Barbara Lee

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to highlight September as Sickle Cell Awareness Month and to call for more research on the sickle cell trait. Today, I am introducing a resolution calling for more sickle-cell trained research and public education and awareness on the disease. Mr. Speaker, sickle cell disease is America's most commonly inherited blood disorder and affects about 100,000 Americans. More than 3 million Americans, including 1 in 12 African Americans and 1 in 100 Latinos carry the sickle cell trait, which can lead to sickle cell disease. For example, one is tested at birth to determine whether they have the sickle cell trait, and that is it. Later in life, there are certain tests, such as the A1C test, which some are often given to determine diabetes. Well, if you have the sickle cell trait, you could get a false positive from this test. So it is very important that we figure out a way in terms of awareness, education, and to dedicate our resources to making sure that there are strategies to provide the information for adults so that they know that they have the sickle cell trait. Right now, millions of people have it and they don't know it. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan resolution.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, first, I thank Chairman Thompson for yielding and for his tremendous leadership not only on issues of security but on so many issues that affect our country. Also, I thank Congresswoman Veronica Escobar, who I call my Congresswoman because she represents the wonderful people of my hometown of El Paso, Texas. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support H.R. 2203, the Homeland Security Improvement Act. I have visited McAllen and Brownsville, Texas, and Homestead. I have witnessed children in cages, sleeping on concrete floors. I had a chance to talk to mothers and fathers who had no idea where their children were. I served on the conference committee on homeland security as we moved to open the government earlier this year. I have to tell you, there were so many suggestions that were made that weren't accepted. There were good, rational, concrete suggestions. This is a critical bill that addresses some of those concerns.

Ms. LEE of California. It creates an independent ombudsman, which will establish a confidential process to assist individuals with complaints against ICE and CBP. Once more, this bill is important for our children and would develop recommendations for the establishment of an electronic tracking system to track the location of children who have been separated from a parent, legal guardian, or other relative. We will not stand by while the Trump administration separates children from their families, so this bill takes an important step in the right direction. By passing this bill today, we are putting critical protocols and protections in place for migrants, making sure that their well-being and health is uplifted at every step. We cannot allow migrants to be abused by CBP and ICE any longer. It is past time to protect migrants who are seeking a chance to start a new life in America. It is past time we recognize people fleeing violence are human beings who deserve a chance to address and be part of a just immigration system. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this vital bill. I thank Chairman Thompson and Congresswoman Escobar for finally getting this bill to the floor.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. First of all, Madam Speaker, let me thank Congressman Perlmutter for yielding and also for his tireless leadership. This has taken a heck of a long time. The gentleman has stayed with it. He has been persistent, and I stand here and salute his efforts. I also want to thank Chairwoman Waters for moving this bill out of the Financial Services Committee and for her support for our Marijuana Justice Act. I want to thank Congressman Heck for his clarity as to why this bill is necessary and for his support. And then, of course, my partner and friend, who has been on this issue so many years as co-chair of the bipartisan Congressional Cannabis Caucus in which I also serve as co-chair, Congressman Earl Blumenauer. I salute and thank everyone for getting us to this point. The SAFE Banking Act would explicitly permit banks and other financial institutions to work directly with State legal cannabis businesses--legal cannabis businesses--instead of relying on cash transactions. This bill is not only timely but extremely necessary. Right now the cannabis industry needs access to safe and effective banking immediately. Now, let me be clear. Federal law severely limits access to loans and capital for the cannabis business, especially, mind you, for those who have cannabis-related arrests and convictions on their record. That means that less than one-fifth of the cannabis industry is owned or operated by people of color, even though African Americans have been shown to use cannabis at the same rate as White Americans, yet are incarcerated at about 80 percent more in terms of incarceration rates. This is just plain wrong. So this bill is a great first start to addressing all of these issues. I am telling you, Madam Speaker, communities of color should equally benefit from all of the laws that have been passed at the State level. They should have the opportunity to generate generational wealth for their families, too. That is why, in addition to this bill, the House must bring forward legislation like my Marijuana Justice Act and the MORE Act, which addresses criminal justice reform, restorative justice, and fully reinvests in communities of color impacted by the failed and racist war on drugs. Madam Speaker, I want to thank Mr. Perlmutter, again, for his leadership and for working with us to get this to the floor.