Nita Lowey

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, today I rise in commemoration of the Armenian Genocide, a horrific event in world history that took the lives of 1.5 million Armenians and tore the Armenian nation from its historic homeland. The Armenian Genocide, the first act of genocide in the twentieth century, is emblematic of the high human cost of senseless hatred and prejudice. I join my colleagues today, in solidarity with the Armenian- American community and with Armenians throughout the world, to commemorate this dark period in human history and to ensure we take to heart the lessons learned from this tragedy. The legacy of those who were lost must be our pledge to remember--and to prevent such an episode from happening again. We have already learned the lessons of forgetting. The indifference of the world to human suffering and the slaughter of 1.5 million Armenians set the stage for the Holocaust, ethnic cleansing in Kosovo, and other tragic events of a massive scale. Today's commemoration comes too late for those who have already fallen victim to blind hatred. But we hope and pray that it is not too late for those in danger around the world. As we recall the Armenian Genocide and mourn its victims, we renew our pledge to the Armenian nation to do everything we can to prevent further aggression, and we renew our commitment to ensuring that Armenians throughout the world can live free of threats to their existence and prosperity. Unfortunately, we must still work toward this simple goal. Azerbaijan continues to blockade Armenia and Nagorno-Karabagh, denying the Armenian people the food, medicine, and other humanitarian assistance they need to lead secure, prosperous lives. The United States has taken a leadership role in trying to bring the blockade to an end and crafting a solution to this tragic conflict. As we look forward to a new round of proximity talks in June, we are filled with hope that this year we will see peace and stability in the Caucasus. Mr. Speaker, the Armenian people have shown true resilience in confronting the many obstacles they have faced in the last century. From the ashes of the Genocide, Armenians have become a strong people, making great contributions throughout the world, In the words of Armenian-American author William Saroyan, ``when two of them meet anywhere in the world, see if they will not create a New Armenia.'' Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues in hoping that we will soon see a ``New Armenia,'' and in pledging to hasten its arrival.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I am delighted to introduce this legislation on the day of the fourth annual Capitol Hill Asthma Awareness Day, and I particularly want to recognize Nancy Sander and the other hard- working members of the Allergy and Asthma Network/Mothers of Asthmatics, whose dedication to fighting asthma is limitless. Last year, I visited a school in my district in Queens and met an extraordinary young person named Paige Eastwood. At 11 years old, Paige struggles daily to manage her asthma. Yet, as we all know, Paige is not alone. Approximately 15 to 17 million Americans have asthma, over 5 million of whom, like Paige, are children. The burden of asthma on our nation is nothing short of a crisis. Though many Americans may think of asthma as merely an inconvenience or impediment, it is a serious condition that should not be underestimated. In New York, for example, asthma is the single largest cause of absenteeism in schools, and it accounts for 10 million missed school days annually across the nation. Each year, asthma results in more than 450,000 hospitalizations, in fact while hospitalization rates for other diseases are diminishing, they are climbing for asthma. Asthma also kills with unexpected swiftness. Often, the time from first symptom to final breath can be as little as 30 minutes. And this is happening to children in increasing numbers--since 1980, death rates for children due to asthma have climbed 133 percent. There is no cure for asthma, and for reasons that we don't fully understand, asthma rates have risen dramatically over the last 20 years. That's why we must give researchers the tools they need to study this debilitating condition. We must give public health officials and community organizations the resources they need to spread the word about how it can be prevented and controlled. And with an epidemic like this, we must also engage schools in helping children with asthma more effectively manage their condition. Our schools not only need support to train teachers and students in how to effectively respond to asthma, but they also desperately need funding to purchase medical equipment and improve indoor air quality. That's why I reintroduced a bipartisan, comprehensive bill to address the asthma epidemic in our country. My bill will encourage states to establish pediatric asthma action plans, create a National Asthma Coordinating Committee to improve our nationwide response, and bolster public awareness and education efforts through the CDC. It will also provide $4 million per year directly to low-income schools hardest hit by asthma to implement asthma programs. Asthma is an indiscriminate disease that strikes Americans of all ages, races, and places. And Congress can and should do more to alleviate the burden of asthma. So today, as we begin Asthma Awareness Month, I urge my colleagues in Congress to join me in helping our country cope with this serious condition. When children are well enough to go to school, when parents learn how to ward off attacks, when scientists better understand asthma's causes, we can all breathe easier.