think both were fairly low--surely the Palestinians were not in a hopeless situation, the kind of situation which, we are told, causes sane men and women to fall into murder and suicide? And, even if the situation were hopeless, if all the options were exhausted, is there ever a justification for the murder of innocent civilians? The philosopher Michael Walzer recently argued that those who claim to have tried everything before resorting to terror are lying to us and to themselves. He asks, ``What exactly did they try when they were trying everything?'' There's always something else you can do short of killing. But many of the most vocal supporters of the Palestinian cause would rather not address these moral issues. Instead they want only to criticize Ariel Sharon. Even if you cringe, as I do, at reports of mass arrests and the bulldozing of Palestinian homes, Mr. Sharon is right about one thing: There is no difference between the murder-suicides perpetrated in the name of Palestinian statehood and Osama bin Laden's attacks on American civilians. You cannot, as many pro Palestinian groups in this country have done, denounce the latter and justify the former. Those who do invite us to question either the sincerity of their denunciations of Sept. 11 or their capacity for moral consistency. I'm not sure where any of this leaves us. Even if the supporters of the Palestinian cause denounced suicide bombing just as vehemently as they do Mr. Sharon, we might be satisfied, but this would not stop the steady stream of volunteers for the grim work of Hamas and the al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade. This is why I think President Bush has the right idea when he demands that Arafat condemn suicide bombing, and in Arabic. There may be little the isolated Palestinian strongman can do now to control the groups that carry out acts of terrorism. But he can tell his people that the path of murder is the path of doom, that it has only brought shame to the people of Palestine and done nothing to further their cause. Of course, we may be indulging in some wishful thinking. ``General Yasser Arafat,'' as he called himself recently on CNN, is not likely to become a moral force. If he had any inclination to do the right thing, he would have reined in the terrorists long before Mr. Sharon was even elected. It is by now the received wisdom that Palestinians deserve better leaders. We are offered an example of the kind of leadership they need by the esteemed British historian Martin Gilbert. In 1948, the U.N. mediator in Palestine, Count Folke Bernadotte, was assassinated by members of the Stern Gang, a Jewish militant group that included a future prime minister of Israel named Yitzhak Shamir. In the half century since then, Arabs have often pointed to the episode to justify their own acts of terror. But what Arabs seem to forget--and what Palestinians would do well to remember--is how David Ben-Gurion, the father of modern Israel, responded to that murder carried out in the name of the Jewish state. According to Mr. Gilbert, when Ben- Gurion learned of the assassination of Count Bernadotte, he thundered: ``Arrest all Stern gang leaders. Surround all Stern bases. Confiscate all arms. Kill any who resist.'' Yes, the Palestinians deserve better leaders. What they deserve is a David Ben-Gurion.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I wish to congratulate Israel on its Independence Day, its 54th anniversary. In 54 years, Israel has experienced more dangers and more triumphs, more success and more tragedy, more highs and lows than many far more venerable states. Throughout it all, Israel's indomitable spirit has conquered adversity. Israel has much for which to be grateful. First and foremost, Israel has so often been blessed with great leadership--wise and visionary leadership. This tradition goes back to Israel's modern origins. At the end of the nineteenth century, the founder of the modern Zionist movement Theodor Herzl made the most preposterous and prophetic prediction I know of, when he asserted that a Jewish state would be born within a half-century. In statehood, Israel's leaders have been practical, humane, bold, and peace-loving. It is a pity that Israel's neighbors have not been similarly blessed. David Ben-Gurion and the Zionist leadership were practical enough to accept the 1947 partition resolution, though they had hoped for much more. They were humane enough to treat their Arab citizens as equals when Arab leaders were threatening to drive the Jews into the sea. They and their successors were bold enough to do what is necessary to keep Israel and the Jewish people alive, regardless of what the rest of the world might think. Usually, the world learns later that Israel is right. Remember the bombing--the then much criticized bombing--of the Iraqi nuclear reactor Osirak in 1981? How universally scorned it was at the time; how grateful the civilized world is now. Israel has been blessed with the great friendship and unswerving support of the United States. It has earned this friendship because it has fashioned a society that embodies the same values as our own. It is important on this Independence Day that Israelis and their friends take time to reflect on all the wonderful, almost unthinkable achievements of