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor the life and legacy of Ms. Lillian Stewart and to extend my deepest condolences to her family upon her passing at the blessed age of 95. Ms. Stewart was a devoted mother, grandmother, and community activist. I am also privileged to have been able to call Ms. Stewart my friend. Born in Mecklenberg County, North Carolina, in 1923, Ms. Stewart was born the middle of five children. She spent her formative years in Washington, D.C., where she attended Garnet-Patterson Junior High School and Cardoza High School. After graduating from high school, Ms. Stewart went on to continue her education, completing a post-graduate course in Cosmetology at Madame CJ Walker's College of Beauty Culture; a foreign language course at the University of the District of Columbia; and medical secretary training by the District of Columbia Medical Society; and earning a Montgomery Ward Consumer Education ``Art of Interior Decorating Home Fashion Forum'' certificate. Ms. Stewart spent much of her professional career at Howard University Hospital, where she served in several support and junior management positions. She retired from the hospital as Hospital Utilization Review Coordinator. Upon retirement, Ms. Stewart dedicated her time to a range of community activities and small business ventures. She was active in the AARP Shepherd Park Chapter No. 2667, chair of the Southwest Advisory Council-Southwest Health Clinic and was a DC Public Notary. Ms. Stewart was also an outspoken activist. She actively protested the planned closure of DC General Hospital, located in a predominately African American neighborhood, in 2001. As a mother, Ms. Stewart encouraged a pursuit of education in her children. She was privileged to live to witness her three children's professional accomplishments in communications, medicine, and photography. She also leaves behind six grandchildren and six great- grandchildren. On a personal note, I had the honor of spending private time with Ms. Stewart thanks to her loving son Dwight who has been a dear friend for decades. I loved being with her. She brought me joy and made me laugh. Her colorful descriptions and deep insights were remarkable. I attended mass with her on several occasions and she demonstrated in words and deeds her belief in God, who she knew was all merciful and loving. I will deeply miss Ms. Stewart, but her indomitable spirit will endure forever. Today, I join Ms. Stewart's family in celebrating her life and enduring legacy. May she rest in power and in peace

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize the importance of teaching climate change in schools. This Friday, on September 20, students from around the world will be protesting the need to combat climate change. Led by Greta Thunberg, a climate activist from Sweden who boldly skipped school to protest the need for more climate action, her act of defiance has evolved into a movement and set precedent for a generation of climate activism. More than 25 percent of America's students are taking action to urge us to address climate change. In order to meaningfully act upon our climate change and eliminate climate change, young people need education on its causes, consequences, and possible solutions. That is why I am introducing a resolution to support climate change education in American schools. It is a fact that American students do not learn enough about climate change. We need to teach every young person the human impacts of climate change and how to address our warming planet before it is too late. I urge my colleagues to support this important resolution and to hear the voices of the students protesting in Friday's climate strikes.