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this misguided bill. Let me make something perfectly clear from the outset: The loss or harm to a woman and her fetus is absolutely devastating to the woman and her family. Those who injure or kill a pregnant woman and her fetus should be severely punished, and families should have the legal tools to have their loss recognized. We will offer a substitute that does that, and I believe that the Lofgren substitute demonstrates very clearly that there is a lot of common ground on this issue if we would only look for that instead of looking for ways to disagree. Having said that, let me explain why the approach this bill takes is just another thinly veiled attack on a woman's right to choose. This bill would give a fetus the same legal recognition as you or I-- for the first time in federal law. Instead of addressing the real issues at hand--the horrible pain for a woman who loses a pregnancy to a cowardly, violent act--this bill is an ideological marker for the anti-choice special interests. Frankly, this bill is just another way of writing a Human Life Amendment. In fact, the National Right to Life Committee admits that it participated in the drafting of the bill, and according to the NRTL website, ``[t]he bill challenges that [pro-choice] ideology by recognizing the unborn child as a human victim, distinct from the mother.'' If anti-choice members of this House want to recognize the fetus as a person--do that. Put your money where your mouth is. Bring a Human Life Amendment to the floor and let us vote on it. But don't tell pregnant women in this country that you're trying to protect them with this bill when there are existing state and federal laws to do that and when we are willing to join you in addressing the tragic cases when pregnant women are attacked. The American people are smarter than you're giving them credit for. They know that you're proposing a political statement today, not a real solution. If you really want to crack down on cowardly criminals who would attack a pregnant woman, support the Lofgren substitute. It gets us to the same ends, without the overtly political means. And if you're serious about protecting women in this country from violence, let's fully fund the Violence Against Women Act today. VAWA is the most effective way for us to help combat violence against women. Every year, over two million American women are physically abused by their husbands or boyfriends. A woman is physically abused every 15 seconds in this country. And one of every three abused children becomes an adult abuser or victim. The Unborn Victims of Violence Act will do nothing for these women. But VAWA makes all the difference in the world. My colleagues, please do not be fooled. The Unborn Victims of Violence Act is not about protecting pregnant women from violent acts. Rather, it is yet another anti-choice attempt to undermine a woman's right to choose. I have stood on the House floor many times and asked my colleagues to work with me to find ways to help women improve their health, plan their pregnancies, and have healthier children. It is tragic that every day over 400 babies are born to mothers who received little or no prenatal care, every minute a baby is born to a teen mother, and three babies die every hour. And it is tragic that 1 of every 3 women will experience domestic violence in her adulthood. Instead of finding new ways to revisit the divisive abortion battle, Americans want us to focus our efforts on providing women with access to prenatal care, affordable contraception, health education and violence prevention. If we truly want to protect women and their pregnancies from harm, then let us work together to enact legislation to help women have healthy babies and protect them from violent abusers. Please vote no on H.R. 503.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to this misguided bill. Let me make something perfectly clear from the outset: The loss or harm to a woman and her fetus is absolutely devastating to the woman and her family. Those who injure or kill a pregnant woman and her fetus should be severely punished, and families should have the legal tools to have their loss recognized. We will offer a substitute that does that, and I believe that the Lofgren substitute demonstrates very clearly that there is a lot of common ground on this issue if we would only look for that instead of looking for ways to disagree. Having said that, let me explain why the approach this bill takes is just another thinly veiled attack on a woman's right to choose. This bill would give a fetus the same legal recognition as you or I-- for the first time in Federal law. Instead of addressing the real issues at hand--the horrible pain for a woman who loses a pregnancy to a cowardly, violent act--this bill is an ideological marker for the anti-choice special interests. Frankly, this bill is just another way of writing a Human Life Amendment. In fact, the National Right to Life Committee admits that it participated in the drafting of the bill, and according to the NRTL website, ``[t]he bill challenges that [pro-choice] ideology by recognizing the unborn child as a human victim, distinct from the mother.'' If anti-choice members of this House want to recognize the fetus as a person--do that. Bring a Human Life Amendment to the floor and let us vote on it. But don't tell pregnant women in this country that you're trying to protect them with this bill when there are existing State and Federal laws to do that and when we are willing to join you in addressing the tragic cases when pregnant women are attacked. The American people are smarter than you're giving them credit for. They know that you're proposing a political statement today, not a real solution. If you really want to crack down on cowardly criminals who would attack a pregnant woman, support the Lofgren substitute. It gets us to the same ends, without the overtly political means. And if you're serious about protecting women in this country from violence, let's fully fund the Violence Against Women Act today. VAWA is the most effective way for us to help combat violence against women. Every year, over two million American women are physically abused by their husbands or boyfriends. A woman is physically abused every 15 seconds in this country. And one of every three abused children becomes an adult abuser or victim. The Unborn Victims of Violence Act will do nothing for these women. But VAWA makes all the difference in the world. My colleagues, please do not be fooled. The Unborn Victims of Violence Act is not about protecting pregnant women from violent acts. Rather, it is yet another anti-choice attempt to undermine a woman's right to choose. I have stood on the House floor many times and asked my colleagues to work with me to find ways to help women improve their health, plan their pregnancies, and have healthier children. It is tragic that every day over 400 babies are born to mothers who received little or no prenatal care, every minute a baby is born to a teen mother, and three babies die every hour. And it is tragic that 1 of every 3 women will experience domestic violence in her adulthood. Instead of finding new ways to revisit the divisive abortion battle, Americans want us to focus our efforts on providing women with access to prenatal care, affordable contraception, health education and violence prevention. If we truly want to protect women and their pregnancies from harm, then let us work together to enact legislation to help women have healthy babies and protect them from violent abusers. Please vote ``no'' on H.R. 503.