the past 54 years. Against impossible odds, Israel has established a vibrant, open, prosperous, and free society; a pluralistic society built by people from virtually every country in the world; a society on a par with the best of the West. And Arabs in Israel enjoy incomparably more freedom and democratic rights than they have anywhere in the Arab world. Although this is a day for joy, it is no secret that this year's independence day occurs at one of the most dangerous times in Israel's history. I know everybody in this room understands the problems all too well. The scale of Israeli loss in the so-called intifada is staggering--almost incomprehensible. On a scale proportional to the U.S. population, Israel has lost over 20,000 people since September 2000, close to half of them in suicide bombings. Israel's friends stand in solidarity with all Israelis. Israel should know that its fiiends in the United States will stick with it and defend its right to protect itself against terrorism and against the scourge of those who place no value on human life. Israel should know that its fiiends here won't be afraid to stand up to the unjustified and disturbingly persistent criticism coming from Europe, from those who have managed to misunderstand the lessons of their own history. We are outraged by the U.N. Human Rights Commission's resolution of two days ago that makes disgraceful accusations against Israel, while failing even to mention the terrorism to which Israel has been subjected. But our outrage is outweighed by our shock, sadness, and anger that it was supported by Western nations such as France, Austria, Belgium, Portugal, Spain and Sweden. Israel should know that its friends here are deeply pained by its profound dilemma: Yearning for peace, Israel has no clear partner for peace. Israel should know that its friends won't let the world forget that the Yasser Arafat whose Palestinian Authority funds the al-Aqsa Martyrs' Brigade, the Yasir Arafat of the Karine-A, the Yasir Arafat who colludes with Iran and Hizballah--Yasir Arafat the terrorist--is, sadly, the real Yasir Arafat. And Israel should know that its friends here agree that the violence must end before negotiations begin. You cannot negotiate with terror; you can only defeat it. The people of Israel have the right to restore the security of their homes and families by taking the military measures necessary to defeat terror. Once that is achieved, we will do our best to create the conditions that will enable Israel to find reliable partners for peace and an end to the conflict. Only when Arabs learn that they cannot exhaust Israel through violence will they be ready for the kinds of political compromises necessary for a lasting peace. Israel's friends understand that. For Israel's friends, today is a day for joy, solidarity, and reflection. On a personal note, it is also a sad occasion, for it marks the eve of the departure of my dear friend, Israel's wonderful ambassador David Ivry. His has always been a voice of integrity, clarity, and insight, and we will sorely miss having it in our midst.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I invite my colleagues to join me in paying tribute to the memory of the late Reverend Martin Luther King Jr., who was assassinated thirty-four years ago on April 4, 1968. Dr. King's short life was spent and lost in the pursuit of justice and equality for all men, regardless of gender, creed or race. His life was a testament to the fact that we can effect profound changes in our laws and society through peaceful and non-violent means. Dr. King's spirit will forever live on in our collective continuous efforts to uphold human rights for all people, a cause that is particularly dear to my heart. Mr. Speaker, I submit for the Record, a poetic tribute to Dr. King, composed by Albert ``Bert'' Carey Caswell. Bert Caswell received a Masters degree in education and taught science in our nation's public schools. He currently works as a tour guide at the United States Capitol. He is an enthusiastic guide in this great building, and he particularly enjoys the opportunity to provide tours for children from the ``Make-A-Wish'' Foundation, as well as all other children. He has also given tours for some of our country's fire fighters who suffered severe burns while saving lives and protecting property. When he guides visitors in our nation's Capitol, he also makes a point of sharing inspiring stories of Members of Congress who have overcome difficulties and hardships in life, to serve in one of the highest offices of trust and responsibility which the citizens of our land can offer. A King Among Men (By Albert Carey Caswell) What is a king? But a man who sits upon a throne, Who by birthright, bloodline and good fortune, is born of a royal home As is so within our earthly zone, While up in heaven real kings and queens, in our Lord's eyes are those who stand alone-- A man of peace, a man of love, who will lay down his life leaving all he loves--shall sit high atop our Lord's throne. A day in August 1963, As a ``King Among Men'' would write history As our nation heard of this, his great dream to be. Speaking to all upon a mall, of the dream he saw, as a nation awoke to freedoms call, as heaven awaited him Godspeed. His words now etched upon our