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor the life and legacy of Ms. Lillian Stewart and to extend my deepest condolences to her family upon her passing at the blessed age of 95. Ms. Stewart was a devoted mother, grandmother, and community activist. I am also privileged to have been able to call Ms. Stewart my friend. Born in Mecklenberg County, North Carolina, in 1923, Ms. Stewart was born the middle of five children. She spent her formative years in Washington, D.C., where she attended Garnet-Patterson Junior High School and Cardoza High School. After graduating from high school, Ms. Stewart went on to continue her education, completing a postgraduate course in Cosmetology at Madame CJ Walker's College of Beauty Culture; a foreign language course at the University of the District of Columbia; and medical secretary training by the District of Columbia Medical Society; and earning a Montgomery Ward Consumer Education ``Art of Interior Decorating Home Fashion Forum'' certificate. Ms. Stewart spent much of her professional career at Howard University Hospital, where she served in several support and junior management positions. She retired from the hospital as Hospital Utilization Review Coordinator. Upon retirement, Ms. Stewart dedicated her time to a range of community activities and small business ventures. She was active in the AARP Shepherd Park Chapter No. 2667, chair of the Southwest Advisory Council-Southwest Health Clinic and was a D.C. Public Notary. Ms. Stewart was also an outspoken activist. She actively protested the planned closure of DC General Hospital, located in a predominately African American neighborhood, in 2001. As a mother, Ms. Stewart encouraged a pursuit of education in her children. She was privileged to live to witness her three children's professional accomplishments in communications, medicine, and photography. She also leaves behind six grandchildren and six great-grandchildren. On a personal note, I had the honor of spending private time with Ms. Stewart thanks to her loving son Dwight who has been a dear friend for decades. I loved being with her. She brought me joy and made me laugh. Her colorful descriptions and deep insights were remarkable. I attended mass with her on several occasions and she demonstrated in words and deeds her belief in God, who she knew was all merciful and loving. I will deeply miss Ms. Stewart, but her indomitable spirit will endure forever. Today, I join Ms. Stewart's family in celebrating her life and enduring legacy. May she rest in power and in peace.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record the following article from ``The 1619 Project'' published in The New York Times Magazine. [From The New York Times Magazine, Aug. 14, 2019] The 1619 Project (By Nikole Hanna-Jones) My dad always flew an American flag in our front yard. The blue paint on our two-story house was perennially chipping; the fence, or the rail by the stairs, or the front door, existed in a perpetual state of disrepair, but that flag always flew pristine. Our corner lot, which had been redlined by the federal government, was along the river that divided the black side from the white side of our Iowa town. At the edge of our lawn, high on an aluminum pole, soared the flag, which my dad would replace as soon as it showed the slightest tatter. My dad was born into a family of sharecroppers on a white plantation in Greenwood, Miss., where black people bent over cotton from can't-see-in-the-morning to can't-see-at-night, just as their enslaved ancestors had done not long before. The Mississippi of my dad's youth was an apartheid state that subjugated its near-majority black population through breathtaking acts of violence. White residents in Mississippi lynched more black people than those in any other state in the country, and the white people in my dad's home county lynched more black residents than those in any other county in Mississippi, often for such ``crimes'' as entering a room occupied by white women, bumping into a white girl or trying to start a sharecroppers union. My dad's mother, like all the black people in Greenwood, could not vote, use the public library or find work other than toiling in the cotton fields or toiling in white people's houses. So in the 1940s, she packed up her few belongings and her three small children and joined the flood of black Southerners fleeing North. She got off the Illinois Central Railroad in Waterloo, Iowa, only to have her hopes of the mythical Promised Land shattered when she learned that Jim Crow did not end at the Mason-Dixon line. Grandmama, as we called her, found a house in a segregated black neighborhood on the city's east side and then found the work that was considered black women's work no matter where black women lived--cleaning white people's houses. Dad, too, struggled to find promise in this land. In 1962, at age 17, he signed up for the Army. Like many young men, he joined in hopes of escaping poverty. But he went into the military for another reason as well, a reason common to black men: Dad hoped that if he served his country, his country might finally treat him as an American. The 1619 Project is a major initiative from The New York Times observing the 400th anniversary of the beginning of American slavery. It aims to reframe the country's history, understanding 1619 as our true founding, and placing the consequences of slavery and the contributions of black Americans at the very center of the story we tell ourselves about who we are. Read all the stories. The Army did not end up being his way out. He was passed over for opportunities, his ambition stunted. He would be discharged under murky circumstances and then labor in a series of service jobs for the rest of his life. Like all the black men and women in my family, he believed