Patrick Leahy

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, this morning, the Senate narrowly invoked cloture on the nomination of Justin Walker to the DC Circuit. Within the week, the Senate is expected to confirm, by the thinnest margins, both Judge Walker and a separate nominee, Cory Wilson, to the Fifth Circuit. That fills the final two available seats on the circuit courts. In one case, there isn't a vacancy yet, but he is preemptively filling it. This will complete Leader McConnell's rush to pack our appellate courts with President Trump's nominees. I want to speak about this because I have had more experience on nominations, only because of tenure, than anybody else in this body. I note that both Judge Walker and Judge Wilson are partisan ideologues who have given no indication that they will leave their politics outside the courtroom. This has become par for the course under this President--choosing nominees not for their judicial qualifications and in spite of their political leanings but because of those partisan leanings. Extreme partisanship has become a qualifier, not a disqualifier. It is a prerequisite. My Republican friends may consider these confirmations a great achievement; however, I fear that the damage left in the wake of their effort--to the courts, to the Senate, to the country--is going to remain with us for years to come after most of us have probably left this body. Let us consider the backdrop in which we consider these nominees. We are in the throes of a global pandemic that has taken almost 120,000 American lives. It has plunged our economy into a deep recession. It has deprived nearly 45 million Americans of their jobs, something I have never seen in my years here in the Senate. Yet are we here today considering legislation that further assists Americans struggling during this pandemic? Indeed, we have done nothing to respond to COVID- 19 for months even though the House passed $3 trillion in further assistance last month. The Senate today is not working together to find bipartisan meaningful ways to address the plagues of racial and social inequality, despite the fact that we see millions of Americans of all backgrounds, ages, creed, and color who flood our streets and squares with protests in the wake of the murder of George Floyd. What are we doing to respond as a body? We are busy processing and confirming an endless stream of partisan ideologues, such as Justin Walker and Cory Wilson, to our Federal courts. I think it has to be noted, again, that Judge Walker, who is a protege of Senator McConnell, has been nominated to a seat that isn't even vacant until September. It would be one thing if we were coming together in the Senate across party lines to confirm mainstream nominees, something we have done so many times in years past, but nothing about Judge Walker and Judge Wilson is mainstream. Judge Walker is not shy about his overt partisanship. He is openly hostile to the Affordable Care Act, even though the Affordable Care Act has provided a critical lifeline to millions of Americans during this pandemic. He has dangerously suggested that the FBI Director--whom we provided with a 10-year term to avoid politicization--``must think of himself as an agent of the President.'' One can see why President Trump is interested in a nominee like him. People should worry about somebody who would want the FBI Director--who is supposed to treat everybody the same and just uphold the law--to be, instead, an instrument of whoever is present. Even if we ignore his hyperpartisan writings and countless cable news appearances before he became a district court judge--and that was just a few months ago, last fall--he has already shown he does not leave politics at the door when he puts on his robes. Even his judicial investiture ceremony could have been a lead-in for a Trump campaign rally, where he lamented that his legal principles have not yet prevailed and feared losing ``our courts and this country'' to his critics. These may be the words of Judge Walker, but they are not the words of any other judge I have ever known, Republican, Democrat, Independent. This judge wears his partisanship as a badge of honor, knowing that it will only appeal to a President who knows nothing of the role of the Federal judiciary and, sadly, knowing it will not deter this Senate from confirming him. Judge Cory Wilson is no better. Again, I spoke about the Affordable Care Act, which has provided help to millions of Americans during the coronavirus epidemic. What does he call it? He calls the Affordable Care Act ``perverse'' and ``illegitimate.'' Golly, how would he vote on that? I wonder if those Americans--Republicans and Democrats alike--who are receiving lifesaving care through the ACA would call the law perverse. He has attacked President Obama in ugly, personal terms, berating him as a ``fit-throwing teenager'' and ``shrill, dishonest, and intellectually bankrupt.'' That is a good attitude to hold when you are coming to the Senate as a Federal judge where you are supposed to be impartial. Such baseless accusations were laughable when he made them. They are beyond parody today. Judge Wilson has a long record of undermining minority voting rights and dismissing the scourge of voter suppression, which we saw again last week during primary elections. He dismisses that as ``phony,'' even though everybody watching the news, from the right to left, can see it happening. What message do these nominees of President Trump send to the country in this moment? Well, it says that the Republicans in the Senate are fast-tracking nominees who are eager to overturn the Affordable Care Act in the midst of a public health pandemic. They are fast-tracking nominees who are dismissive of racial injustices in the midst of a national reckoning on racial injustices. The Senate has a constitutional duty to provide advice and consent to a President's nominee. When I came to the Senate, that meant something. It meant something under both Republican leadership and Democratic leadership. It meant something with both Republican and Democratic Presidents. But under this President, that constitutional duty has meant no more than serving as a mindless conveyer belt to rubberstamp nominees, however unqualified, however extreme, and however inappropriate at the moment. You couldn't have two more inappropriate nominees at a time when we need healthcare because of the coronavirus or so inappropriate at a time when we are trying to do away with racial tensions and address the racial tensions of our country. It says that we don't believe in our standing as a coequal branch of government and that the Senate is willing to have that position as a coequal branch of government diminished. Worse is the damage we inflict upon our courts. The Senate has now reshaped our Federal courts, especially our appellate courts, to resemble an extreme partisan arm of the Republican Party. For generations, Americans have valued our judiciary for its independence, a place where all Americans--of any political party or background, race, or belief--believed they could obtain fair and impartial justice. That is changing every day under President Trump. When I tried cases before Federal courts at the district level or the appellate level--and the same with State courts at the trial level and the appellate level--I never worried that I would come before that court and my political beliefs would in any way affect the outcome. What I thought would affect the outcome would be the facts and the law. I have appeared before courts of appeals and Federal courts of appeals. Most of the time I had no idea what the political position or political party of the judge was. Yet today, anybody who comes in trying a case or appealing a case has to say: No matter what my facts are or no matter what the law is, I have to face a partisan ideology with a judge who is supposed to be nonpartisan. We have seen fair and impartial justice, as I said, changing every day under President Trump. I have to hope that the Senate can rediscover its better angels. I can hope that we can again reassert ourselves as the crucible in which the great issues of the day are debated heatedly but resolved amicably, across party lines. I hope that one day the Senate will again serve as the conscience of the Nation, as it has during so many moments of upheaval and uncertainty in our history. Today, more than any other time since I have been here, when we should be the conscience of the Nation, we are keeping that conscience locked up behind closed doors. I hope, one day soon, the Senate will again demand--as it has under Republican and Democratic leadership in the past--that our President's judicial nominees are deserving of lifetime appointments to our Federal courts, possessing the qualifications and temperament that, until now, were rarely in question and now, time and again, are in question. I ask my colleagues to go back to being the U.S. Senate. We owe it to ourselves. We owe it to the Constitution. Most of all, we owe it to the American people. Let the Senate once again be the conscience of the Nation, as it should be.