John Lewis

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Collins amendment. It is time to do right by our Nation's poor and minority communities. Too often, we throw garbage, place incinerators and dump dirty water in these communities. This amendment is an important step in making a bad bill better. People have a right to know what is in their water, the water they drink. The poor and minorities have the same right to clean water as the rest of us. Mr. Chairman, our right to clean water is threatened. In 1972, Democrats and Republicans came together to end pollution of our water. They recognized that no industry, no person--no matter how rich or how powerful--has the right to poison our streams, our lakes, or our people. The Clean Water Act is a proud, bipartisan law that stands up for the common person. It says ``no'' to those who would poison our environment. We must not allow it to be weakened. I plead, with all my colleagues to make this bad bill a little bit better. Support the Collins en bloc amendment.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to say to my colleagues on the other side of the aisle: Do not cut Medicare to pay for tax cuts for the rich. Under some Republican plans, seniors--37 million seniors--will pay an additional $900 each year for health care. These cuts will be used to pay for tax cuts for the rich. For people who earn more than $230,000. That is not right. That is not fair. Medicare is the lifeline for many of our seniors. It is time to be frank and honest with the American people. Tell them what you are doing and why. Lay all your cards on the table, face up. Do not take health care from our senior citizens to pay for tax cuts for the rich. That is not Medicare reform. And our senior citizens will not be fooled.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to say to my Republican colleagues, it is time to deliver on your promises. You said you would cut taxes, balance the budget, and leave Social Security and defense intact. Now tell us: How will you do it? To date the Republicans have raided the Medicare trust fund to pay for their tax cuts for the rich. Their tax bill takes $27 billion away from the Medicare trust fund and from our Nation's senior citizens. In 1993 and again in 1994, the President and the Democrats took action to make the Medicare Program stronger. And, we did it over the loud protests of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle. I say to my Republican colleagues, don't take health care from our senior citizens to pay for tax cuts for the rich. That is not Medicare reform. And our senior citizens will not be fooled.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, Newt Gingrich put the crown jewel on his contract last night. And if you earn over $200,000 a year, it is a crown jewel indeed. But if you earn $20,000 or $30,000 or $40,000 a year, you were sold fool's gold--costume jewelery. Under the Republican plan passed under the cover of darkness, if you earn $200,000 a year you will get a tax break of over $11,000. Those earning over $350,000 will get $20,000--more than some working families earn in a year. But if you earn $20,000 or $30,000 you will get a meager $25 a month. You can see why Newt Gingrich calls this plan a jewel--it is precious to the rich. The Republicans say they can cut taxes without increasing the deficit. We tried that once before in the 1980's. We are still trying to dig, our way out of the huge record deficits it created. Mr. Speaker, the Republicans are robbing poor Peter to pay Paul. The American people know better. For shame, Mr. Speaker, for shame.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I rise against this ill- conceived, ill-considered, and ill-timed tax proposal. I have heard Speaker Gingrich refer to this tax proposal as the crown jewel of the Republican contract. I could not agree more. Like the crown jewels, this bill is for royalty, it is for the truly wealthy among us. If you are middle class, if you are poor, you can look but you better not touch. Just look at who gets the jewels. The truly wealthy, those 1 percent of Americans with the highest incomes, get over $20,000--$20,000. Many working families do not earn that much in a year. A middle-class family gets less than $50 a month. The working poor do not even get $10 a month. Where do the Republicans get the money to pay for their royal jewels? They rob poor Peter to pay Paul. The Republicans cut student loans, school lunches, summer jobs--they cut money for roads, schools, housing, and public tax cut. Instead of calling this greedy tax bill a crown jewel, we should call it fool's gold--because for 90 percent of America, that is what it is. For the price of wealthy America's tax cut, millions of children could continue to get school lunches. Countless students could receive their student loans. Hundreds of thousands of our elderly poor would continue to receive heating assistance, to keep them from freezing in the winter. And millions of teenagers would still have summer jobs, to keep them off the streets and teach them needed skills. Why do we not invest in these people--the children, the workers, the students--our future? Because the Republicans want to give wealthy