in hard work, but like all the black men and women in my family, no matter how hard he worked, he never got ahead. So when I was young, that flag outside our home never made sense to me. How could this black man, having seen firsthand the way his country abused black Americans, how it refused to treat us as full citizens, proudly fly its banner? I didn't understand his patriotism. It deeply embarrassed me. I had been taught, in school, through cultural osmosis, that the flag wasn't really ours, that our history as a people began with enslavement and that we had contributed little to this great nation. It seemed that the closest thing black Americans could have to cultural pride was to be found in our vague connection to Africa, a place we had never been. That my dad felt so much honor in being an American felt like a marker of his degradation, his acceptance of our subordination. Like most young people, I thought I understood so much, when in fact I understood so little. My father knew exactly what he was doing when he raised that flag. He knew that our people's contributions to building the richest and most powerful nation in the world were indelible, that the United States simply would not exist without us. In August 1619, just 12 years after the English settled Jamestown, Va., one year before the Puritans landed at Plymouth Rock and some 157 years before the English colonists even decided they wanted to form their own country, the Jamestown colonists bought 20 to 30 enslaved Africans from English pirates. The pirates had stolen them from a Portuguese slave ship that had forcibly taken them from what is now the country of Angola. Those men and women who came ashore on that August day were the beginning of American slavery. They were among the 12.5 million Africans who would be kidnapped from their homes and brought in chains across the Atlantic Ocean in the largest forced migration in human history until the Second World War. Almost two million did not survive the grueling journey, known as the Middle Passage. Before the abolishment of the international slave trade, 400,000 enslaved Africans would be sold into America. Those individuals and their descendants transformed the lands to which they'd been brought into some of the most successful colonies in the British Empire. Through backbreaking labor, they cleared the land across the Southeast. They taught the colonists to grow rice. They grew and picked the cotton that at the height of slavery was the nation's most valuable commodity, accounting for half of all American exports and 66 percent of the world's supply. They built the plantations of George Washington, Thomas Jefferson and James Madison, sprawling properties that today attract thousands of visitors from across the globe captivated by the history of the world's greatest democracy. They laid the foundations of the White House and the Capitol, even placing with their unfree hands the Statue of Freedom atop the Capitol dome. They lugged the heavy wooden tracks of the railroads that crisscrossed the South and that helped take the cotton they picked to the Northern textile mills, fueling the Industrial Revolution. They built vast fortunes for white people North and South--at one time, the second-richest man in the nation was a Rhode Island ``slave trader.'' Profits from black people's stolen labor helped the young nation pay off its war debts and financed some of our most prestigious universities. It was the relentless buying, selling, insuring and financing of their bodies and the products of their labor that made Wall Street a thriving banking, insurance and trading sector and New York City the financial capital of the world. But it would be historically inaccurate to reduce the contributions of black people to the vast material wealth created by our bondage. Black Americans have also been, and continue to be, foundational to the idea of American freedom. More than any other group in this country's history, we have served, generation after generation, in an overlooked but vital role: It is we who have been the perfecters of this democracy. The United States is a nation founded on both an ideal and a lie. Our Declaration of Independence, approved on July 4, 1776, proclaims that ``all men are created equal'' and ``endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights.'' But the white men who drafted those words did not believe them to be true for the hundreds of thousands of black people in their midst. ``Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness'' did not apply to fully one-fifth of the country. Yet despite being violently denied the freedom and justice promised to all, black Americans believed fervently in the American creed. Through centuries of black resistance and protest, we have helped the country live up to its founding ideals. And not only for ourselves--black rights struggles paved the way for eve1y other rights struggle, including women's and gay rights, immigrant and disability rights. Without the idealistic, strenuous and patriotic efforts of black Americans, our democracy today would most likely look very