John Lewis

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to my colleague, the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Marshall), the former mayor of the city of Macon.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Baltimore, Maryland (Mr. Cummings)

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Ballance). (Mr. BALLANCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I would like to thank all of the Members who participated this morning and thank the gentleman from California (Mr. Ose) for yielding so much time. Mr. Speaker, I want to say to the family and friends of Maynard Jackson and to all of the citizens of Atlanta and the citizens of our Nation that we have lost a son of America, a citizen of the world. Maynard Jackson was a very proud graduate of Morehouse College. He loved the school, the glee club; he loved the citizens of our city. He will be deeply missed, but we take this as an opportunity to honor and pay tribute to him for all of the good things that he did to make our city, our State, our Nation, and our world a better place. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. I yield to the gentleman from Michigan.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Let me say to my friend from Michigan, Mr. Speaker, that it seems like we are going to be very busy during the next few days before the August recess.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend for responding to the questions.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I will continue to yield to my friend from Michigan to inquire about trade agreements. Does the gentleman anticipate that we may have votes before the August recess on any trade agreements?

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, when does the gentleman think we might see a conference report? Would it be before the August recess?

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. If this does occur on Monday, as the gentleman stated, when during the day would that be scheduled? What time of day would it be scheduled?

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, continuing to yield and to inquire, on Medicare prescription drugs, when does the gentleman expect we will appoint conferees on this legislation?

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Reclaiming my time, Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Michigan for responding, but I would like to continue to yield to him to find out if next week we are bringing up the Head Start reauthorization bill, and do you expect to have an open rule on this bill.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I wish to inquire of the leader the schedule of the House for next week.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I would continue to yield to my friend from Michigan on the child tax credit. When does he expect the conference committee to meet to report out a conference report? It has now been 27 days, 22 hours-plus since we appointed conferees. Does the gentleman have any idea when we can expect a report coming to this House?