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, this Nation faces an uncertain future. Gripped by a pandemic, economic disruption, and racial injustice, the American people are yearning for bold, forward-thinking leadership. Now is the time for elected leaders to stand up and make the investments necessary to secure a better world for our children and grandchildren. The Great American Outdoors Act, which I am proud to cosponsor, does that. While it addresses a narrow set of challenges and opportunities, it should remind us all that we are capable of meaningful, forward- looking action. If enacted, our bipartisan bill would be the most significant conservation achievement in more than 50 years and would provide benefits for generations to come. Throughout my service in the Senate, it has been an honor to bring Vermont's values to Washington. And for Vermonters, stewardship of the land and water is a bedrock value. Our agrarian tradition, sense of place, and outdoor economy all rely on preserving open spaces and conserving our natural resources. This bill reflects those values on a grand scale. The Great American Outdoors Act would secure full, permanent funding for the Land and Water Conservation Fund. As is true for States across the country, the LWCF has played an unparalleled role in permanently protecting some of Vermont's most important and iconic landscapes, and I am proud to have been able to take a leading role in championing this program and these investments. In the 55 years since its creation, LWCF investments totaling nearly $150 million have helped conserve more than 275,000 acres in Vermont. From the Green Mountain National Forest, to Camel's Hump, to the Long Trail and Green River Reservoir State Park, this program has played a role in protecting Vermont's invaluable natural spaces. It has also helped Vermont towns conserve local treasures and facilities, such as Rutland's Pine Hill Park and the school playground in Pomfret. As chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, I was proud to lead the creation of the Forest Legacy Program in the 1990 Farm Bill. This voluntary program recognizes the critical stewardship role that private landowners play by helping them conserve working forest lands. In so doing, the Forest Legacy Program supports timber sector jobs and the forest products economy, and it sustains all the other benefits provided by intact forests: outdoor recreation, fish and wildlife habitat, and air and water quality. Since the Forest Legacy Program's first project at Cow Mountain Pond in Vermont's Northeast Kingdom, more than $39 million in Federal Forest Legacy funds have supported the permanent conservation of thousands of acres of private working forest lands in my State. The conservation ethic embodied in this bill is not just about green mountains and open waters. This is a conservation bill, a stewardship bill, and a jobs bill. Passage of the Great American Outdoors Act would provide immediate and sustained economic stimulus to States and communities that desperately need it. Vermont's outdoor recreation sector alone contributes an estimate $5.5 billion annually, supporting 51,000 jobs. Our forest products industry supports more than 10,000 jobs and generates nearly $1.5 billion in economic output. Maintaining the land base that these sectors depend on through LWCF investments is essential to Vermont, particularly as our State's economy gets back on its feet. An analysis by the Trust for Public Land estimates that every dollar invested in LWCF returns $4 in economic benefits. I call that a wise investment, particularly considering that LWCF is funded by revenue from offshore oil and gas leases. The 116th Congress began with the passage of a sweeping, bipartisan public lands package, the John D. Dingell Jr. Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act. That bill established permanent authorization for LWCF. How fitting that we should continue the work we started by now establishing permanent funding for this legacy program and by finally addressing the maintenance backlog facing our National Parks and other public lands. During such an uncertain period for our Nation, it is clearer than ever that access to trails and public lands is essential for the physical, emotional, and economic health of every community. The Great American Outdoors Act embodies the spirit of stewardship that Vermonters have cultivated for generations, and I am proud to support it. We should celebrate the Senate's leadership today and thank the broad coalition of conservation stakeholders in Vermont and across the country that has helped make this moment possible.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I would like to call the Senate's attention to a letter published by my friend Sir Peter Westmacott, on the occasion of what would have been the meeting of the G7 at Camp David. Peter is the former U.K. ambassador to the United States and a thoughtful diplomat if there ever was one. He previously served as ambassador to France and ambassador to Turkey. Unburdened by the self-consciousness that sometimes plagues American policymakers critical of the Trump administration, he writes honestly and insightfully to a British Prime Minister of the ways President Trump has weakened America's standing as an international leader and how others stand to capitalize from our diminished role. In the midst of a global pandemic compounded by climate change, multiple armed conflicts and humanitarian crises, Russian aggression and expanding Chinese influence, when global leadership and cooperation are needed more than ever, the incoherence and isolationism of this White House are appalling. Over many years, I have worked with Senators of both parties, with Republican and Democratic administrations, and with foreign leaders. I disagreed with, as well as those with whom we have much in common. The most successful makers of foreign policy share an adherence to the truth, objectively and uniformly acknowledged; a recognition of the importance of engagement with the rest of the world; and the goal of seeking common ground to make progress on shared interests. Unfortunately, President Trump fails on each of these counts. As Sir Peter describes, he disregards facts for his preferred fictitious narratives. He turns away from our allies and picks fights with our trading partners. He impulsively withdraws from international agreements that took years to negotiate because he does not stand to benefit personally or politically from them. He has abandoned our role as a moral and strategic leader. He crafts foreign policy by tweet. It is a disgrace, and foreign diplomats and heads of state, with the exception of our adversaries and autocrats who stand to benefit by mimicking President Trump, are confused, worried, and appalled. Sir Peter aptly describes this sorry state of affairs and what it means for our country and the world. I ask unanimous consent that Sir Peter Westmacott's letter be printed in the Record.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, under normal circumstances, thousands of visitors, staff, and members file through the United States Capitol and Senate and House offices every day. As we slowly begin to reopen our economy, businesses, and other public places, all eyes on Capitol Hill turn to the guidance and counsel of Dr. Brian Monahan, the attending physician of the U.S. Congress and Supreme Court. Since 2009, when he joined us in the Capitol, Dr. Monahan has been a trusted voice of reason and an exceptional healthcare provider to me and hundreds of other lawmakers. Dr. Monahan is an accomplished physician and rear admiral of the U.S. Navy. He began his career as a public servant after college, when he joined the Navy as a member of the Health Professions Scholarship Program. In 1989, while working as a resident at the National Naval Medical Center, Dr. Monahan discovered a connection between cardiac arrhythmias and the antihistamine, Seldane, a discovery that lead to the removal of the drug from the market. Dr. Monahan has spent years working in the attending physician's office, as a staff physician and later as the assistant attending physician. Dr. Monahan has also served as the chairman of the Department of Medicine at the Uniformed Services University of Health Services and has taught at the university as a professor of pathology and medicine focusing on cancer, oncology, and hematology. Dr. Monahan's many achievements, medical expertise, and decades of public service make him an asset to the Capitol and an invaluable colleague. Dr. Monahan has played a particularly important role lately, as both the Senate and the House of Representatives work to strike a balance between limiting exposure to a pandemic and continuing to work for the American people. Dr. Monahan has provided remarkable guidance to House and Senate leaders on how to safely conduct business and operate in the Capitol. Moving forward, as we continue to deal with the COVID-19 pandemic's economic and public health consequences, I am grateful to have Dr. Monahan to guide us along the way. Dr. Monahan is an accomplished photographer, and I have had the privilege of seeing many of his photographs and being with him in different parts of the world when he has taken some. All make one seeing them wish they were there. The reality but especially the artistry of his photographs are wonderful. Visits to his office are healthy and healing in so many ways. Dr. Monahan was recently profiled in The New York Times, and I ask unanimous consent that the article, ``Doctor to Congress and Supreme Court Toils to Sidestep Politics amid Pandemic,'' be printed in the Record.