different--it might not be a democracy at all. The very first person to die for this country in the American Revolution was a black man who himself was not free. Crispus Attucks was a fugitive from slavery, yet he gave his life for a new nation in which his own people would not enjoy the liberties laid out in the Declaration for another century. In every war this nation has waged since that first one, black Americans have fought--today we are the most likely of all racial groups to serve in the United States military. My father, one of those many black Americans who answered the call, knew what it would take me years to understand: that the year 1619 is as important to the American story as 1776. That black Americans, as much as those men cast in alabaster in the nation's capital, are this nation's true ``founding fathers.'' And that no people has a greater claim to that flag than us. In June 1776, Thomas Jefferson sat at his portable writing desk in a rented room in Philadelphia and penned these words: ``We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.'' For the last 243 years, this fierce assertion of the fundamental and natural rights of humankind to freedom and self-governance has defined our global reputation as a land of liberty. As Jefferson composed his inspiring words, however, a teenage boy who would enjoy none of those rights and liberties waited nearby to serve at his master's beck and call. His name was Robert Hemings, and he was the half brother of Jefferson's wife, born to Martha Jefferson's father and a woman he owned. It was common for white enslavers to keep their half-black children in slavery. Jefferson had chosen Hemings, from among about 130 enslaved people that worked on the forced-labor camp he called Monticello, to accompany him to Philadelphia and ensure his every comfort as he drafted the text making the case for a new democratic republic based on the individual rights of men. At the time, one-fifth of the population within the 13 colonies struggled under a brutal system of slavery unlike anything that had existed in the world before. Chattel slavery was not conditional but racial. It was heritable and permanent, not temporary, meaning generations of black people were born into it and passed their enslaved status onto their children. Enslaved people were not recognized as human beings but as property that could be mortgaged, traded, bought, sold, used as collateral, given as a gift and disposed of violently. Jefferson's fellow white colonists knew that black people were human beings, but they created a network of laws and customs, astounding for both their precision and cruelty, that ensured that enslaved people would never be treated as such. As the abolitionist William Goodell wrote in 1853, ``If any thing founded on falsehood might be called a science, we might add the system of American slavery to the list of the strict sciences.'' [Listen to a new podcast with Nikole Hannah-Jones that tells the story of slavery and its legacy like you've never heard it before.] Enslaved people could not legally marry. They were barred from learning to read and restricted from meeting privately in groups. They had no claim to their own children, who could be bought, sold and traded away from them on auction blocks alongside furniture and cattle or behind storefronts that advertised ``Negroes for Sale.'' Enslavers and the courts did not honor kinship ties to mothers, siblings, cousins. In most courts, they had no legal standing. Enslavers could rape or murder their property without legal consequence. Enslaved people could own nothing, will nothing and inherit nothing. They were legally tortured, including by those working for Jefferson himself. They could be worked to death, and often were, in order to produce the highest profits for the white people who owned them. Yet in making the argument against Britain's tyranny, one of the colonists' favorite rhetorical devices was to claim that they were the slaves--to Britain. For this duplicity, they faced burning criticism both at home and abroad. As Samuel Johnson, an English writer and Tory opposed to American independence, quipped, ``How is it that we hear the loudest yelps for liberty among the drivers of Negroes?'' Conveniently left out of our founding mythology is the fact that one of the primary reasons the colonists decided to declare their independence from Britain was because they wanted to protect the institution of slavery. By 1776, Britain had grown deeply conflicted over its role in the barbaric institution that had reshaped the Western Hemisphere. In London, there were growing calls to abolish the slave trade. This would have upended the economy of the colonies, in both the North and the South. The wealth and prominence that allowed Jefferson, at just 33, and the other founding fathers to believe they could successfully break off from one of the mightiest empires in the world came from the dizzying profits generated by chattel slavery. In other words, we may never have revolted against Britain if the founders had not understood that slavery empowered them to do so; nor if they had