minds, To this day as we hear them tears we find, Words ringing throughout time and history On this great day of freedom and of peace, The defining moment in a nation's civil rights movement to say the least, As they traveled from far and wide, To hear freedom's cry, from all across this countryside, North, south, west and east. For freedom rang out loud that day, Yet, knowing he'd not see his children growing, Stayed and still he spoke of peace. In this our short lifetimes, How is one to measure or define? What is the true essence of man kind, In this, his lifetime? Men walk our earth, big and small, Black and white, short and tall, Rich and poor. How then the more can one measure and define? What is the true sum of a person's worth, here upon mother earth? The answer we find, Within one's deeds of a lifetime. Generations have come and gone, As one in our hearts now lives ever on, As all realize this the more as Martin is gone. In this our sweet ``country tis' of thee,'' A man rose up a king to be, A true son of liberty For his life's work lives on. Reverend Dr. King, As across this nation, let freedom ring, As his courage and spirit would help to sing A new day's dawn! Equality for all, as he'd create, As straight up to heaven for his life's work his fate As heaven could not wait. Martin's dream, a world devoid of hate, Where black and white children would relate, This clarion call his golden fate. Now, up in our Lord's kingdom on high, His place found in heaven so divine, All because he preached love, not hate. This man of God, Who to our nation and to our world had so taught to all Of love and freedom as he had preached. A minister of God, A reverend for the Lord, the prince of peace, As out to all Martin, His envoy, had so reached. His message strong, his message beautiful and sweet, Non-violence in the fight for equality, as to all he'd beseech. A beautiful man, a prince of peace, a Nobel Peace Prize he reached, A heart of gold inside, as he battled all the lies. An educated man, who's dream of justice for all was his life's plan. His vision was not forsaken, even as he died Traveling across our nation far and wide To preach peace and love to all, he strived, As one man helped turned the tide. Marching north to south, hand in hand, Praying and championing equality time and again, All led by this courageous man Freedom fighters, who upon buses chose To stand tall against the racism they opposed. As their courage would stand In his heart a great burning, His desire for equality and dignity for all were his life's yearning, Spreading across the land. Marching down city streets, Armed with only courage, As hate and bigotry they would meet, So liberty could stand. Beaten, bloodied and arrested time and again His beautiful message they could not put to an end. They tried to take his freedom away, Inflicting pain in every way, As his freedom train traveled far across our land. Our nation torn, weary and worn, Fighting in a far off war As his message scored, Was so simple and so very pure: Nonviolence and dignity, The love of fellow woman and man And to be free. Justice our Lord's plan, He helped insure. Up in heaven on those dark days of hate, Our Lord watched and stood proud of the freedom he'd create, and his spirit endured. Then that dreaded day, As shots rang out in Memphis taking our breath away, As a nation wept on her darkest day As all who knew of his true worth, Understood the great blessings to our mother earth His life conveyed. A monumental loss; To our nation the greatest of all costs Tears flowing, As all knowing A hero was lost this day. We live in a far better world today, All because of our great American hero, This king among men who showed the way! His way of love, his way of peace, His road to equality beseeched, Leading us to love and peace, As the course he stayed. Stop this day and look around, Before you now as is found Our far better world of now, All for our children today. Still, his great works are not done, Look around you. The battle against racism is a long hard fought one. Those seeds of freedom he had sown, All planted by our great American hero, have grown, from his dream begun. ``I've been to the mountain top and I've looked down,'' A bright future for our children he found, As he saw a rising sun. ``Free At Last'' in the kingdom of our Lord. Let it be told, Where hearts of pure gold Up to heaven shall surely pass, Foreever upon this earth, this wonderful man in history shall come first As ``A King Among Men'' as his dye is cast In our Lord's eye he is ``A King Among Men,'' There in our hearts ever a hero and a true friend, to worship from the past. Today, walking with child in hand, Respect and ever honor this blessed man For our world, this hero would transcend. His gift was great my friend, As a far better world devoid of hate From earth and heaven to our children he would send. Upon a mall Close your eyes and recall, Listen still we hear his words of freedom ring ``I Have A Dream''--A King, Among Men. To The Entire King Family and to Our Great American Hero, The Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr, May Our Lord Bless you.