Trent Lott

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent there now be a period for the transaction of routine morning business with Senators permitted to speak for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I just want to clarify the procedural situation. As the Chair just said, it is 90 minutes on the underlying measure, and then 90 minutes on the Levin amendment, if need be to use that time. It is the intent that we go forward to completion of this act and that we have a recorded vote at the end of that time. I am really pleased the Senate is finally completing action on this very important piece of legislation. Senator Lieberman and I introduced the Iran Missile Proliferation Sanctions Act on October 23, 1997. It has 84 cosponsors in the U.S. Senate. This is not really a complicated piece of legislation. It is designed to address one of the most pressing security issues we face in the world, Iran's determined drive to acquire ballistic missile production capability. This legislation requires specific targeted sanctions against any foreign entities providing direct support to Iran's missile development efforts. The House passed companion legislation on November 12, 1997, without a single dissenting vote. House action modified certain provisions of the legislation to meet concerns of the administration, most notably--and I have made this point to the President in my discussions with him about this legislation--that he is granted a waiver, and that was requested by the administration, and that was included in the bill when the House passed it. The House also passed legislation adding the Chemical Weapons Convention to the package. Our legislation addresses a clear and present danger. Iran is a terrorist state under U.S. law. Last year, a German court found Iranian intelligence directly responsible for murder committed on German soil. Earlier this very week, the Government of Argentina found Iran responsible for a terrorist bombing of a Jewish synagogue. The same Iranian Government responsible for terrorist murder around the world is engaged in efforts to acquire nuclear weapons and the means to deliver them. They already have chemical weapons. They are working on biological weapons. This is a very serious matter. Much of the knowledge that Senators and administration officials have on this issue cannot be talked about here in the Senate because of their very sensitive intelligence issues. But every time I receive a briefing, I become more alarmed about what Iran has and what additional capability they are trying to acquire. Their missile program has been advanced tremendously by the assistance from a wide range of Russian entities. The details, as I said, are classified, but it is comprehensive and it is ongoing. I urge every Senator to review the intelligence information. A summary is available right now in S-407 for Members' review. The intelligence community will brief any Senator on the extent and impact of Russian cooperation. I have had that briefing and continue to review intelligence information. Let me assure the Senate, Russian cooperation is deeply disturbing. It is widespread. It has made the day Iran is able to target American forces and American allies closer by years. If I went into the details of the capability they have acquired and how soon they could have the ability to use that, everybody in the Senate and the United States would be alarmed. The basic facts are not in dispute. Iran wants ballistic missile production capability. Russian assistance has materially advanced Iranian efforts. American diplomatic efforts to halt assistance have not succeeded. That assistance continues today. That is why we have H.R. 2709 before us today in the Senate. We have not rushed to judgment on this issue. Last November, we did not act after the House sent us the legislation, and I received specific calls from the President's National Security Adviser asking that we not act. In the last week we were in session, this legislation could have been passed, probably on a voice vote, immediately. But, in response to the administration's efforts and assurances that they were going to get some cooperation, we said all right, we will see if we get some results by waiting. In January, the administration asked for a 3-week delay to compare assessments with Israel, our ally most directly threatened by Iranian weapons of mass destruction. In February, the administration asked for delay until Vice President Gore's March meeting with then Russian Prime Minister Chernomyrdin. In March, the administration asked us to wait until April. In every instance, I consulted with Senators on both sides of the aisle, talked to Senator Lieberman, checked the intelligence information, listened to the requests from the President's National Security Adviser and the Vice President, and continued to make an effort to give them time to see if we could get some results, get some action. It did not happen. It did not happen again and again and again. In April, though, we said there had to be an end to this or the Senate's credibility would be in doubt, if we continued to just hold this out there and not act. And, also, if we do not act soon and this continues--the capabilities that they are acquiring are extremely dangerous, to say the least. So we entered into the unanimous consent agreement in April, the middle of April, to consider this legislation today. We said we would do it by or on May 22. For 6 entire months, we have tried to give more time for this matter to be addressed, for there to be some indication that Russia was in fact able to deal with these companies and these individuals who were involved in this intelligence, scientific, and ballistic missile capability exchange. It did not stop. Again, I cannot go into details, but there were specific instances of things we were concerned about. The overwhelming majority of them did not stop, did not change. We have had at least five delays that have been requested by the administration and granted by the Senate. President Clinton has had ample time to allow his diplomatic approach to work. I would point out, however, the administration has refused to make sanctions decisions which are required by law, and there clearly have been some instances where those sanctions could have and probably should have been implemented. A number of Russian actions supporting Iran's missile program require U.S. sanctions under the Missile Technology Control Act. In fact, if the administration had acted last year, as called for under that law, this legislation probably would not be necessary. The administration often asks for bipartisanship regarding foreign policy, and I think that is as it should be. I have tried more than once to be cooperative and to make sure that we proceeded in a bipartisan way. We have done that. I have done it sometimes while coming under heavy criticism from the media or members of my own party. But I thought, and I think, it is the right thing to do. I try to accommodate whenever and however I can. This legislation, though, should not be delayed further. It could not be more bipartisan. I reiterate, 84 Senators on both sides of the aisle are cosponsors of this legislation. I hope the administration will reconsider its opposition. I think it actually could be helpful. I think the fact we have had this legislation pending has been helpful. It has given the administration leverage. Unfortunately, the leverage has not produced results. I fear that the Russian Government does not have sufficient capability to stop this exchange from occurring. They do not have the export control laws that we do. They do not have the ability to go to a company in Russia as easily as we do and say, ``Do not be engaged in this very dangerous process.'' Or if they do, they haven't been able to carry it out so far. There are those who are going to say, ``Well, there have been some changes. We have a new government there. Chernomyrdin has been replaced by a new young Prime Minister. He is talking good.'' They have made some recommendations, but some of the things we have been told have happened we do not have the evidence of yet. Again, we are being told that within the last 10 days greater assurances have been given by Russian officials. This has been going on for months, really years, and now all of a sudden they say, ``Well, wait, there is a new leader on the block; he is going to make a difference.'' If we go forward today and accept the amendment of Senator Levin from Michigan and pass this legislation, it still has to go back to the House. It will probably be 10 days or so before the House can act. There will be a little more time to see if, in fact, these new leaders in Russia can begin to make a difference. The President, I reiterate, has waiver authority, and he may decide that this is such a sensitive national security issue at this particular time that he needs to veto it. He can do that. But I think that the Senate should not delay any longer. There is beginning to be a pattern around the world of some of our friends, supposedly, and allies, or countries that we are trying to work with, contributing to very dangerous weapons proliferation and nuclear activity. Think about it. Do we want Iran to have this ballistic missile capability? Not only chemical and biological weapons, but they would like to have nuclear weapons and the ability to deliver them in the region or in the world. I don't think so. It is time the Senate delivered a clear message on this--a clear bipartisan message. I really think it will be helpful in getting this process, that Russia and others have been participating in, stopped now before it is too late. I yield the floor, Mr. President.