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, the last few months have presented an unprecedented challenge for communities and families across the country, and Vermont is no different. It is refreshing to take a moment to celebrate the people and entities that are at the foundation of our community identities. I want to take a moment to recognize one of these people in Vermont--Doreen Kraft--who was profiled in March for her leadership of Burlington City Arts. For the past 25 years, Doreen has been the director of Burlington City Arts--BCA--a Burlington city department that promotes Vermont artists while supporting art exhibition, creation, and education. Doreen is an integral member of the Burlington city government and arts community. As described by Pat Robbins, the former BCA Center board chair, Doreen is ``overcommitted . . . and always overscheduled, but she is a marvelous fundraiser. Everybody takes her calls. Everybody goes to lunch with her.'' As the director of the BCA Center, Doreen has raised millions of dollars that have helped BCA further the arts in Burlington. Something that I most appreciate about Doreen is that she makes the arts accessible for all Vermonters. Jacqueline Posley, a BCA board member who relocated to our beautiful State from Mississippi, put it best by saying that Doreen fosters an environment at BCA that values people most for the connections they make in the community, rather than ``by the depth of their pockets.'' While she has led the BCA Center for 25 years, Doreen's work in Burlington began long before she was appointed director. In 1981, as the mayor of Burlington, now-Senator Bernie Sanders made the accessibility of the arts a priority, and Doreen became the first paid employee of the mayor's Task Force for the Arts. Doreen established a concert series in Burlington's Battery Park and the annual Burlington Discover Jazz Festival. By 1990, the task force had become a department of the city government, renamed Burlington City Arts. In 1995, the year Doreen was appointed as director, BCA opened its first gallery in the old Firehouse on Church Street, Burlington's main downtown area. Since then, the Firehouse Gallery and BCA have gained substantial recognition. With extensive fundraising and community investment, BCA renovated the Firehouse into a full visual arts center, renaming the gallery to BCA Center in 2011. Since 1995, the gallery has become a hub for visual arts in downtown Burlington, helping the city to become a destination known for its burgeoning arts scene, due in large part to Doreen's work as director. Doreen has continued to expand the reach of BCA beyond Church Street. BCA recently purchased and began the renovation of a 9,000-square-foot warehouse in Burlington's South End, a post-industrial neighborhood with its own indigenous art scene. While South End artists and businessowners initially saw the warehouse purchase as an encroachment by city government on their turf, relations have improved as collaboration between BCA and South End artists has grown, on issues of art promotion and city planning. As renovation of the warehouse continues, I look forward to seeing how Doreen and Burlington City Arts can continue to give voice to new artists and perspectives, promoting not only the arts community but also greater conversation and cooperation between the government and the people it serves. With that, as we make decisions on how to assist our communities through this crisis, we must also remember the communities that we represent, and individuals that make our communities so remarkable. I want to recognize and thank Doreen Kraft, not only for her everlasting support of the arts, but as an ardent public servant whose efforts highlight the importance of community, equality, and accessibility. I ask unanimous consent that her profile be printed in the Record.

Mr LEAHY

Mr LEAHY. Madam President, the public health and economic crisis that has gripped the country since March has been a challenge everywhere, and Vermont is no different; yet it should surprise no one that Vermonters rise to the moment. As businesses shuttered and Vermonters adhered to our State's stay-at-home orders, a group of 20 or so Vermonters stepped up to volunteer to bring groceries, medications, or other essential items for their neighbors and friends in Marshfield and Plainfield. The effect was organized by the enrichment coordinator for Montpelier's public schools, Drew McNaughton, who stepped up, utilizing Front Porch Forum, coordinating a group of volunteers to help bring goods to those staying at home. It is ``a natural thing to do,'' Drew said, and he could not be more right: It is natural for Vermonters to step up to help other Vermonters. It has always been the Vermont way. And it is why together we are Vermont strong. I ask unanimous consent that an article highlighting this volunteer effort, which appeared in the Times Argus in March, be printed in the Record.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, on Monday I watched the shameful scene a block from the White House as the President of the United States ordered U.S. Park Police, backed by the D.C. National Guard and following threats throughout the day, to use the U.S. military against peaceful American protesters so he could have his photograph taken in front of St. John's Church, holding a Bible. It was an appalling, almost surreal, abuse of power that showed a flagrant disregard not only for our Constitution but for those who have devoted their lives to defend it. Several of those patriots have spoken out forcefully and eloquently to reject the President's grotesque display of force and the way he has abused the Office of the Presidency, day after day, year after year, to stoke divisions in this country. I am grateful to them for doing so, and I want to highlight in particular two of those voices, former Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Admiral Mike Mullen, and former Secretary of Defense Jim Mattis. In pieces, one published in the Atlantic and one released as a statement, both laid out an alternate vision for our country, a vision that so many Americans who were similarly outraged share and that I also share. I ask unanimous consent that these statements from Admiral Mullen and former Defense Secretary Mattis, be inserted in the Record.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, we know that America is hurting. It is reeling from a deadly pandemic that has taken more than 100,000 lives and then from witnessing the broad daylight murder--murder--of yet another Black man by an officer of the law. It seethes with rage and sorrow about the racial injustices that still plague our society. America is suffering from unprecedented political divisions that are routinely worsened and deepened by a President whose every utterance only tears us further apart. In my decades in the U.S. Senate, I have never seen our country so in need of healing. I was a prosecutor. So, when I first saw the video of George Floyd's murder--a human being who was pinned down by the neck, cried ``I can't breathe,'' and desperately called out for his mother--I was shocked to my core. For millions of Americans and for me, that shock swiftly turned into anger. How could a police officer, who has sworn an oath to protect and serve, so casually take a human being's life? Why did his fellow officers who witnessed the murder that we all witnessed on video stand there and do nothing to stop it? How could this happen in plain sight when multiple onlookers begged the officer to relent--stop his murderous conduct--as George fell unconscious? I was left sickened and shaken. I do not know and did not know George Floyd, but imagine if he were your neighbor or your friend. Imagine if George Floyd were your brother, your son, your husband, or your grandchild. Imagine if George Floyd simply looked like your loved one and shared the same skin color. Imagine the concern you would have for such a person who lived in constant fear of those who are responsible to protect us all. So it is no surprise that protests swept our Nation in the wake of this murder. Communities of color and all those who sympathize with them are fed up. They are sick and tired of the fact that African Americans are nearly 2\1/2\ times as likely as White Americans to be killed by police officers. No one of good conscience can sit idly by while African- American lives are treated with less worth. Our country long ago promised equal rights and equal justice. Now protesters are aching for real accountability for officers of the law who engage in lawless violence. It is not simply justice for George Floyd; it is justice for Eric Garner, Michael