not believed that independence was required in order to ensure that slavery would continue. It is not incidental that 10 of this nation's first 12 presidents were enslavers, and some might argue that this nation was founded not as a democracy but as a slavocracy. Jefferson and the other founders were keenly aware of this hypocrisy. And so in Jefferson's original draft of the Declaration of Independence, he tried to argue that it wasn't the colonists' fault. Instead, he blamed the king of England for forcing the institution of slavery on the unwilling colonists and called the trafficking in human beings a crime. Yet neither Jefferson nor most of the founders intended to abolish slavery, and in the end, they struck the passage. There is no mention of slavery in the final Declaration of Independence. Similarly, 11 years later, when it came time to draft the Constitution, the framers carefully constructed a document that preserved and protected slavery without ever using the word. In the texts in which they were making the case for freedom to the world, they did not want to explicitly enshrine their hypocrisy, so they sought to hide it. The Constitution contains 84 clauses. Six deal directly with the enslaved and their enslavement, as the historian David Waldstreicher has written, and five more hold implications for slavery. The Constitution protected the ``property'' of those who enslaved black people, prohibited the federal government from intervening to end the importation of enslaved Africans for a term of 20 years, allowed Congress to mobilize the militia to put down insurrections by the enslaved and forced states that had outlawed slavery to turn over enslaved people who had run away seeking refuge. Like many others, the writer and abolitionist Samuel Bryan called out the deceit, saying of the Constitution, ``The words are dark and ambiguous; such as no plain man of common sense would have used, [and] are evidently chosen to conceal from Europe, that in this enlightened country, the practice of slavery has its advocates among men in the highest stations.'' With independence, the founding fathers could no longer blame slavery on Britain. The sin became this nation's own, and so, too, the need to cleanse it. The shameful paradox of continuing chattel slavery in a nation founded on individual freedom, scholars today assert, led to a hardening of the racial caste system. This ideology, reinforced not just by laws but by racist science and literature, maintained that black people were subhuman, a belief that allowed white Americans to live with their betrayal. By the early 1800s, according to the legal historians Leland B. Ware, Robert J. Cottrol and Raymond T. Diamond, white Americans, whether they engaged in slavery or not, ``had a considerable psychological as well as economic investment in the doctrine of black inferiority.'' While liberty was the inalienable right of the people who would be considered white, enslavement and subjugation became the natural station of people who had any discernible drop of ``black'' blood. The Supreme Court enshrined this thinking in the law in its 1857 Dred Scott decision, ruling that black people, whether enslaved or free, came from a ``slave'' race. This made them inferior to white people and, therefore, incompatible with American democracy. Democracy was for citizens, and the ``Negro race,'' the court ruled, was ``a separate class of persons,'' which the founders had ``not regarded as a portion of the people or citizens of the Government'' and had ``no rights which a white man was bound to respect.'' This belief, that black people were not merely enslaved but were a slave race, became the root of the endemic racism that we still cannot purge from this nation to this day. If black people could not ever be citizens, if they were a caste apart from all other humans, then they did not require the rights bestowed by the Constitution, and the ``we'' in the ``We the People'' was not a lie. On Aug. 14, 1862, a mere five years after the nation's highest courts declared that no black person could be an American citizen, President Abraham Lincoln called a group of five esteemed free black men to the White House for a meeting. It was one of the few times that black people had ever been invited to the White House as guests. The Civil War had been raging for more than a year, and black abolitionists, who had been increasingly pressuring Lincoln to end slavery, must have felt a sense of great anticipation and pride. The war was not going well for Lincoln. Britain was contemplating whether to intervene on the Confederacy's behalf, and Lincoln, unable to draw enough new white volunteers for the war, was forced to reconsider his opposition to allowing black Americans to fight for their own liberation. The president was weighing a proclamation that threatened to emancipate all enslaved people in the states that had seceded from the Union if the states did not end the rebellion. The proclamation would also allow the formerly enslaved to join the Union army and fight against their former ``masters.'' But Lincoln worried about what the