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, here we are once again debating Medicare. Thirty-eight years ago, the Republicans did not like Medicare, and they do not like it now. In 1965, 88 percent of Republicans voted against Medicare. And here they are, once again, trying to privatize prescription drugs for seniors, just like they tried to privatize Medicare. This is just another scheme by the Republicans to entice older voters. Not last week, not last year, but just yesterday, the gentleman from California (Mr. Thomas), the Republican chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means, made it crystal clear when he said, ``To those who say that the bill would end Medicare as we know it, our answer is: We hope so.'' He went on to say, ``Old-fashioned Medicare is not very good.'' Tell my mother. Tell your mother that old-fashioned Medicare is not good. Tell your grandmother, tell your grandfather that old-fashioned Medicare was not good. It was good in 1965. It was good yesterday. It was good then, and it is still good right now. We do not need to destroy Medicare. We need to save and strengthen Medicare. Mr. Speaker, this bill is just another Republican scheme to deceive our seniors, to deceive our elderly. That is not right. That is not fair. I want my Republican colleagues to tell the American people the truth. We must tell our seniors that the Republican bill does not offer our seniors the basic right to affordable prescription drugs. We must and we will tell the American people that the Republicans want to privatize Medicare. We must tell the American people the truth. This is no time to play partisan politics with the lives of our seniors. The clock is running. Time is running out. My Republican colleagues, you still have time to do the right thing. Do not turn your back on our seniors, on the elderly. This is a matter of life and death. I beg, I plead with my colleagues to vote against the Republican bill, not just for our parents, our grandparents, our children, but also for generations yet unborn. Old-fashioned Medicare was like a bridge over troubled waters. It was reliable. It was dependable then, and it is still dependable. Ask the seniors, ask the old people who live on fixed incomes in our cities and rural areas. I say to my Republican colleagues, follow the dictates of your conscience. You have a moral obligation, a mission, and a mandate to uphold the legislation of 1965 when Lyndon Johnson signed the Medicare bill. I urge my colleagues to vote against this unreliable bill.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today with a heavy heart to speak on the untimely passing of Maynard Hollbrook Jackson. I was blessed to know Maynard Jackson for almost 40 years. Maynard Jackson was a wonderful human being, a gifted, brilliant politician. He was the kind of individual who was not afraid to take risks. Maynard Jackson was always getting in the way for the common good. In 1968, moved by the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., and Robert Kennedy, he ran for the United States Senate in the Democratic primary against incumbent Senator Herman Talmadge. He later made history by becoming the first African American mayor of a major southern city. His leadership as vice mayor of Atlanta and later as mayor of Atlanta for three terms transformed our city into the gateway to the New South. As mayor, Maynard Jackson emerged as a role model for other big-city mayors and younger elected officials. We often heard, if Maynard Jackson can do it, so can we. His accomplishments created a greater sense of possibility, a greater sense of hope, a greater sense of optimism. Mr. Speaker, it is so ironic and almost eerie, really strange that Maynard Jackson's passing would happen at almost the same time as the Supreme Court's decision in support of affirmative action. He was one of the great champions for diversity, inclusion, and fairness, not just in government and business but in all areas of American life. Perhaps Maynard Jackson's greatest accomplishment as mayor was the building of the Atlanta Hartsfield International Airport. Under Maynard Jackson's leadership, Atlanta Hartsfield became one of the largest and busiest airports in the world. At one time, Atlanta Hartsfield included more minority contractors than any other airport in the country. Maynard Jackson insisted that if majority contractors were to participate in construction of the airport, so would minority contractors. Maynard Jackson must be remembered as one of the founding fathers, not just of the new Atlanta, not just of the New South, but of the new America. He will be missed by all of the good people of Atlanta, all of the good people of Georgia, and the Nation and around the world. As mayor, he established in a profound way the sister city program. Many of our cities around the world became sister cities of the city of Atlanta. He traveled far and broad to carry the message of hope. Mr. Speaker, my prayers are with his wife, Valerie, his children, and all members of the Jackson family. We all mourn for the family. We mourn for the citizens of Atlanta, for the citizens of Georgia, and for all of his friends.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my friend, the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Spratt), for bringing this Special Order tonight to honor Al Davis. Mr. Speaker, it is true, Al Davis was a brilliant economist. But to all of my Democratic colleagues on the Committee on Ways and Means, he was so much more. He was our conscience on the committee. Somehow, the words ``dedication'' and ``tireless'' do not seem adequate to describe the strength of Al's commitment to his work. He spent countless hours on weekends and at night responding to all sorts of Members' inquiries and issues; even some that, to put it kindly, might be considered harebrained. Still, he took every request seriously and would leave no question unanswered. His efforts were never halfhearted. Unsatisfied with one analysis or two or even ten, Al would often put together hundreds of analyses. Al would leave no stone unturned to provide all the facts, no matter how obscure. Despite his unparalleled knowledge and command of some of the most complicated issues dealt with by Congress, Al had an amazing and rare ability to distill and explain information so that it was understandable to the least knowledgeable person. Yet he never, but never, condescended to anyone. There was something about Al's absentminded-professor persona that was both disarming and reassuring. He could always be counted on to calm passionate temperaments and remind us all of the facts. He would not let us get caught up in hyperbole, and he kept us focused on why we are here: to serve as a voice for the underprivileged and the disenfranchised. Though he might not have enjoyed the name recognition that my colleagues and I do, there is no doubt that his work was critical to our efforts. Without capable and dedicated staff like Al, this place, Mr. Speaker, would not run. I tell the Members tonight, we will forever be grateful for his service, commitment, and dedication. Mr. Speaker, Al Davis fought the good fight. He kept the faith. He worked hard to make things better for those who needed it most. I truly believe we are blessed to have known him. Al, we will miss you. My friend, a job well done.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, it is very difficult to stand on the floor of the House to question whether those in power deliberately misled and deceived the American people and the community of nations. However, the events in Iraq leave me no other choice. Our President, Secretary of State, Secretary of Defense and Undersecretary of Defense told the men, women and children of this Nation and of the world that we must go to war in Iraq because the country had weapons of mass destruction. Time and time again, they told us that Iraq posed a clear and present danger to the health, well-being and life of our people. Why? Because Iraq had weapons of mass destruction and was prepared to use them or give them to terrorists who would use them. So where are the weapons that President Bush promised? Saddam is gone. For several weeks, American troops have been free to search Iraq. They have been free to search Iraq, virtually at will. Today we find no weapons of mass destruction. No chemical weapons, no biological weapons, no nuclear weapons. Nothing. Where are the weapons? Where is the threat? Mr. President, where is your justification for war? The credibility of this administration is at stake. Americans died in Iraq because President Bush told us that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction. Children lost their mothers and fathers. Parents lost their sons and daughters. Women lost their husbands, and husbands lost their wives. For what? Excuses and explanations cannot answer this question. We need, we deserve, we demand justification. What justified the loss of American lives? What justified taking $100 billion out of the pockets of our children, our grandchildren and unborn generations? Three major American news organizations have cited leaks from Federal intelligence officials that the Bush administration manipulated intelligence about weapons of mass destruction, that the President and his advisers told the intelligence community to provide evidence to support the war in Iraq. In Britain, senior war correspondent Max Hastings, who supported the war against Iraq, wrote that ``the Prime Minister committed British troops and sacrificed British lives on the basis of a deceit, and that stinks.'' These accusations cannot go unanswered. We are not just talking about the veracity of the Bush administration. We are talking about the credibility of the United States of America. Our Nation's reputation is at stake. The next time we go to our allies, the next time we go to the United Nations, they will doubt what we say. Our enemies will be safer, and our citizens will be less secure. The President and members of his administration have an obligation to come clean, to put their cards on the table and level with the American people. What did they really know and when did they know it? They are the ones who toured the country, beating the drums of war. They are the ones who told the American people that we needed to go to war. They are the ones who traveled the globe campaigning for a war to save us all from weapons of mass destruction. In the name of our fallen soldiers, in the name of the credibility of the United States of America, in the name of what is right and just and true. We need an answer, and we need it now.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my outrage at this irresponsible, not to mention unfair, tax bill that the majority has concocted. This bill is full of gimmicks to hide its real cost, but when all is said and done, the total cost of the President's package combined with his previously enacted tax cuts will result in a $2.8 trillion deficit by 2013. $2.8 trillion. That's some feat considering that this President inherited a $5.6 trillion surplus. This bill is beyond irresponsible. And, if that weren't bad enough, this plan is unfair. Those at the very top will get a generous tax cut, but those at the bottom will do no better. In the first year, households with incomes of more than $1 million would receive an average tax cut of over $93,000, while households earning between $40,000 and $50,000 would average a cut of only $452. Despite their claims to the contrary, there is no evidence that this bill will create even one job. Nor will it lead to sustained, long-term economic growth. It will undermine our economy and create record deficits that will burden our future generations. The simple truth is that Republicans designed this bill to give their wealthy friends huge tax breaks, while offering nothing for those who truly need tax relief--the working families and individuals of America. What little help they do offer to the middle class expires at the end of 2005, while the capital gains and dividend tax cuts continue through 2013. But, it's not secret that the majority intends to extend them indefinitely thereafter. They did it before, and you had better believe that they'd do it again. And when they do, this $550 billion plan will end up costing us more than $1 trillion. This bill is unacceptable. We can do better. We have the ability, we have the capacity to do better, and we must do better. We owe it to the hardworking Americans who won't benefit under this bill. And, we owe it to the 2.7 million people who've lost their jobs since President Bush took office. This bill has no compassion for them. They're left out in the cold under this proposal. It is a shame and it is a disgrace. I just don't understand it. I can't for the life of me understand how we can spend billions of dollars to rebuild Iraq--to build schools, to provide health care--yet we can't find a cent for our unemployed here at home. That is not right, that is not fair, and that is not just. As a great nation, we must do better. I urge my colleagues to vote no on this irresponsible and unfair bill.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my outrage at this irresponsible and unfair tax bill. Those at the very top would get a generous tax cut, but those at the bottom would do no better. And there is no evidence that this bill would create even one job. We can do better. We have the ability. We have the capacity to do better and we must do better. We owe it to the hardworking American who will not benefit under this bill, and we owe it to the 2.7 million people who have lost their jobs since President Bush took office. This bill has no compassion, not one ounce of compassion. It is a shame and it is a disgrace and I just do not understand it. I cannot for the life of me understand how we can spend billions of dollars to rebuild Iraq, to build schools, to provide health care, and yet we cannot find a cent for the unemployed here at home. That is not right. That is not fair and that is not just. As a great Nation we must do better. I ask my colleagues to vote down this irresponsible and unfair deal.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee).