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, today a number of countries will ratify the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, surpassing the 60 countries needed to bring the Rome Statute into force. Ratification of this treaty is a notable achievement for the new foreign policy of the European Union, which adopted a common position in support of ratification. Indeed many of our European allies and our other friends, such as Belgium, Canada, Finland, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Sweden, Switzerland and the United Kingdom, have all ratified this landmark international instrument. Everyone agrees that those who perpetrate genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes must face justice, either before international tribunals or before the national courts of their own countries. And as we recently heard in the testimony before the Committee on International Relations, there may be situations, such as post-conflict societies, where it is simply impossible for national institutions to pursue prosecutions of such crimes. For example, the International Criminal Tribunals on the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda have done excellent work in those specific instances of gross violations of recognized international human rights norms. While many Members of this House have expressed reservations regarding the exact form of this Court, we all must now recognize that it is a reality. Over 60 countries from every continent have determined that it may be appropriate at times for an international court, rather than their own national courts, to prosecute and try perpetrators of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes committed on their territory. Given the concerns that have been expressed regarding the possibility of overzealous prosecutions coming from the Court, I believe that it is imperative that we now all work together to ensure that the Court is a responsible international actor that advances the cause of human rights and international accountability, and fulfills its promise as a worthy legacy of the Nuremberg Tribunal. In order to achieve this end, I believe that the United States must remain engaged in the creation of the Court and its institutions. In the Preparatory Commission meetings establishing the mechanics and operations of the Court, U.S. diplomats and other officials have played a key role in shaping this institution. While I have no illusions that the United States will ratify the Rome Statute anytime soon, it would be shortsighted for us to take steps to neutralize our ability to assist in this process. In particular, I call on the Administration not to ``unsign'' the Rome Statute. As a signatory and in our observer capacity, we can continue influencing the form of the Court over the course of the next year into an institution that can have the effect of supporting U.S. national security goals, not damaging them. That is what we should focus on, not actions that would isolate us further from our friends and allies. Let us move forward constructively with respect to the International Criminal Court. If we do so, we may well be able to help advance the cause of human rights and international justice.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to yield such time as he may consume to my good friend, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings).

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of this resolution. Mr. Speaker, the resolution recognizes and congratulates the achievements of those who contributed to making the 2002 Winter Olympics such a remarkable success. The people and the government of Salt Lake City and of the State of Utah were gracious hosts who made both our international guests and our fellow Americans from around our Nation feel welcome and at home. The Salt Lake Organizing Committee, under the leadership of Mitt Romney, recovered from a shaky start and produced a truly outstanding competition. Mr. Speaker, most importantly, I want to congratulate the athletes from around the globe for their spirited competition, which was obviously the most important ingredient in the enormously successful Winter Olympic Games in Salt Lake City, Utah. Mr. Speaker, our resolution expresses our gratitude for our own United States Olympic athletes who provided inspiration with their unprecedented success in winning 34 medals, and, I am proud to add, including the first ever medals earned by African American and Mexican American athletes in the Winter Olympics. This is an historic achievement. Our resolution recognizes the less-visible heroes of this year's Olympics, the law enforcement officers and military personnel who rose to the challenge posed by the events of September 11 by ensuring that the Winter Games were safe and secure for athletes and spectators alike. Finally, Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate my good friend and colleague, the distinguished gentleman from Utah (Mr. Hansen), the gentleman from Utah (Mr. Matheson) and a former member of our Committee on International Relations, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), for their work on this important resolution. I urge all of my colleagues to support H. Res. 363. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I want to commend the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings), my friend, for an extraordinarily eloquent and powerful statement.