Brown, Tamir Rice. The list goes on and on, which is why the protests go on and on. Too often, people feel the police officers who take Black lives are treated like they are above the law. They feel the justice system has been fueled by a culture of impunity that shields the same officers who abuse the public's trust. Too often the accountability comes after incontrovertible evidence, such as a damning video, happens to surface and the public demands justice. I can say, as one who served proudly in law enforcement and has served proudly in the Senate, ultimately accountability will require dismantling this culture of impunity, as well as ensuring that law enforcement agencies have training and policies in place to serve to rebuild trust in communities of color. The protesters demand more from our justice system. They demand more from a nation that promises that nobody is above the law. Well, I stand with them, and Congress has to, too. None of us condone, and indeed I have strongly condemned, the looting and violence that has sadly taken place alongside the peaceful protests and the extremists and opportunists who have co-opted the peaceful process. They are not serving justice. They are not going to bring the change our country so badly needs. My hero, a dear friend who has called me his brother, Representative John Lewis, said just a few days ago: [L]ooting and burning is not the way. Organize. Demonstrate. Sit-in. Stand-up. Vote. Be constructive, not destructive. I hope everybody will listen to what Representative Lewis said. I hope our fellow Americans will heed his wise words. I refuse to partake in efforts seeking to delegitimize all protesters and create even more distrust and division. Demonstrators demanding accountability are not thugs, as President Trump has called them. No one should threaten state-sanctioned violence against protesters, as this President and some of his allies have. I strongly oppose any efforts to invoke the Insurrection Act to unleash our military against these domestic demonstrations, as President Trump has absurdly threatened. Our military is one of our Nation's most sacred institutions. It serves to safeguard our constitutional rights against enemies abroad. They should never be ordered to American streets as the battlefield, which would only incite further chaos and deprive Americans of their right to peacefully assemble. That is not the America we know and love. It is not the America I know and love. Unfortunately, President Trump has proven that he is incapable or perhaps he is uninterested in healing and uniting our Nation. At every turn his instinct is to divide and escalate. During every crisis he manages to manufacture another of his own making. When Americans are in desperate need of a consoler in chief, a role that I have seen every past President play during my years in the Senate--every one of those Presidents, Republican and Democrat alike--President Trump, instead of being consoler in chief, shows that he knows only how to be instigator in chief. He has revealed himself really to be a President of his country in name only. I never imagined I would say that of any American President of either party, certainly not of all the predecessors I have had the honor to know. So we must instead look to ourselves and each other. How do we heal our country? At the local, State, and national levels, we must carry on the cause of criminal justice and police reform. We must push for systematic law enforcement reform. We must elect leaders who will prioritize racial justice and work tirelessly to achieve some measure of that. We must work to build bridges in communities so that we better empathize with the struggles faced by those who have been marginalized for decades on end. On Monday, Terrence Floyd, George's brother, stood on the spot where his brother died. He made an emotional appeal to the hundreds of people watching and to the Nation. He pled for the protests to remain peaceful. He pled for those who believe they are marginalized and disenfranchised not to give up hope, that their voice matters, and he pled for justice. His brother died because he needed a breath. His family now asks to take a breath for justice, a breath for peace, a breath for our country, and a breath for George. We should honor his memory by heeding their anguished advice. There is so much to do. Congress must get to work. During my years in the Senate, I have seen America in crisis. But every time, without exception, I have seen America emerge a more just and stronger nation. The crises America faces today feel overwhelming, historic--some would say existential. But if we stay true to the values that define our Republic--equality, justice, the rule of law--I am hopeful we will make it through as a slightly more perfect union. I weep for our country; I pray for our country; and I look for better days. I yield the floor.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, the authors of our Constitution purposefully built checks and balances into the foundation of our democracy, and the power of the purse is a critical part of those checks and balances. Article 1, section 9 of the Constitution states ``No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence of Appropriations made by Law.'' That means Congress, not the executive branch, is charged with making decisions about how to invest and spend Federal revenue. As the vice chairman of the Appropriations Committee, I take this responsibility very seriously. When Congress appropriates Federal dollars, we expect those dollars to be used as directed. We expect appropriations laws to be upheld, and we expect the administration to be transparent in its actions. But for too many years, Presidents of both parties have encroached on the power of the purse as they have tried to expand their budgetary powers and, in some cases, substitute their judgement for that of Congress. This has been acutely true under this administration. No President has pushed the boundaries of and contorted appropriations law more than President Trump. When Congress refused to give President Trump the money he requested for a wall on the southern border, he directed his administration to sidestep Congress and take it from funding for our military and their families. He continues to do so to this day. The President wanted to pressure the Government of Ukraine into investigating his political rival, so he withheld security money for Ukraine in violation of the Impoundment Control Act. An action that would eventually lead to his impeachment. Last year, the administration asserted to Congress that it had the power to propose rescissions in the last quarter of the fiscal year and further asserted it had the power to allow the funds to lapse if Congress did not act on its proposal, essentially claiming the executive branch, not Congress, had the last word on spending. The Government Accountability Office, GAO, thankfully and rightfully, disagreed. Last year, this administration also overturned a long held precedent that the executive branch did not need to respond to findings by GAO of violations of the Anti-Deficiency Act. Finally, this administration has suppressed OMB and executive branch agency cooperation with GAO in investigating the execution of appropriated funds. The push and pull over the power of the purse between Congress and the executive branch did not start with President Trump and will not end when he is no longer in office. Administrations of both parties have clashed with Congress over this authority. But the actions of this President make clear that Congress needs to reassert itself and defend its constitutionally granted prerogatives. This should not be a partisan issue. The Founders chose to vest the power of the purse with Congress. It is an important part of our system of checks and balances, and we must defend it. That is why I am introducing the Congressional Power of the Purse Act. This bill will restore Congress's central role in funding decisions, increase transparency in the executive branch, and add teeth to existing budget laws. The bill strengthens the Impoundment Control Act, including the addition of penalties for failure to comply. The bill strengthens administration reporting requirements and congressional oversight tools, so Congress can better follow the money and ensure the law is being complied with. Finally, the bill reforms the National Emergencies Act of 1974 to provide more Congressional control over these designations and how they are used. I hope all members can support it. I commend Representative Lowey and Representative Yarmuth for introducing a similar bill in the House, and I hope that the House will send the bill to the Senate in July. I ask unanimous consent that the following members be listed as original cosponsors: Senators Murray, Van Hollen, Feinstein, Coons, Baldwin, Wyden, Merkley, Whitehouse, Schatz, Sanders, Shaheen, Tester, Udall, Cardin, Reed, Durbin, Murphy and Manchin. I would note that this list of cosponsors includes every Democratic Member of the Appropriations Committee. (At the request of Mr. Durbin, the following statement was ordered to be printed in the Record.)