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, pursuant to the rule, I offer an amendment.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee).

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Boehner). Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to reclaim my time.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Chairman, H.R. 1261 as written leaves out a significant portion of its targeted population that needs job training. My simple amendment would extend the eligibility requirement from 21 years of age to 24 years of age for training programs in the Workforce Reinvestment and Adult Education Act. Existing job training programs such as Job Corps, YouthBuild, Conservation Corps, and others already use the age range 16 to 24. Extending the age from 21 to 24 will enable the Workforce Reinvestment and Adult Education Act to coincide with organizations that benefit from it. When young people drop out of high school, they are in a suspended state of adolescence, not taking responsibility for themselves financially or otherwise. They often are unable to get a job or support themselves or their children, if they have children. Furthermore, the needs of the 22- to 24-year-old high school dropouts are more like the needs of the 18- to 21-year-olds than their counterparts in their late twenties and thirties. The process of completing their high school education, preparing for the workforce, the world of work, and developing the values of responsibility and the sense of belonging to a community are the difficult tasks of youth, but some have taken a detour onto the streets or prison. When they get back on track, they still need to be mentored. They need help, a sense of purpose, a sense of direction. They simply have not learned the skills and responsibilities in the work world to be adults. This amendment will help our young people meet this goal. Mr. Chairman, I have visited organizations such as YouthBuild and Job Corps. I must tell you they do good work. These are good and necessary programs to help our young people get ahead. I strongly urge my colleagues, all of my colleagues, to pass this amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.