America a tax cut--a tax cut the rest of us cannot afford. We have been down this dusty road before--George Bush called it voodoo economics. It is a road that led us to the record deficits we still struggle to overcome. It is a road that mortgaged our children's future. It is a road that we should never ever travel down again. It is time to stand up for what we believe in. I ask my colleagues on the other side of the aisle to look within yourselves to muster the courage, the raw courage, to be true to your beliefs. This is a bad bill. You know in your heart, in your heart of hearts, it is a bad bill. It takes from those who need, and gives to those who do not. We must stop pandering, we must stop offering tax cuts for political gain. As for me and my house, I will do what is right. I will say no to the false glow of tax cuts. I say to my colleagues, the time is always right to do right. It is not--it never will be--time to return to the failed policies of the 1980's. To return to growing deficits, joblessness, and hopelessness. We can not go back. We must not go back. We will not go back. I urge my colleagues to say no to the crown jewel of the Republican contract--to the tired and failed policies of the 1980's. Say no to fool's gold, say yes to America's gold--our children, their education, and our future.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, earlier this week Paul Weyrich, one of the founding fathers of the modern-day right wing, wrote in the Washington Times that the gentlewoman from Connecticut [Mrs. Johnson] and the other Republican members of the Ethics Committee should resist the temptation to appoint a special counsel to investigate the Speaker. Appointing an outside counsel, Weyrich argued, would bring a cloud over the Speaker and affect his ability to govern. Mr. Weyrich is wrong, just dead wrong. There are, indeed, very serious charges hanging over the head of the Speaker. But only an outside counsel, an independent objective individual, can clear the air and remove this matter from the realm of partisan politics. This is the route the Ethics Committee has taken in every high level case since 1979. The gentlewoman from Connecticut [Mrs. Johnson] and the other Republicans on the Ethics Committee should not be subjected to threats by Paul Weyrich or by anyone else. We need an outside counsel to investigate the Speaker and the committee should proceed without delay.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the Deal bill.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. I thank my friend and colleague, the gentleman from West Virginia [Mr. Wise], for yielding time to me. There have been two gentleman on the other side who have referred to what I said yesterday and I wanted to say exactly what I said yesterday, Mr. Speaker. I said yesterday and I say again today, I am reminded of a quote by the great theologian, Martin Niemoller, during World War II: In Germany, they first came for the Communists, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Communist. Then they came for the Jews, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Jew. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a trade unionist. Then they came for the Catholics, and I didn't speak up because I was a Protestant. Then they came for me, and by that time there was no one left to speak up. I said yesterday, Mr. Speaker, this Republican proposal certainly is not I urge my colleagues, open your eyes, read the proposal, read the small print, read the Republican contract. And I went on to say yesterday, they are coming for the children. They are coming for the poor. They are coming for the sick, the elderly, and the disabled. This is the Contract With America. I said to my colleagues, you have the ability, the capacity, the power to stop this onslaught. Your voice is your vote. Vote against this mean-spirited proposal. Raise your voice for the children, the poor, and the disabled. I say it again today, Mr. Speaker, for the Record.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to this amendment. This is not a technical amendment. Taking money from children to give tax breaks to the rich is not a technicality. That is what this amendment does--it takes $65 billion from the disabled, the poor, and the children so that we can give $125 billion to our Nation's richest 1 percent. The American people do not want this. They do not want us betraying our children to pay for tax cuts for the rich. But that is what we are doing today--we are betraying our children. Not just the children who will be cut off welfare--or do without a school lunch--to pay for the Republican tax cut. But all the children who will grow up to see an exploding deficit--a deficit that exploded because we stole our children's education and food to provide tax cuts for the rich. The Republican proposal kicks 6 million children off welfare. It kicks a quarter million disabled children off. It cuts money for milk for 1.6 million infants. And why must we kick so many kids off? To pay for the $320 billion tax cut for those with six figure incomes. To pay for the $125 billion dollar tax cut for the richest 1 percent of Americans. The Republicans should be forthcoming about what they are doing. This so-called technical amendment states that they are taking $65 billion from children to give to the rich. Do not hide the facts in a technical amendment. Stand up for what you believe in. I urge my colleagues to reject this so-called technical amendment. For those who do support this amendment, I have a request. Come clean. Lay your cards on the table--face up. You support taking $65 billion from children so that you can give it to the rich.