consequences of this radical step would be. Like many white Americans, he opposed slavery as a cruel system at odds with American ideals, but he also opposed black equality. He believed that free black people were a ``troublesome presence'' incompatible with a democracy intended only for white people. ``Free them, and make them politically and socially our equals?'' he had said four years earlier. ``My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, we well know that those of the great mass of white people will not.'' That August day, as the men arrived at the White House, they were greeted by the towering Lincoln and a man named James Mitchell, who eight days before had been given the title of a newly created position called the commissioner of emigration. This was to be his first assignment. After exchanging a few niceties, Lincoln got right to it. He informed his guests that he had gotten Congress to appropriate funds to ship black people, once freed, to another country. ``Why should they leave this country? This is, perhaps, the first question for proper consideration,'' Lincoln told them. ``You and we are different races. . . . Your race suffer very greatly, many of them, by living among us, while ours suffer from your presence. In a word, we suffer on each side.'' You can imagine the heavy silence in that room, as the weight of what the president said momentarily stole the breath of these five black men. It was 243 years to the month since the first of their ancestors had arrived on these shores, before Lincoln's family, long before most of the white people insisting that this was not their country. The Union had not entered the war to end slavery but to keep the South from splitting off, yet black men had signed up to fight. Enslaved people were fleeing their forced-labor camps, which we like to call plantations, trying to join the effort, serving as spies, sabotaging confederates, taking up arms for his cause as well as their own. And now Lincoln was blaming them for the war. ``Although many men engaged on either side do not care for you one way or the other . . . without the institution of slavery and the colored race as a basis, the war could not have an existence,'' the president told them. ``It is better for us both, therefore, to be separated.'' As Lincoln closed the remarks, Edward Thomas, the delegation's chairman, informed the president, perhaps curtly, that they would consult on his proposition. ``Take your full time,'' Lincoln said. ``No hurry at all.'' Nearly three years after that White House meeting, Gen. Robert E. Lee surrendered at Appomattox. By summer, the Civil War was over, and four million black Americans were suddenly free. Contrary to Lincoln's view, most were not inclined to leave, agreeing with the sentiment of a resolution against black colonization put forward at a convention of black leaders in New York some decades before: ``This is our home, and this our country. Beneath its sod lie the bones of our fathers . . . . Here we were born, and here we will die.'' That the formerly enslaved did not take up Lincoln's offer to abandon these lands is an astounding testament to their belief in this nation's founding ideals. As W.E.B. Du Bois wrote, ``Few men ever worshiped Freedom with half such unquestioning faith as did the American Negro for two centuries.'' Black Americans had long called for universal equality and believed, as the abolitionist Martin Delany said, ``that God has made of one blood all the nations that dwell on the face of the earth.'' Liberated by war, then, they did not seek vengeance on their oppressors as Lincoln and so many other white Americans feared. They did the opposite. During this nation's brief period of Reconstruction, from 1865 to 1877, formerly enslaved people zealously engaged with the democratic process. With federal troops tempering widespread white violence, black Southerners sta1ted branches of the Equal Rights League--one of the nation's first human rights organizations--to fight discrimination and organize voters; they headed in droves to the polls, where they placed other formerly enslaved people into seats that their enslavers had once held. The South, for the first time in the history of this country, began to resemble a democracy, with black Americans elected to local, state and federal offices. Some 16 black men served in Congress--including Hiram Revels of Mississippi, who became the first black man elected to the Senate. (Demonstrating just how brief this period would be, Revels, along with Blanche Bruce, would go from being the first black man elected to the last for nearly a hundred years, until Edward Brooke of Massachusetts took office in 1967.) More than 600 black men served in Southern state legislatures and hundreds more in local positions. These black officials joined with white Republicans, some of whom came down from the North, to write the most egalitarian state constitutions the South had ever seen. They helped pass more equitable tax legislation and laws that prohibited discrimination in public transportation, accommodation and housing. Perhaps their biggest achievement