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, the President's threat of using military force against protestors is a grossly inappropriate, unnecessary, and dangerous escalation at a time when Americans are looking for constructive and enlightened leadership. America's power and strength derives, above all, not from our military might, but from the values that are at the very foundation of this country, rooted in the First Amendment of the Constitution. Our country has a long tradition of civilian policing. It is one of the many ways our government differs from regimes that routinely use the military to intimidate and silence their critics. The Insurrection Act was last invoked nearly three decades ago, to respond to the Rodney King riots in Los Angeles at the request of and by working closely with State authorities. Its application is not a threat to be cavalierly bandied about, as if our Armed Forces are puppets of the President to evict peaceful protestors for purposes of a staged photo op. I am deeply disturbed that civilian and military leaders joined the President in this misuse of force. Until the President and his senior military advisers make clear that they understand and accept this, I cannot vote to confirm further nominees to the Department of Defense.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, I must admit that when I look around this body, it looks a little bit different than when I first came here, and I will be glad when we get back to normal. In the meantime, I want to say that I entered the Senate in the wake of Watergate in 1975. It was a time when the American people's faith in their institutions, including their intelligence agencies, was profoundly shaken. I remember standing on this floor, and the very first vote I cast was in favor of creating the Select Committee to Study Government Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans. That was called the Church Committee. It was the forerunner of our Intelligence Committee. Through the Committee's work, the American people soon learned of years of surveillance and other abuses that had occurred at the hands of the U.S. intelligence agencies. In response, the Senate came together, Republicans and Democrats together, to pass sweeping reforms to rein in this overreach. So much has improved over the 45 years with respect to the intelligence agencies' compliance with the law. I must admit that seeing the changes over the years gives me a great deal of confidence that we can continue to develop. But we do know that there are some inexcusable problems that remain. We have seen time and again that the system we created with the government lawyers seeking approval for surveillance in a secret surveillance court falls short of protecting Americans' due process rights. I know a lot of our intelligence professionals. I have no doubt that our intelligence professionals work very hard. They are dedicated to protecting Americans, and they strive to follow the rules. I don't doubt that at all, but I can't escape the conclusion that the rules are simply not good enough. A process that operates in total secrecy, with no checks on the government's allegations or portrayal of the facts at issue, is bound to fall short. When it comes to justice--justice which is a bedrock of our democracy--well, to say it falls short is not good enough. Last fall, the Justice Department inspector general issued a report that detailed 17 errors or omissions in the FBI's FISA applications to surveil former Presidential campaign adviser Carter Page. While the inspector general did not find that the mistakes were politically motivated, those of us who were at those hearings know that the errors were nonetheless serious, and we have since learned that they were not isolated incidents. In March, just 2 weeks after the House passed the very legislation we are considering today, the inspector general released an even more damning report. He sampled just 29 applications for FISA surveillance. In those 29, he found deficiencies in 25 of the 29, with an average of 20 issues on each application. Errors included a failure to disclose all exculpatory evidence. That is simply unacceptable. It strongly indicates that something is wrong and needs to be fixed within the FISA process. I joined with Senator Lee of Utah. We have been working together to do just that--to define what the fixes might be. The heart of our proposal is to improve the amici program we created with the assistance of Members such as Senator Blumenthal with the USA FREEDOM Act of 2015. We created a process by which the FISA Court could appoint amici to provide an independent perspective on certain complex issues before the court. Amici do not act as defense attorneys, representing the target of the surveillance. They serve the court. But we gave the court narrow grounds to require the appointment of amici--novel or significant interpretation of law. While amici have since served the court well, they have only been appointed 16 times over the last 5 years. We have to do more to encourage the appointment of amici in cases that involve serious constitutional issues. My amendment with Senator Lee would create a presumption of amici participation in cases involving significant First Amendment issues, not just ``exceptional concerns'' as in the House bill. Importantly, we also create a presumption of amici participation when the FBI considers the case to be a ``sensitive investigative matter'' which the FBI would call an investigation involving the domestic media, a domestic religious organization, or a public official. I think all of us should agree that in those instances we ought to have somebody independently looking at them. Most critically, though, we would leave the decision to appoint amici entirely up to the FISA judge. Even if it would fall into all of these categories they could still say no. As a result, the argument that the expanded amici participation would duly burden the court doesn't even withstand the slightest scrutiny. If the judge believes amici would not be appropriate because the case is too time sensitive or too simple or too routine or for any other reason--any other reason--they have the discretion to not appoint amici at all. Under our amendment, throughout the FISA process, the judge maintains complete control. It is not a burden on the court. What it is doing is empowering the court. It is up to them. In reality, the number of cases that would have amici participation under our amendment would remain manageable. The cases likely to raise significant civil liberties issues would almost certainly be a small subset of applications related to U.S. persons, as foreigners abroad do not have constitutional rights like Americans. The total number of such U.S. person cases last year was just over 200. Perhaps this is why the courts themselves would not anticipate that our amendment would create a significant financial burden. The Administrative Office of the Courts estimated costs to be about $225,000 a year, which they can pay for out of their discretionary budget. There is plenty of money in there. In fact, the CBO scored the amendment as zero. But the benefits go far beyond zero. Responding to the latest inspector general report, which found serious issues in 25 of the 29 FISA applications they reviewed, we would require that the government turn over all material exculpatory information to the court and make it available to amici, too, if one is appointed. That is a basic due process protection available in every public courtroom in America. It certainly was when I was a prosecutor. The FISA Court should be no exception. So, I think, with this any Senator should look at what Senator Lee and I have done. We have an opportunity to reform our flawed surveillance authorities. These opportunities don't come by often. We shouldn't squander it, especially when the Justice Department's own inspector general has been alerting us of the widespread problems within the FISA process. After the Church Committee found abuses within our intelligence agencies, something I first learned of when I got elected to the Senate, I saw the Senate come together, Republicans and Democrats, to respond decisively. While much has improved since then, they now are confronted with serious but solvable problems within the FISA process. I hope I have given the Senate and both parties something for them to come together. I want to thank Senator Lee for his partnership on this issue and also for his steadfast devotion to protecting the rights of all Americans. I am proud to stand with Senator Lee today. I urge all of our fellow Senators to stand with us, because if you stand with us you are standing up for the Constitution. Support this amendment, stand with the American people, and stand with our Constitution. I yield the floor.