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to this mean-spirited Republican bill. It is cruel. It is wrong. It is down right low down. The Republican welfare proposal destroys the safety net that protects our Nation's children, elderly, and disabled. It is an angry proposal, a proposal devoid of compassion, and feeling. Hubert Humphrey once said that ``the moral test of government is how that government treats those who are in the dawn of life-the children; those who are in twilight of life--the elderly, and those who are in the shadow of life--the sick, the needy, and the handicapped.'' Mr. Chairman, this welfare proposal attacks each and every one of these groups. It takes money out of the pockets of the disabled. It takes heat from the homes of the poor. It takes food out of the mouths of the children. I am reminded of a quote by the great theologian, Martin Niemoller, during World War II: In Germany, they came fist for the Communists, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Communist. Then they came for the Jews, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a Jew. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I didn't speak up because I wasn't a trade unionist. Then they came for the Catholics, and I didn't speak up because I was a Protestant. Then they came for me, and by that time no one was left to speak up. Mr. Chairman, this Republican proposal certainly isn't the Holocaust. But I am concerned, and I must speak up. I urge my colleagues, open your eyes. Read the proposal. Read the small print. Read the Republican contract. They are coming for the children. They are coming for the poor. They are coming for the sick, the elderly, and the disabled. This is the Contract With America. I say to my colleagues--you have the ability, the capacity, the power--to stop this onslaught. Your voice is your vote. Vote against this mean-spirited proposal; raise your voice for the children, the poor, and the disabled. A famous rabbi, Rabbi Hillel, once asked, ``If I am not for myself, who will be for me? But if I am only for myself, what am I?'' What am I, Mr. Chairman? I am for those in the dawn of life, the children. I am for those in the twilight of life, the elderly. I am for those in the shadow of life, the sick, the needy and the handicapped. the people and not for corporate interests.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, there is a new health care plan available to some members of the public, it is called Newtcare. Under this plan, you work for a Member of Congress for 1 month each year for just $100, in return you are entitled to the Government's generous health care benefits. Under Newtcare, you will likely save hundreds, perhaps thousands, of dollars on your health care costs. But wait, this is not a dream or a fantasy, at least for a select few. Last week the Capitol Hill newspaper, Roll Call, reported that a fundraiser for Speaker Gingrich, Nancy Bocskor, has been put on the Government payroll for 1 month in 1991, 1992, and 1993, enabling her to participate in the Government employee health care plan. Mr. Speaker, this practice may or may not violate the rules of the House. But it is wrong, just plain wrong. More importantly, this is but the latest example of the Speaker of this House pushing the rules to the limit and, perhaps, crossing the line. There are many charges, serious charges, swirling around the Speaker of the House. Only an outside, independent counsel, can tell us for sure whether the Speaker has crossed the line. We need an outside counsel and we need one now.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, just a few days ago, many of us in the House came together on the House floor to celebrate the 30th anniversary of the Voting Rights Campaign of 1965. Last week, I traveled to Selma, AL, along with several of my colleagues from the Congressional Black Caucus and thousands of others, in commemoration of the historic march from Selma to Montgomery, a turning point in the campaign for voting rights. Today, I would like to take a moment to pay special tribute to one of the soldiers and leaders of the civil rights movement, someone who was with us on the 54-mile march from Selma to Montgomery, the Reverend Ralph David Abernathy, Jr. As many of us who participated in the movement join together to celebrate the achievements of the past and to remember those who marched alongside us many years ago, I believe this is a very fitting time to recognize the Reverend Abernathy. It is also Dr. Abernathy's birthday tomorrow. Dr. Abernathy was born in Marengo County, AL on March 11, 1926. He passed away, too young, 5 years ago. Tomorrow, he would have been 69. The Reverend Ralph David Abernathy, Jr. had a lifelong commitment to securing and protecting basic civil