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my great admiration for Howard P. Berkowitz, a man of extraordinary ability, boundless generosity, and profound commitment to service. Howard has enjoyed a long and successful career in the field of finance, where his business acumen and managerial skill are widely respected. But it is through his tireless efforts to promote education, improve health care, support the arts, and encourage tolerance that Howard's character is most clearly revealed. On April 5th, Howard will be honored by the Anti-Defamation League, an organization he has served as National Chair and in a variety of other important capacities. It is fitting that he should be so recognized, because Howard embodies the core values of ADL. He believes passionately in advancing justice and equality, combating bigotry and anti-Semitism, and helping all men and women treat each other with respect and dignity. Indeed, Howard's truly international reputation has enhanced ADL's global statute and helped bring anti-bias education to every corner of the globe. At the same time, Howard has devoted considerable time and energy to a range of other worthwhile causes. He founded the Gar Reichman Laboratory at Memorial Sloan-Kettering, while also serving on the Boards of the Stedman-Hawkins Sports Medicine Foundation, the Cancer Research Institute, and the President's Council of Memorial Sloan- Kettering. In each of these roles and others, Howard commands the trust and admiration of all with whom he works. It is an honor to represent Howard Berkowitz and his family in the Congress. I am pleased to join the chorus of tributes for such a good friend and great human being.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Madam Speaker, I rise today to commemorate the 180th anniversary of Greece's independence from the Ottoman Empire, and to celebrate the shared democratic heritage of Greece and he United States. On March 25, 1821, after more than 400 years of Ottoman Turk domination, Greece declared its independence and resumed its rightful place in the world as a beacon of democracy. The people of Greece and the United States share a common bond in their commitment to democracy. Our Founding Fathers looked to the teachings of Greek philosophy in their struggle for freedom and democracy. And the American experience in turn inspired the Greek people to fight hard for their independence 180 years ago. This bond between our two peoples stretches beyond the philosophy of democracy. The relationship between the U.S. and Greece has grown stronger and stronger through the years, and Greece remains today one of our most important allies. Greece has made many valuable contributions to the United States and to the lives of all Americans. Greek-Americans are a vital part of our cultural heritage, and I feel fortunate that my district in New York has benefited from the active participation of Greek-Americans in our community. I am proud to stand today in commemoration of Greek independence and in recognition of the contributions Greece and Greek-Americans have made to our country.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, this massive tax plan is not balanced, not fair, not honest, not bipartisan, and not responsible. It will spend down every penny of our hard-won surplus before we have ensured the future of Social Security and Medicare. It will deprive working Americans of the help they need and deserve. It will imperil our capacity to improve education, health care, and the environment. It relies on accounting gimmicks and rosy forecasts. And it places at risk a decade of unprecedented prosperity. Apparently, the Republican leadership knows it. Why else would they ram through this tax plan before we even have a budget in place, and without the serious analysis the American people expect and deserve? Frankly, this is the administration's first big test of its stated commitment to bring about a new, bipartisan tone in Washington, and, as one who believes in bipartisanship, I am sorry to say that it has failed that test completely. Instead of rewarding a select few at the expense of others, let's give generous tax cuts to the families who need it most, while paying down the debt and investing in our future. That's the right approach. I urge my colleagues to vote no on this massive giveaway, and vote yes on the Democratic alternative.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong opposition to this joint resolution. Here we go again. This is yet another attempt to block the protection of the American worker from repetitive stress injuries. My colleagues, enough is enough. The science exists. The evidence has been gathered. The public comment has been heard. And frankly our experiences in our own offices confirms it. We will fight to keep these rules. We will fight for the American worker. We will fight for what is right. Each year, more than 650,000 Americans suffer disorders caused by repetitive motion, heavy lifting or awkward postures that occur in the workplace. These disorders account for more than a third of all workplace injuries. Implementation of these rules would save workers and employers more than $9 billion each year and increase productivity and lower health care costs. We must try our best to prevent these injuries. These are serious health problems and OSHA should be able to work with employers and employees to prevent and relieve them. It is time to stop these injuries. It is time to live up to our obligation to protect American workers. Vote no on this resolution.