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, we have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow, March 21, 2002, has been designated as the United Nations International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. I think it is very important for us, here in the United States to mark this critical day. Racial Discrimination is a universal, global scourge. Confronting it and finding ways to defeat it are in the critical interest of every nation including the United States. Racial discrimination, xenophobia and other forms of intolerance are one of the principal root causes of international conflict. Our global war against terrorism cannot be won until we root out the global affliction of hate and intolerance. America's experience with slavery and our long struggle to advance civil rights also compels us to play a leading role in the international effort to cleanse humanity of the stubborn and shameful stain of racism. Tragically, in the last several years, the global community has been beset by a new wave of racial hatred. This new wave includes widespread discrimination against migrant workers in Europe and the Middle East; institutionalized racism against indigenous peoples and peoples of African descent in the Americas; and discrimination against women in the Islamic world. New forms of racism, often tied to the social and economic dislocations caused by increased globalization, are being spread by new technologies including proliferating hate sites on the internet. Mr. Speaker, for me as the only Member of Congress who is a survivor of the Holocaust, it is particularly painful to note that the current increase in racial hate includes an intense spasm of anti-Semitism. As a delegate to the UN's World Conference Against Racism (WCAR) in Durban South Africa last summer, I witnessed a particularly vivid demonstration of this new round of hatred for Jews. The conference's NGO forum, featured anti-Jewish rallies attracting thousands in the streets of Durban. One flyer, which was widely distributed at the rallies showed a photograph of Hitler and the question ``What if I had won?'' The answer: ``there would be NO Israel . . .'' At a press conference held by Jewish NGO's to discuss their concerns with the direction the conference was taking, an accredited NGO, the Arab Lawyers Union, distributed a booklet filled with anti- Semitic caricatures, frighteningly like those seen in the Nazi hate literature printed and distributed in the 1930's. It was the most unabashed display of anti-Jewish hate that I have seen since that period. Similar images and messages can be found again and again in newspapers and other media in the Middle East, and on hate sites on the internet. Mr. Speaker, if the tragic events of September 11th have taught us anything it is that we cannot turn a blind eye to hatred and evil. We must actively take effective measures to eliminate racism at home and to defeat it abroad. We must make sure that our government takes effective action to prevent and punish racism in the United States. In prosecuting the global war against terror, we must demand that our coalition partners confront hate in their own societies and in their regions. I commend our distinguished colleague and friend from California, Congresswoman Lynn Woolsey, for focusing our attention on this important day and on this issue. I also want to commend our distinguished colleague, Congressman John Conyers of Michigan, for introducing the bipartisan Local Law Enforcement Hate Crimes Prevention Act, which would give local law enforcement the tools and resources needed to prevent and prosecute hate crimes. I urge all Members of this House to support this legislation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 2804, legislation to name the U.S. Court of Appeals Building at 7th and Mission Streets in San Francisco, the ``James R. Browning U.S. Court of Appeals Building''. I first want to commend my good friend and distinguished colleague, Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi, who is the sponsor of this legislation. It is most appropriate that we name the 100-year-old San Francisco Federal Appeals Court building after Judge James R. Browning in recognition of his 40 years of distinguished service on the federal bench and his service for twelve years--from 1976 to 1988--as Chief Judge of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals. Mr. Speaker, Judge Browning received his legal education at the University of Montana Law School, where he achieved the highest scholastic record in his class and served as editor-in-chief of the Law Review. After graduation in 1941 Judge Browning joined the Antitrust Division of the Department of Justice. Two years later, he answered his country's call and was inducted as a Private in the Army. He served in the Pacific Theater for three years, earning a Bronze Star. Upon his return to the United States, Judge Browning rejoined the Department of Justice, where