rights for all Americans. He was a leader in the civil rights movement, a close friend of the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. I marched with him many times. After the assassination of Dr. King in 1968, Dr. Abernathy assumed leadership of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, and worked with dedication and perseverance to carry on Dr. King's dream. After Dr. King's death, Dr. Abernathy continued to organize and lead marches and other events, including the Poor People's Campaign, a massive demonstration to protest unemployment, held in Washington, DC. I believe we should take a moment to remember the people who brought us here today, to remember some of the sacrifices and the contributions of the many people who participated in the civil rights movement. Thousands of people participated. Some had small roles, others large roles. The Reverend Ralph David Abernathy had many roles, often at the same time. He was a teacher, a leader, an organizer, a soldier, and a friend. Today, we remember his spirit, his good humor and his guidance. One day before the date of his birth, I ask my colleagues to join me in celebrating his legacy and his life.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, let me thank my friend and colleague from North Carolina for those kind words and for participating in this special order tonight. We are very grateful for your participation. Thank you. Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize the head of the Congressional Black Caucus, the chairman of the Congressional Black Caucus, the Honorable Mr. Payne from the State of New Jersey.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to extend their remarks on the subject of my special order tonight.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, let me thank my friend and colleague from the State of Georgia for those kind words and for his brilliant statement. He is a native of the State of Alabama. We both left the State of Alabama and moved to Georgia and now we both represent the State of Georgia in the Congress. Mr. Speaker, I think tonight we have tried to say why we marched from Selma to Montgomery 30 years ago and why we come tonight to commemorate, to celebrate the great progress we have made as a Nation and as a people down that road toward a truly interracial democracy.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Well, Mr. Speaker, if I may, let me yield to my colleague from the great State of Georgia, the gentleman from the second Congressional District of Georgia, Mr. Bishop.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. I thank my friend and colleague for those kind words.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank my colleague and my friend, the gentleman from New Jersey, for participating in this special order, for his remarks, and for taking the time out to remember the people that participated in the march from Selma to Montgomery. I think it is fitting and appropriate tonight that we pause and commemorate, to take stock of the distance we have come as a Nation and as a people. I think as a Nation and as a people, we are on our way down that long road to creating a truly interracial democracy in America, a creative and beloved community, the open society, and this is what America is all about, creating a society where all of our people are able to participate and share in the fruits and dream of this great country of ours. So tonight, as we commemorate, as we celebrate, as we pause, as I stated before, we have a distance to go, but we are on our way and there will be no turning back. I would like to, Mr. Speaker, yield to a colleague and a friend, the gentleman from Louisiana [Mr. Fields], who, if not for the Voting Rights Act of 1965 and the march from Selma to Montgomery, Mr. Fields, like many of us, would not be here tonight.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. I thank the gentleman from California, my friend and colleague, for participating in this special order. Mr. Speaker, I now yield to the gentlewoman from Texas [Ms. Jackson- Lee], and I want to thank her for being here and participating.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise tonight at this hour during this special order to commemorate the 30th anniversary of the voting rights campaign of 1965. Thirty years ago this day, March 7, 1965, was a turning point in the struggle for the right to vote in the American South. In commemorating the voting rights campaign of 1965, we honor the great sacrifices many people made to secure voting rights for all Americans. Now, Mr. Speaker, you must keep in mind that during another period in our history, during the 1960's, there were certain political subdivisions in the 11 Southern States of the old South, from Virginia to Texas, where 50 to 80 percent of the population was black, and there was not a single black registered voter. The practice used by whites to keep blacks out of their political process ranged from economic retaliation to outright murder. In many instances brutal acts of violence were directed against those who tried to register to vote. Those few who were allowed to register were harassed, intimidated, and even beaten when they tried to