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of H.R. 2, the Social Security and Medicare Lockbox Act. In this fortunate time of budget surpluses, it is imperative that we use the Social Security and Medicare trust funds to ensure the long- term viability of these critical programs. If we want to be truthful in our budgeting, then these funds should not and cannot be used to pay for other priorities. I am nonetheless concerned about some of the provisions in the bill. It is my belief that these provisions make this lockbox legislation less than iron-clad. The bill stops the raid on Social Security and Medicare Trust Fund receipts ``until such time as medicare and social security reform legislation is enacted. What this really means is that once we pass any legislation that constitutes Social Security or Medicare reform, even if the bill does not ensure the long-term solvency of Social Security or Medicare, we are free to use Social Security and Medicare Trust Fund money for whatever we choose. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimates that in the year 2012, there will be a major demographic shift in the United States. The Baby Boom generation will begin to retire and collect benefits under Social Security and Medicare. And, at the same time, the labor force will contract significantly, reducing the amount of money available to pay those benefits. As a result, the CBO projects that instead of the surpluses we now enjoy, we will suffer large budget deficits as we struggle to pay for these programs. I support this legislation and I support the idea of Social Security and Medicare reform. But all the reform measures we pass won't mean anything unless we begin to devote resources now to ensure that there will be money available when Baby Boomers begin to retire. This bill is a good start. We need to do much more.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding time to me. Mr. Speaker, I rise to share the shock, the deep grief, the sadness which has been expressed by the colleagues of Julian Dixon. As a Member of the Committee on Appropriations, I have always, always stood in awe of Julian Dixon. He is a person who would rise and only rise when he had something substantive to say. He would rise with elegance, authority, with grace, with respect. Julian Dixon has earned the respect of all of us in this Congress, and he exemplifies the very best of what a public servant should be. To his family, we just want them to know that our thoughts and prayers will always be with them. We will miss you, Julian.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I would like to speak to my colleagues on the other side of the aisle and would ask again that we complete this process and complete a bill that funds education, that funds research at the National Institutes of Health. I find this time in this session really rather extraordinary. The appropriations process should have been completed, my colleagues, by October 1. We were in the midst of an active campaign where everyone talked about education. Governor Bush talked about being the education President, talked about how important education is. And while we are here, holding up funding for education, talking about a billion more, a billion less, after there was an agreement between the chairs of the Committee on Appropriations on the Republican side and the ranking members on the Democratic side, there was an agreement to fund research at the National Institutes of Health, research for breast cancer, for Alzheimer's, for juvenile diabetes. There was an agreement to invest in education to create smaller class sizes, to modernize our schools, to increase the dollars for Pell grants to invest in education of our young people. I am really puzzled, my colleagues, how we can continue debating this after an agreement was reached. I do not understand how those who are talking about working together in a bipartisan way can renege on an agreement to help our children. I do not understand why Governor Bush does not call up his friends, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. DeLay), the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Armey), and say, ``Let's get together, work in a bipartisan way, Democrats and Republicans, and pass that bill that the Republican chairs and the Democratic ranking member agreed on.'' My colleagues, this is the time to complete our work. It is already 2 months after the appropriations process should have been completed. I would ask my friends on the other side of the aisle to go to the leadership and say, the time is now, we cannot delay any longer, there is an agreement on the table, we did agree to invest in after-school programs, modernizing our schools, smaller class sizes, expanding Head Start, expanding child care. There was an agreement. I just want to say one other thing. As a Democrat, we are happy to reach across the aisle working with our colleagues in the appropriations process. No one gets everything they want, so let us get to work, complete this agreement, let us go home to our families and move on.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I was sitting on the floor of the House as we were debating the continuing resolution. Frankly, I was puzzled. I would like to appeal to my colleagues on both sides of the aisle. The budget process should have been completed by October 1. Several weeks ago, our distinguished chair of the Committee on Appropriations, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young); our distinguished chair of the subcommittee, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Porter), sat with Democrats and worked in a bipartisan way to get a bill completed. There was a lot of time, my colleagues, on the floor of the House talking about whether it is $107 billion, $110 billion, $113 billion. You get to a point around here where it is a billion here, a billion there and soon we are talking about real money. But I want to make it clear to those who may be watching this process, that every day we wait, children are waiting for moneys for after-school programs, for moneys for smaller class sizes, for moneys for modernization of our schools, for Head Start, for those who are waiting for a Pell grant. We are talking about $500 more for a Pell grant. For those who are desperately waiting for answers for cancer research, we are talking about funding for the National Institutes of Health. My colleagues, I hope we would take the numbers of the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Young) and complete this process now.