he quickly rose to Chief of the Northwest Regional Office of the Antitrust Division, working out of the Seattle office. He was then called back to Washington, DC to become Assistant Chief of the General Litigation Section of the Antitrust Division. In 1951 Judge Browning moved from the Antitrust Division to the Civil Division of the Department of Justice, and shortly afterwards became Executive Assistant to the Attorney General of the United States. While in this position, he organized and was then appointed Chief of the Executive Office of United States Attorneys. In 1953 Judge Browning left the Department of Justice for private practice as a partner at Perlman, Lyons & Browning, but continued to lecture on Antitrust Law at both the New York University Law School and the Georgetown University Law Center. Mr. Speaker, after five years in private practice Judge Browning left private practice to become Clerk of the U.S. Supreme Court. In this position he held the Bible at the time John F. Kennedy took the oath of office from Chief Justice Warren when he was sworn in as President in 1961. He was the last Clerk of the U.S. Supreme Court to perform this task. Since 1961, the Bible in all cases has been held by the spouse of the President-elect. It was President Kennedy who appointed Judge Browning to the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals in 1961, where he has remained in service, for over forty years, the longest serving Justice in the history of the Ninth Circuit. Today he is the sole remaining Kennedy appointee serving on any court in the United States. Mr. Speaker, after serving on the court for 15 years, Judge Browning was elevated to Chief Judge of the Ninth Circuit, which position he held from 1976 to 1988. During his time as Chief Judge, Judge Browning was an influential member of the Judicial Conference of the United States and an active participant in resolving major problems facing the federal judiciary. He has an impressive record of achievement in the Ninth Circuit. Despite calls to reduce the size of the Court, Judge Browning implemented reforms to increase the efficiency of the Court by increasing the number of judges in the Circuit, reducing the enormous backlog of pending case work, and halving the time needed to decide appeals. With a jurisdiction that includes all the federal courts in California, Oregon, Washington, Arizona, Montana, Idaho, Nevada, Alaska, Hawaii, Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands, Judge Browning utilized computers and information technology to increase the speed and efficiency of the courts. This included creating a computerized case screening and processing system which allowed geographically disparate judges to maintain docket contract and avoid intra-circuit conflicts. Judge Browning also created three geographic administrative subdivisions headed by senior active judges within each region to decentralize decision-making and increase productivity. Mr. Speaker, Judge Browning emphasized the importance of collegiality and civility among judges on the Ninth Circuit, and encouraged the use of email, telephone conferences, symposia, conferences and other meetings to increase interpersonal contacts and mutual understanding among Ninth Circuit and District Court judges. With these steps, he succeeded in cutting in half the time needed to decide appeals and eliminating the case backlog at the same time that the circuit expanded in size. In recognition of his extraordinary service to the federal judiciary Judge Browning was the recipient of the Edward J. Devitt Distinguished Service to Justice Award in 1991, and the American Judicature Society's Herbert Harley Award in 1984. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted that this legislation will name the San Francisco Federal Appeals Court building after Judge James R. Browning in recognition of 40 years of distinguished service on the federal bench. The building, currently unnamed, is simply known as the Old Post Office Building. It is very fitting that this building in which we uphold justice as enshrined in our constitution, be named after a distinguished jurist who has dedicated his life to upholding our system of justice.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Madam Speaker, as we approach Greek Independence Day, it is a great honor for me to pay tribute ton one of the United States' most important allies and one which is held in such deep affection by millions and millions of Americans. Western civilization as we know it today owes the deepest debt and, indeed, its very origins, to the Greek nation. Greek philosophy, sculpture, and theater set standards to which today's practitioners still aspire. And, as the cradle of democracy, Athens is the spiritual ancestor of our own Republic. The history of Greek independence is one of the inspiring stories of our time. It is the tale of the revival of an ancient and great people through sheer commitment, sacrifice, and love of