exercise their precious right to vote. One State, the State of Mississippi, had a black voting-age population of more than 450,000, and only 16,000 blacks were registered to vote. In one county in Alabama, Lowndes County, between Selma and Montgomery, AL, the county was more than 80 percent black, and there was not a single registered black voter. In the little town of Selma, the county seat of Dallas County, AL, majority of black population, only 2.1 percent of blacks of voting age were registered to vote. The drive for the right to vote came to a head in Selma in the heart of the Black Belt after a series of nonviolent protests and after people had been shot, beaten, and killed. A small band of citizens on March 7, in an effort to dramatize to the Nation and to the world the need for voting rights legislation, decided to march from Selma to Montgomery. Young black children, some elderly black men and women, left the Brown Chapel A.M.E. Church on Sunday afternoon, March 7, 1965, walking to twos, It was a silent, nonviolent, and peaceful protest, walking through the streets of Selma. Crossing the Alabama River, crossing the Edmund Pettus Bridge, when they reached the apex of the bridge, they saw a sea of blue, Alabama State troopers. The Governor of the State, at that time Gov. George Wallace, had issued a statement the day before saying the march would not be allowed. The sheriff of Dallas County, a man by the name of Jim Clark, on the Saturday night before the march on Sunday had requested that all white men over the age of 21 to come down to the Dallas County Courthouse to be deputized to become part of his posse to stop the march. Sheriff Clark was a very big man who wore a gun on one side, a nightstick on the other side, and he carried an electric cattle prodder in his hand. He did not use it on cows. He used it on peaceful, nonviolent protesters. As we continued to walk on that Sunday afternoon, we came within the hearing distance of the State troopers and a man identified himself and said: I am Maj. John Cloud of the Alabama State Troopers. I give you 3 minutes to disperse and go back to your church. This is an unlawful march, and it will not be allowed to continue. In less than 1\1/2\ minutes, Maj. John Cloud said, ``Troopers advance,'' and you saw these men putting on their gas masks. They came toward us, beating us with nightsticks, bullwhips, tramping us with horses, and using tear gas. That Sunday, March 7, 1965, became known as Bloody Sunday. There was a sense of righteous indignation all across the country. People could not understand what they saw on television. They could not understand the picture they saw in the paper the next day coming from Selma. Lyndon Johnson, 8 days later, came before this hall and spoke to a joint session of the Congress on March 15, 1965, to urge Congress to pass a strong voting rights law. In that speech President Johnson started off the night by saying: I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy. He went on to say: I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause. President Johnson continued by saying: At times, at times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. He went on to say: So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama. And the President went on to say: There long-suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many were brutally assaulted. One good man, a man of G-d, was killed. A few days between March 7, 1965, and March 15, 1965, a young white minister by the name of James Reed, who came down from Boston to participate, was beaten by the Klan and later died. In that speech here in this hall Lyndon Johnson said that night over and over again, ``We shall overcome.'' passed the Voting Rights Act, and it was signed into law on August 6, 1965. Because of the March from Selma to Montgomery, because of the leadership of Lyndon Johnson and the action of the Congress on August 6, 1965, we have witnessed what I like to call a nonviolent revolution in American politics, especially in the South. Today in Selma more than 75 percent of blacks of voting age are not registered to vote, and you have a biracial city council. In a State like Mississippi today there are more than 300,000 registered black voters, and the State of Mississippi has the highest number of elected black officials. In 1965, on March 7, 1965, there were less than 50 black elected officials in 11 Southern States. Today there are more than 7,000. So, Mr. Speaker, we have come a distance. We made a lot of progress. But I think what happened 30 years ago as we meet here tonight tends to dramatize the distance we must still travel before we create a truly interracial democracy in America. So, Mr. Speaker, at this time I am going to yield to some of my colleagues that are willing to participate in this special order in memory, not just in memory, but in commemoration, I guess, in celebration, of what happened in that little town of Selma, what happened in other parts of Alabama, but also in Mississippi, and Tennessee, and Louisiana, North and South Carolina, and Texas, all across our country really, to make democracy real. Now, Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from California [Mr. Becerra].