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, the Senators have been working very hard to respond to the crisis that is facing our whole Nation. Each one of our States is unique, but we also are here for all of America. All of America is suffering. I know my staff in Vermont, my staff down here, the appropriators, and the Appropriations staff have been working every day and every night till midnight or later. Nobody has had any time off. I am proud to work with them, even though we have set up the capability to telework, as I would hope all would do, so we can work remotely. Earlier this week, we were faced with the prospect of a bill that was very one-sided. Republicans and Democrats had not done what we do best, sitting down and reaching a bipartisan agreement. We were given almost a take-it-or-leave-it bill. I applaud Senator Schumer who said we should come back together. Let's not pass a bill that leaves out so much of America and so many of the people we represent. Let us come together, Republicans and Democrats, and find a way. Now, late last night--actually it was close to this morning-- agreement was reached, in principle, on such a bill. The appropriators do only part of it, but Senator Shelby and I tried to work together to have something the vast majority of the Appropriations Committee, Republicans and Democrats, would agree on, and we did that, and that is what we have before us. Both parties have worked so hard to put together something we can all agree on. We should be able to vote. I agree with the discussions that Senator Schumer had this morning. We all know that none of us got every single thing we want, just as I am sure my Republican friends did not get every single thing they want. And is any bill perfect, especially something of this unprecedented magnitude? Of course not. But we are at a point where reality has to overcome rhetoric. We have to stand up and be the conscience of the Nation, as we have been in the past and we can be today. It is time for Senators to come together and vote. I know that on our side, under the leadership of Senator Schumer and others, we are ready to do that. I am the dean of the Senate. I have been here the longest. I am not going to get everything I want, neither is the Presiding Officer, and neither is anyone here. But America will get a lot more than it has now. Let's do this for America. Vote on it. As Americans, we should say that it is reality time, not rhetoric time. Reality trumps rhetoric any day. Let's go ahead and vote. I commend those Senators in the Republican Party and those Senators in the Democratic Party who have worked so closely with each other. I know we have in Appropriations. It is time to say: OK. Let's vote. With that, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, America is at an inflection point. We are facing a public health crisis unlike any we have seen in generations. Governments at every level are racing to respond, react, and mitigate the crisis. Communities and counties are fearful their hospital systems will be overrun, and needed supplies are unavailable. States are struggling to support local and state-wide economies that are increasingly hit with store closures and business suspensions. Unfortunately, the Federal Government--starting with the President--has failed to offer clear leadership to navigate this crisis. But today marks a turning point, thanks to the leadership the Senate will show by acting on this bipartisan emergency relief package--today, without delay, and without hesitation. The package before us includes three important pillars. First, it directs economic assistance for businesses and workers. Second, it provides emergency funding to support our over taxed medical system, which is bracing for a surge in patients as the coronavirus continues to spread. And finally, it provides critical oversight to ensure that the funding Congress provides goes to the people who need it--not to line the pockets of corporations and executives who continue to benefit from the most generous tax cut in history. We will provide a massive investment in the unemployment insurance program, ensuring that unemployed workers can receive a maximum benefit in this time of economic crisis. These reforms will also extend unemployment insurance eligibility for an additional 13 weeks and will allow part-time, self-employed, and gig economy workers--who are being hit hard in this crisis--to access benefits. Importantly, for Americans living paycheck to paycheck, this bill will deliver these benefits to workers sooner. To help the small businesses struggling to keep their doors open, to find a path to reopen on the other end of this pandemic, this bill supports loan forgiveness to small businesses and some nonprofits, and provides critical funding to support payments of existing loans to small businesses through the Small Business Administration. The bill provides $340 billion in emergency appropriations to give new resources to help strained State, local, and tribal governments as they combat this pandemic. These resources support hospitals and health care workers on the front lines of this public health crisis. They fund the purchase of personal protective equipment and much needed medical equipment. The bill supports our law enforcement and first responders; funding for scientists researching treatments and vaccines; support for small businesses; support for local schools and universities; and funding for affordable housing and homelessness assistance programs. The bill will provide immediate relief to farmers in Vermont and across the country who continue to feed our communities during this emergency, with an emphasis on those farmers serving our local food systems. Importantly, the bill will not permit the transfer of emergency funding to battle COVID-19 to the President's misguided projects including the border wall. On top of all this, the bill includes a $150 billion Coronavirus Relief Fund that will provide State local, and Tribal government with additional resources to address this pandemic, all with an important small State minimum to help states like Vermont. I think of our own Governor, Republican Governor, who has worked so hard to help our State. This will give him some tools, as it will to our Speaker of the House and our President pro tempore of our legislature. In Vermont, Governor Scott has made the difficult but prudent decision to restrict statewide activities only to essential services, we, too, are feeling the impact of the coronavirus. With over 120 confirmed cases, our small State is already reeling from the economic effects. I am pleased that the Coronavirus Relief Fund will support States and that it includes an important small State minimum that will have significant impact in Vermont. Through formula grant funding, States will benefit from this package. In Vermont, that will mean $5.4 million through the CDC's Public Health Emergency Preparedness program; $4.2 million for assistance through the Community Development Block Grant program; nearly $20 million for public transportation emergency relief; $4.3 million to provide child care assistance to those on the frontline of the coronavirus response, including health care workers and first responders; $4.6 million for housing assistance grants; $9.6 million to support the State's airports; $4 million in LIHEAP assistance; $5 million in Community Services Block Grant funding; $2 million in Byrne-JAG assistance to law enforcement; and $3 million in election security assistance grants. Finally, this bill includes important oversight and accountability measures that will require this administration to report publicly to the American people. This is a taxpayer-funded relief bill. The Executive Branch must be accountable to those taxpayers. Financial relief to address the coronavirus pandemic should not be turned into a slush fund for a president seeking reelection, with little accountability to the people whose money he is spending. I urge the Senate to pass this bill today, and I hope the House will swiftly follow. This is an emergency relief bill. Congress will need to take further action to provide needed stimulus to our State and local economies, to support our schools, including institutions of higher education, and to support displaced workers who are the fabric of our national workforce. But with this bill, we provide support to the victims of this terrible virus: the healthcare providers and first responders on the frontlines, the essential workers who are keeping our store shelves stocked and the necessities available, and the families hit by the fallout from this pandemic. I have been fortunate. I have been married now for almost 58 years to one of the best medical surgical nurses I have ever known. I hear her tell it like what it is. Marcelle tells me what the doctors and nurses face in a situation like this. I pray that neither you nor I, nor any other Member of this body will have to face what they face on the frontlines of a crisis like this one. We should go forward and pass this bill and do that today. We must all heed the call of the medical professionals and experts calling for dramatic but essential action to stop the spread of this virus. That requires leadership--from this Chamber and from the President of the United States. The eyes of the Nation will watch how we further manage this crisis. Now is not the time to waiver in our resolve to do what is in the best interest of the citizens whose interests we are sworn to protect. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. LEAHY. Today, the American people are making sacrifices to keep themselves, their family, and their communities safe. Healthcare providers, grocery store staff, State and local government workers, truckers, bank tellers, journalists and countless others are doing important and necessary work on the front lines of this crisis. As a Senator from Vermont, and a Member of this Chamber for more than 40 years, I want to send my profound thanks. Right now, we are close to expressing our understanding of the sacrifices of the American people in more than words. I believe we are very close to reaching a bipartisan agreement that will provide direct and immediate relief to working people and families in our country. As vice chairman of the Senate Appropriations Committee, I want to provide Senators with an update on the status of those negotiations in the Appropriations Committee between myself and Chairman Shelby. There is much we have already agreed upon, and I am confident that we can reach a deal that will help millions of Americans in need. Hospitals, community health centers, and the health care institutions we will rely on in the coming weeks and months need to be ready for a potential surge of patients. In our agreement, we are securing hundreds of billions of dollars in direct assistance for these vital institutions. Across the country, we are hearing reports of medical care providers and first responders reusing masks or first responders resorting to covering their faces with bandanas for protection. It is unacceptable. Increasing their potential risk of exposure to the corona virus because they do not have the tools and resources they need to do their job will only put further strain on our healthcare system to say nothing of the danger to those men and women. So we fought hard to include the resources to make sure health care, police officers, National Guard members, scientists and more have access to the personal protective equipment they need. In times of crisis, it is critical that we support the most vulnerable among us. That is why I fought to include significant new resources for programs that provide food to those in need, including child nutrition programs, SNAP, and senior meals. Sadly, as this public health crisis progresses, the demand for nutrition programs will only grow in the coming months. I also fought to secure resources for the homeless, who without a clean, safe place to go are at a much higher risk of contracting the coronavirus among themselves and spreading it in their communities. Every Member in this Chamber represents a rural community, and we will ensure that they are not left behind by supporting rural business and including help for rural hospitals, who unfortunately will not be spared for the impact of this pandemic, and resources to support broadband access, which will be critically important for keeping people connected as we are encouraging them to stay apart. We are securing funds to support child care. We cannot ask communities to close down their schools and still rely upon their first responders, medical providers, and those on the front lines without providing their children with a safe place to go. We are providing direct appropriations to support a science-first approach to this pandemic by providing an infusion of funding to back research in therapeutics, vaccines, and treatments. It is our communities--State and local govemment--who are on the front lines of this crisis, and it is our job to support their efforts. We will be including billions of dollars to support the services these communities are providing during this crisis. I have listened to the rhetoric on this floor the past few days, accusing Democrats of delaying critical assistance to America. This is ridiculous. Democrats have spent the last 48 hours fighting for funding and legislation that will help people, not just corporations. We have been fighting for more money for healthcare, more money for children, more money for hospitals, more money for our schools. And in the last few days we have secured more funding for all of those things. I feel confident we will soon reach a deal. The Appropriations Committee's component is only one part of this massive package. But the pandemic we face demands this response. The Senate has a history of being the conscience of the nation, and we must prove that history true again during this crisis whether it is today or tomorrow. We will get this done, and we will get it done soon. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I entered the Senate in the wake of Watergate in 1975. The very first vote I cast was in favor of creating the Select Committee to Study Government Operations with Respect to Intelligence Activities and the Rights of Americans--that is, the Church Committee. Through that Committee's work, the American public soon learned of years of abuses that had occurred at the hands of the executive branch's intelligence agencies. In response, the Senate passed sweeping reforms to rein in this overreach. Since then, more flaws and occasional abuses have been documented within our surveillance authorities, but the Senate rarely has had an opportunity to debate and improve them. We did so in 2015, when Senator Lee and I led the effort in the Senate to pass the USA FREEDOM Act. Senator Lee and I strongly believe the Senate should do the same now. We should strengthen the amicus program, ensure that all exculpatory information is provided to the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, and make other basic changes to better protect the civil liberties of all Americans. I am thankful that Majority Leader McConnell today has agreed to what Senator Lee and I requested last week--that we pass a short extension of the expiring FISA authorities to give us an opportunity to both review and improve the House bill with a limited number of amendments. Critically, this will give us time to take up this issue after the Senate responds to the coronavirus. I am particularly thankful to Senator Lee, who has tirelessly worked to reform surveillance authorities since he came to the Senate. With today's agreement, we will have the next 2 months to build consensus around important reforms, and I hope all of you will join us in this effort. That is what the Senate did when confronted with abuses documented by the Church Committee, and that is what the Senate must do now. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, families across the country are facing an unprecedented challenge, and we must act, and act now, on solutions that put families and the American people first. The Families First Coronavirus Response Act takes a substantial step toward providing the relief and assurance communities need as we face this public health crisis. Families should not be forced to choose between a paycheck and their own health and safety, or the health and safety of their community. A restaurant worker in Vermont cannot afford to stay home from work for several days or several weeks and still afford to pay her rent or feed her family, but staying home is exactly what we are asking waitresses, store clerks, gas station attendants, hourly workers, and many other employees to do. To contain this virus, we must address this reality. Today, I am strongly urging Republicans and Democrats to drop their labels and support this emergency relief package, and pass it now. The American people need leadership, not political battles. The Families First Coronavirus Response Act creates two weeks of emergency paid sick leave so that people who work for small businesses are able to stay home from work if they are sick or must quarantine due to coronavirus. It creates up to 12 weeks of job protection under the Family and Medical Leave Act, and allows an employee to stay home for a longer period of time to recover from illness, or take care of a sick family member, or care for a child who must be at home because of school and daycare closures. These are commonsense solutions. Not only is it the right thing to do, it is a critical step if we want to contain and defeat this public health crisis. It means employees won't have to choose between going to work when they are sick and potentially spreading the virus and missing a paycheck. This bill also makes important changes to the unemployment insurance program to help those that lose their job during this crisis. I hope, as Congress considers further steps to help address this crisis, we further support the small businesses that are supporting these employees and are the backbone of our local economies. The Families First Coronavirus Response Act would inject $500 million into the Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants and Children (WIC) and contains legislative changes to free up funding to help children who would go without breakfast or lunch if their schools closed. It would provide $400 million for the Emergency Food Assistance Program to ensure that food banks have the resources they need to serve their communities and provide $250 million for senior nutrition programs. These are common sense proposals to help families where they are