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, pursuant to the consent agreement of April 3, I now call up H.R. 2709, the Iran sanctions legislation.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, first of all, I acknowledge the Senator from New Mexico who spoke just a few moments ago. Senator Domenici has been very helpful throughout this whole process. I appreciate the comments he has just made. I appreciate the way he worked with the authorizers in trying to develop this formula and to establish the policy for the future and to deal with the offsets. He has just been tremendously helpful, including working with the Appropriations Committee this afternoon. I thank him for his work. A lot of other people here put in effort on this. Senator Bond, Senator Gramm, Senator Warner, Senator Chafee, Senator Byrd, and Senator Kerry have been involved in this. There is a long list of Members on both sides of the aisle who have been involved in this and there has been a lot of give and take. And some of us were giving, even last night, on some projects for which we were very hopeful. But I want to remind my colleagues, when you might say, ``We could do better,'' this is the largest infrastructure transportation bill in history. The formula is more fair than it has ever been before. My State got 84 cents on a dollar in the past; it is going to be in the 90s, like every other State this year. Most States will be getting more than they got over the past 5 or 6 years. So I think we need to get started. There are States in this country, in the Midwest and the Northeast, they need to know that they have this money and how much so they can get started with projects now. The season is going to get away from them. So I hope every Senator will keep that in mind and allow us to get this to completion.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. For the information of all Senators, the cloture vote will occur on Tuesday, June 20, at a time to be determined by the majority leader after consultation with the minority leader. I ask unanimous consent the live quorum call under rule XXII be waived.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that on Wednesday, May 27, the committees have from the hours 11 a.m. to 2 p.m., in order to file legislative or executive reported items.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the report to accompany S. 981, the Regulatory Improvement Act of 1998, be star printed, with changes that are at the desk.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. I ask unanimous consent the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 372, S. Res. 172.

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and any statements relating to the resolution appear in the Record.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the Senate now proceed to the ISTEA conference report notwithstanding the receipt of the papers and the reading be considered dispensed with.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent the resolution and the preamble be agreed to en bloc, the motion to reconsider be laid upon the table, and any statements relating to the resolution appear in the Record.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I renew my unanimous consent request that the Senate proceed to the ISTEA conference report, notwithstanding the receipt of the papers, and that the reading be considered dispensed with.

Mr. LOTT. I thought this was going to be resolved.

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I intend to renew this request about every 2 minutes for the remainder of the day, and as soon as we get this consent, I suggest we go to a recorded vote, because there are major problems being caused by this delay and they are only going to grow. In that Senators want to express their interest, concern, appreciation or hatred, they will be able to do so at great length. I hope we can get something done here so we can move to this unanimous consent request and then move to a vote. Senator Daschle is in concert with me on this. It is the right thing for us to do for each other and for our country. I will withhold momentarily, but I am going to renew this request in just a few minutes. Mr. WARNER addressed the Chair.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. Would the Senator allow me to renew this unanimous consent request?

Mr. LOTT. I thank the Senators who are on their feet. I think this will allow everybody to continue in a moment.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. I ask unanimous consent again, Mr. President, the Senate proceed to the ISTEA conference report notwithstanding the receipt of the papers and the reading being considered dispensed with.

Mr. LOTT. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate now proceed to the ISTEA conference report, notwithstanding the receipt of the papers, and it be in order for me to ask for the yeas and nays on the adoption of the conference report, and, further---- Mr. WYDEN addressed the Chair.

Mr. LOTT. Let me complete my request. And, further, I ask unanimous consent that if the House passes the identical text, the vote be considered as having occurred on the conference report. I further ask unanimous consent that this agreement be null and void only by the Senator from Oregon, Senator Wyden, within the next 5 minutes.

Mr. LOTT. I renew the same request with the exception of Senator Wyden and the Senator from Iowa.

Mr. LOTT. Reserving the right to object, you are just extending for 5 more minutes?

Mr. LOTT. I have no objection.

Mr. LOTT

Mr. LOTT. You can continue in morning business.