freedom and heritage. Transmitted through the generations, the ideals of the ancient Greeks inspired their revolutionary descendants in the nineteenth century, and great and gallant stalwarts of the War of Independence such as Theodore Kolokotronis and Rigas Velestinlis wrote of their belief in the rights of man. The histories of the United States and Greece have been intimately intertwined ever since the beginning of modern Greek sovereignty. The cause of Greek independence evoked sympathy throughout the Western world. Well known is Lord Byron, whose uncompromising commitment to Greece was epitomized by his declaration ``In for a penny, in for a pound.'' Less renowned but no less committed were the many American Philhellenes, who repaid their debt to Greek culture by crossing the ocean to fight for Greek liberation. I am pleased that these American citizens were honored with a monument in Athens 2 years ago. Greek citizens also crossed the ocean in the other direction, emigrating to the United States, where they enjoyed great success and shared their prosperity with their kinfolk in their original homeland. They have served as a bridge of understanding between our two nations, and they have refreshed America with their spirit, their patriotism, and their hard work. Today, some five million Americans claim Greek ancestry, with understandable pride. Greece is one of less than a handful of nations which has stood shoulder-to-shoulder with the United States in every major war of the 20th century. Our close relations became even closer after World War II. The Truman Doctrine helped save Greece from communism, indeed helped save it for the Western world, and the Marshall plan helped in its economic regeneration. In 1952, Greece joined NATO, formalizing the deep, mutual commitment of Greece and the rest of the Western world to protecting freedom. In more recent times, Greece has been one of the world's amazing success stories. A full-fledged member of the European Union for two decades, Greece has become increasingly prosperous; it has whipped chronic inflation and qualified to join the ``Euro currency zone.'' Its once unsettled domestic politics has long since given way to an incontestably stable, yet colorful, democracy. Greece remains our critical strategic partner in today's post-cold war world. We cooperate closely in promoting peace and stability in the Balkans. Economic ties with Greece are vital to virtually every Balkan state. Athens has been a firm supporter of inter-communal talks in Cyprus, and it remains committed to a just, lasting, and democratic settlement of the Cyprus issue. And I'm sure everybody in this body applauds Greece's historic and courageous effort to resolve differences with its neighbor Turkey. Madam Speaker, I congratulate the Greek people on the 181st anniversary of their independence and I join my colleagues in thanking them for their vast contributions to world civilization and especially to our Nation.

Mr. LANTOS

Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, a few weeks ago the American Jewish Committee held an extremely interesting briefing on the case of Raoul Wallenberg, the Swedish diplomat who saved thousands of Hungarian Jews in the last days of the Holocaust of World War II. Wallenberg disappeared into the horrors of the Soviet Gulag in January of 1945, and his fate is still not known. This event commemorated the twentieth anniversary of the designation of Raoul Wallenberg as an Honorary Citizen of the United States. The legislation to make Wallenberg an honorary U.S. citizen was my first congressional action when I entered Congress. I hoped that if Wallenberg were a U.S. citizen, our government would be in a stronger position in our attempt to find and free him. It also brought greater public attention to the Wallenberg story and his great courage and heroism. Mr. Speaker, The American Jewish Committee event featured a number of people who have spent many years trying to solve the Wallenberg mystery. The Chair of AJC's International Relations Commission, Ambassador Richard Schifter, made remarks that were particularly insightful and important. Ambassador Shifter brings a wealth of experience as a senior United States diplomat and as a respected attorney. I would like to share his remarks with my colleagues, and request that they be placed in the Record. [From AJC Lunch on Raoul Wallenberg, Feb. 13, 2002] The Raoul Wallenberg Case (By Ambassador Richard Schifter) The cause of democracy, the rule of law, and human rights, the great product of the Enlightenment, is now for the third time in less than one hundred years under attack from totalitarians. As we move forward to deal with this latest onslaught, it is fitting for us to remember a great hero in the struggle against the first totalitarian attack, the Nazis, who, sadly, fell victim to the second, the communists. It was in the hell on earth created by the evil forces at work two generations ago that Raoul Wallenberg, a man