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Thank you. Mr. Speaker, I now would like to recognize the gentleman, my friend and colleague, the gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. Watt].

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentlewoman from Texas for participating in this special order and say to her that I am very grateful for her involvement and for her leadership. I think the mail that you got from my State tends to dramatize to the Nation and to all of us that the scars and stains of racism are still deeply embedded in the American society. So we must still act. We must still speak. And thank you.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, yesterday I ate breakfast and lunch with students at two schools in Atlanta, Payton Forest Elementary School and Thomasville Heights Elementary School. Many of these children were receiving these meals through the School Lunch and Breakfast Programs. For some of them it was the first decent meal they had had since Friday, the last time they were in school. Mr. Speaker, it is cold and heartless, it is just plain mean, for the Republican majority to deprive these children of their school breakfast and lunches. This program is a success. It provides the food necessary for children to learn. Children cannot learn on an empty stomach, they cannot learn if they are hungry. The cost of my breakfast and lunch yesterday was a combined $2.70. Surely, this is not too great a cost to pay to feed our children, to give them the nutrition they need to learn and to grow. In their rush to provide tax breaks to the wealthy, the Republican majority would steal lunch money from our kids. I, for one, do not want any part of that contract and I don't think the American people do either.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, today I am introducing a bill to designate the road from Selma to Montgomery as a National Historic Trail. The road from Selma to Montgomery was the last symbolic leg in the journey to the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Thirty years ago this month we tried to march from Selma to Montgomery to demonstrate for voting rights for all. As the nonviolent marchers crossed the Edmund Pettus Bridge in Selma, we were attacked by State troopers. I myself was beaten bloody. The country was outraged. Two days later, the marchers made a second attempt and turned back to avoid more bloodshed. One week later, President Lyndon Johnson addressed the Nation and called for passage of the Voting Rights Act. He said: I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy * * * at times, history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago in Appomattox. And so it was last week in Selma, Alabama. This weekend we go back to Selma for the 30th anniversary of the marches. We go back to remember what happened and to rededicate ourselves to the importance of voting rights. We have come a long way. In 1965, there were 500 African-American elected officials in the country. There were fewer than 100 in the South. In 1995, more than 7,000 African-Americans hold elective office--nearly 5,000 of them in the South. However, we still have a long way to travel on our journey. In the 1992 Presidential election, only 56 percent of the voting age population voted. In the 1994 midterm elections only 38 percent voted. This is a tragedy. The designation of the route from Selma to Montgomery will educate and remind us of the right and responsibility to vote. It will also give important recognition to the men and women who dedicated their lives for voting rights for all Americans. In 1990, Congress enacted the Selma to Montgomery National Trail Study Act and directed the National Park Service to study the trail. Their report is complete. It is time to make this important part of American history a national historic trail. I urge all my colleagues to join me as cosponsors of this important bill. Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia

Mr. LEWIS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to cuts in funding for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting. There are those who say we should abolish public radio and sell public television to cable. To those of my colleagues, I say to you, there are people in our country who cannot afford to pay $400 a year for cable. There are those who will be left out and left behind, those who will be left in the dark, left in silence. I know what it is like growing up in rural America. I grew up on a small farm just outside Troy, AL, in the heart of the segregated South. Radio was my window to the larger world. It was on the radio that I first heard the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr. I heard his voice--the voice of the civil rights movement--and it became my cause, my purpose and my mission for the next 30 years of my life. That voice changed my life and the lives of millions of Americans. Today, public broadcasting reaches out across this country, bringing nonviolent children's shows, news, and job training programs. It brings light and hope into every corner of this Nation. Some of my colleagues say we cannot afford public broadcasting. I say, can we afford to live without it?