in their communities. Importantly, this bill will provide $1 billion to help cover the cost of testing for people who are uninsured. This virus does not discriminate between the rich or the poor, or between those who have insurance and those who do not. Our approach to address this crisis cannot discriminate either. Nothing can help our country make up the ground we have lost because of the failed policies and poor execution of this administration of testing for the coronavirus. Because of the delays in getting the tests to State and local governments where they are needed, we do not fully understand the scope or spread of this disease in our country. We cannot compound these mistakes by denying the coronavirus test to those who can least afford it. Cost cannot be a barrier to seeking medical treatment during a public health crisis. This bill is not perfect. As currently drafted, the paid sick leave benefits and Family Medical Leave Act polices extend only to companies with 500 employees or fewer. That leaves many workers in this country without these important protections. I understand this was the price of securing White House support for this bill. I would like the White House to explain why it thinks hourly workers at Target, Walmart, or McDonald's are less deserving of these protections. If we had the luxury of time, I would join other Senate Democrats in offering an amendment to close this gap, but we do not have that luxury. This bill was a product of compromise, and any change risks a threat of delay at a time when delay is our greatest enemy. To my friends across the aisle who also want changes in this bill, I urge you to stand down. We need to pass this bill today, without delay. We do not have time for a lengthy debate. The American people are looking to us for leadership and swift action; let's provide it. This bill is the first step toward meeting American families where they are as they confront this crisis. In my more than 40 years in the United States Senate, few moments have demanded our bipartisan leadership more than this crisis. We must provide the protections in this bill--paid sick leave, unemployment insurance, nutrition assistance, and affordable testing for the American people--and we must do it now. I this time of uncertainty, concern, and fear, I want to remind my fellow Vermonters and all Americans: We are all in this together. We can be smart about how we conduct our lives, while being good neighbors. We can support our communities, our first responders, healthcare workers, store clerks, and shelf stockers, and all those providing essential services. I am confident that our country will emerge from this crisis stronger than we were before, as we always have. I strongly encourage Republicans and Democrats to support this bill. I see nobody else seeking recognition. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, I want to take a moment to recognize the brave and selfless individuals from the St. Michael's College Fire and Rescue Squad, based in Colchester, VT. These young men and women respond to emergencies on a moment's notice to help those in need--all while balancing the demands of their full college course load. St. Michael's College Fire and Rescue helps bring a greater degree of safety to residents in Chittenden County, and we are thankful for their efforts. Today, I would like to commemorate their 50 years of service. St. Michael's Fire and Rescue Squad was founded in late 1969, after a local student died while waiting for emergency medical services to arrive. The community recognized that in order to prevent further tragedies of this nature, greater resources must be dedicated to emergency responders. Students rose to this challenge, and with the help of Donald ``Pappy'' Sutton, the former dean of students, they formed the squad. Despite starting out with only minimal equipment, this remarkable group now serves 385 square miles of Chittenden County, spanning their reach into surrounding towns and along 26 miles of Interstate 89. The territory covered far exceeds what we might expect from a group of college volunteers, but their capacity to serve only goes to show just how dedicated the St. Michael's Fire and Rescue team truly is. Perhaps one of the most impressive aspects of this team is the fact that they are all between the ages of 18 and 22. The maturity and grace displayed by these young individuals while fulfilling their duties is nothing short of inspiring. These are people who, for some, have just left home for the first time and yet are successfully responding to crisis situations which would tax even the most experienced of us. These responders will sometimes be the first on the scene for a car crash, overdose, fire or medical emergency, and a split-second decision could make the difference between a life saved and a life lost. And we should not forget: these responders are all students managing their college classes in addition to volunteering. Emergencies give no credence to a student's sleep schedule; sometimes these students will get woken up in the late hours of the night or early hours of the morning to put out a fire, despite having class the following morning. Those who receive credit for their volunteer work are on call for 24 hours a week, taking turns sleeping in the designated volunteer bunks. The work done by the St. Michael's Fire and Rescue team is not always glamorous, but it has kept the community remarkably safer. On average, the squad responds to more than 3,000 calls each year--some just false alarms, others far more severe in nature. But what has remained consistent is the relief that these volunteers have offered to local emergency responders and the peace of mind they have bestowed upon our residents. By offering support to our hard-working first responders, they inevitably ensure that more Vermonters get the help they need in the nick of time. In the process, they have inspired other college campuses around the Nation to form their own volunteer response teams, who can then help their own communities in times of need. This is the type of bravery and selflessness that we are proud to see exemplified in our young citizens, and I am honored to have them recognized today.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, I want to take a moment to recognize a Vermont gem, Elmore Mountain Bread, a small business founded by a wife and husband team. Blair Marvin is a native Vermonter, who met her husband, Andrew Heyn, in Seattle, where she attended culinary school and worked. Blair brought Andrew to Vermont, where after working in several local restaurants, they took over a small bakery. Their work has been recognized locally, regionally, and nationally, in publications including Kids VT, Yankee Magazine and over the airwaves on National Public Radio. An article by Amelia Nierenberg in the February 18, 2020, edition of the New York Times focuses on Blair and Andrew's development of soft, sliced organic loaves, inspired by Blair's effort to provide healthier bread to their son Phineas's classmates at a local one-room schoolhouse. Small businesses like Elmore Mountain Bread are the cornerstone of our local economies, are fixtures in our communities, and are at the very heart of the American dream. In recognition of Blair and Andrew's efforts, I ask that the article ``The Whole-Grain Grail: A Sandwich Bread With Mass Appeal,'' be printed in the Congressional Record.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Madam President, Vermont's King Arthur Flour has long been a worldwide leader in culinary circles. Today, I would like to recognize the company's effort to produce a healthier bread, called Just Bread. King Arthur Flour, which is an employee-owned company in Norwich, VT, sells 350 loaves of Just Bread each week and also donates loaves to a local food shelf, in the true tradition of Vermonters reaching out to help others. In recognition of these efforts, I ask that the February 18, 2020, article ``The Whole-Grain Grail: A Sandwich Bread With Mass Appeal,'' by Amelia Nierenberg from the New York Times, be printed in the Congressional Record.

Mr. LEAHY

Mr. LEAHY. Mr. President, my friend and colleague on the floor--I totally agree with what he just said. Senator Shelby and I will be giving longer statements in a few minutes. Senator Graham and I have had the duty to put through the Foreign Operations bill for a number of years now. We tried to do it in a bipartisan and nonpartisan way, and as a result, it has gotten very strong support from both sides of the aisle, which is what we hope will happen now. I will certainly be voting with Senator Graham's motion to table when he makes it. Every Senator--he or she--can vote any way they want, but I would note for our colleagues, Senator Shelby and I and key Senators--including the Senator now on the floor--in both parties have worked every day, every evening, our staffs on weekends, in order to get to where we are. This is a product of every single Republican, every single Democrat who wanted a voice in this, a chance to speak to it. Both Senator Shelby, as chairman, and I, as vice chairman, made sure that voices were heard. I yield the floor.