Mrs. LOWEY

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. My good friend and colleagues on the other side of the aisle have been doing a lot of talking during this campaign about education. We hear about how important education is. Yet they want to close down the Department of Education. I want to make it very clear. I have visited schools all over this country. I have seen young people who have to work in the shiny corporations because they do not have computers at their desk. There are wires hanging out of windows. Vandals will cut them at night. There are youngsters who have to run from one side of the building to the other side of the building because it is raining. The schools are crumbling. In 1996, the problem was $112 billion. Now it is $300 billion. If we can build roads, bridges, highways, prisons, then while we are assisting our local governments, we can provide the emergency aid to rebuild our schools. Our children deserve no less. Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel).

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Udall).

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, may I ask the time remaining?

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I would like to briefly respond to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Isakson). We are talking about an emergency $1.3 billion to respond to the emergency that is out there because this Congress has not acted in spite of the crumbling schools. Then we would like to pass the bipartisan Rangel-Johnson bill that would provide tax relief for the local government, which is a tax bill that would provide for the tax on the bonds that will be issued by the local government. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I object to the vote on the ground that a quorum is not present and make the point of order that a quorum is not present.

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Mrs. Jones). (Mrs. JONES of Ohio asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I rise to offer the motion to instruct that I presented yesterday pursuant to clause 7(c) of rule XXII.

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 60 seconds to respond to the gentleman from Florida, my good friend, the chairman of the committee, to make it very clear that our position is that this Congress builds highways, bridges, and responds to emergencies. When I began with this issue in 1996, we had a $112 billion emergency. It is now a $300 billion emergency. We believe that we can assist local governments by lowering their property taxes and responding to these emergencies, and then support the Rangel-Johnson bipartisan bill that will also help local governments, because they make the decisions, we help with the financing. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), my good colleague and my friend on the committee.

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I would like to say to the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Goodling), my friend, who has served so well in education, that I would hope that the leadership would fund the teacher quality initiative, because I know of our mutual interest in training our teachers. I would like to acknowledge to the group that the President's reduction in class-size initiative has reduced the average size of a class by five, which has made a real difference in teaching young people. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Woolsey), my good friend. (Ms. WOOLSEY asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Tierney).

Mrs. LOWEY. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Velazquez), my colleague who is a distinguished leader on education.