of decency and truly uncommon courage appeared in 1944. Arriving in Budapest in the summer of that year, he demonstrated what one courageous person committed to a righteous cause could accomplish in the fight against those who murder at will. Taking risks, using his ingenuity, working day and night out of the other neutral countries into action, he saved tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews from certain death. Tom and Annette Lantos witnessed it all. And they did not forget. Tom must once again be thanked and congratulated for having provided a fitting memorial for Raoul Wallenberg's unforgettable accomplishments. Tom's very meaningful gesture is most certainly deeply appreciated by the Wallenberg family and by many other Swedes. Although his cover was that of a Swedish diplomat, Raoul Wallenberg has volunteered for his work in Budapest as the representative of the United States War Refugee Board. It was that agency of the United States Government that provided him with the standing necessary to carry out the tasks that he undertook. It is worth noting, in this context, that Wallenberg would not have gone to Budapest, the tens of thousand would not have been saved, and Tom and Annette Lantos might not be with us today if a bureaucratic coup had not been carried out in the Roosevelt Administration, with strong Congressional support, in January 1944. The persons who initiated the coup were four mid-level officials of the Treasury Department, John Pehle, Josiah DuBois, Randolph Paul, and Ansel Luxford. These Treasury officials had become increasingly concerned with the failure of the State Department to lift a finger to assist in the rescue of those European Jews who had at least a slim chance of escaping the Nazi death machine. The State Department leadership consisted in those years of the Secretary, one Under Secretary, and four Assistant Secretaries. The Assistant Secretary supervising the Visa Division, Breckinridge Long, had been given responsibility for European refugee policy. As to Jews his policy was very simply: don't let them come to the United States. Further, given the concerns of the British Foreign Office that Jews might want to migrate to the Mandate of Palestine, the United States, under Long's policies, was not to help in any rescue effort. As the United Kingdom had advised the United States: ``The Foreign Office are concerned with the difficulties of disposing of any considerable number of Jews should they be rescued from enemy occupied territory.'' It is evident that by letting them be killed, one avoided the difficulty of disposing of them. Further, so as not even to get the issue discussed in Washington, the U.S. Legation in Bern, which was in receipt of information about the magnitude of the Holocaust, was explicitly instructed not to transmit such information to Washington. But the United States Government had another mission in Bern. It was staffed by personnel from the Treasury Department's Division of Foreign Funds Control. Its task was to enforce the Trading-with-the-Enemy Act. It was that mission which continued to transmit information on the Holocaust and on the State Department's failure to take action. The four officials that I have mentioned, none of whom, I should note, was Jewish, became increasingly concerned and finally decided to write a report to the Secretary of the Treasury. It was entitled ``Report to the Secretary on the Acquiescence of This Government in the Murder of the Jews.'' It was a severe indictment of the State Department. Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau was quite shaken by the Report and decided to take it to President Roosevelt. Treasury also prepared a plan to take responsibility for refugees from the State Department and create a separate rescue agency. President Roosevelt accepted the plan, without even checking with the State Department. The Executive Order that established the War Refugee Board a few days later, and John W. Pehle, the leader of the Treasury Department effort, became its Executive Director. The speed with which this bureaucratic coup was carried out--it all happened in a matter of days--was undoubtedly the result of the fact that if the Administration did not move forward without delay, Congress would enact legislation calling for the establishment of a refugee agency. The leader of eleven other Senators, including Senator Robert Taft of Ohio. It was this combination of Treasury officials and Members of Congress that at long last got the United States engaged in the rescue effort, whose greatest hero is indeed Raoul Wallenberg. It is thus particularly appropriate for this memorial event to take place on Capitol Hill. It is Congress that for decades has insisted that the foreign policy of the United States must be infused with moral content and it has succeeded. Tom Lantos, who has been witness to the history that we recount today, has been a truly outstanding leader in this effort. We are indebted to him.