was the establishment of that most democratic of American institutions: the public school. Public education effectively did not exist in the South before Reconstruction. The white elite sent their children to private schools, while poor white children went without an education. But newly freed black people, who had been prohibited from learning to read and write during slavery, were desperate for an education. So black legislators successfully pushed for a universal, state- funded system of schools--not just for their own children but for white children, too. Black legislators also helped pass the first compulsory education laws in the region. Southern children, black and white, were now required to attend schools like their Northern counterparts. Just five years into Reconstruction, every Southern state had enshrined the right to a public education for all children into its constitution. In some states, like Louisiana and South Carolina, small numbers of black and white children, briefly, attended schools together. Led by black activists and a Republican Party pushed left by the blatant recalcitrance of white Southerners, the years directly after slavery saw the greatest expansion of human and civil rights this nation would ever see. In 1865, Congress passed the 13th Amendment, making the United States one of the last nations in the Americas to outlaw slavery. The following year, black Americans, exerting their new political power, pushed white legislators to pass the Civil Rights Act, the nation's first such law and one of the most expansive pieces of civil rights legislation Congress has ever passed. It codified black American citizenship for the first time, prohibited housing discrimination and gave all Americans the right to buy and inherit property, make and enforce contracts and seek redress from courts. In 1868, Congress ratified the 14th Amendment, ensuring citizenship to any person born in the United States. Today, thanks to this amendment, every child born here to a European, Asian, African, Latin American or Middle Eastern immigrant gains automatic citizenship. The 14th Amendment also, for the first time, constitutionally guaranteed equal protection under the law. Ever since, nearly all other marginalized groups have used the 14th Amendment in their fights for equality (including the recent successful arguments before the Supreme Court on behalf of same-sex marriage). Finally, in 1870, Congress passed the 15th Amendment, guaranteeing the most critical aspect of democracy and citizenship--the right to vote--to all men regardless of ``race, color, or previous condition of servitude.'' For this fleeting moment known as Reconstruction, the majority in Congress seemed to embrace the idea that out of the ashes of the Civil War, we could create the multiracial democracy that black Americans envisioned even if our founding fathers did not. But it would not last. Anti-black racism runs in the very DNA of this country, as does the belief, so well articulated by Lincoln, that black people are the obstacle to national unity. The many gains of Reconstruction were met with fierce white resistance throughout the South, including unthinkable violence against the formerly enslaved, wide-scale voter suppression, electoral fraud and even, in some extreme cases, the overthrow of democratically elected biracial governments. Faced with this unrest, the federal government decided that black people were the cause of the problem and that for unity's sake, it would leave the white South to its own devices. In 1877, President Rutherford B. Hayes, in order to secure a compromise with Southern Democrats that would grant him the presidency in a contested election, agreed to pull federal troops from the South. With the troops gone, white Southerners quickly went about eradicating the gains of Reconstruction. The systemic white suppression of black life was so severe that this period between the 1880s and the 1920 and '30s became known as the Great Nadir, or the second slavery. Democracy would not return to the South for nearly a century. White Southerners of all economic classes, on the other hand, thanks in significant part to the progressive policies and laws black people had championed, experienced substantial improvement in their lives even as they forced black people back into a quasi slavery. As Waters McIntosh, who had been enslaved in South Carolina, lamented, ``It was the poor white man who was freed by the war, not the Negroes.'' Georgia pines flew past the windows of the Greyhound bus carrying Isaac Woodard home to Winnsboro, S.C. After serving four years in the Army in World War II, where Woodard had earned a battle star, he was given an honorable discharge earlier that day at Camp Gordon and was headed home to meet his wife. When the bus stopped at a small drugstore an hour outside Atlanta, Woodard got into a brief argument with the white driver after asking if he could use the restroom. About half an hour later, the driver stopped again and told Woodard to get off the bus. Crisp in his uniform, Woodard stepped from the stairs and saw the police waiting for him. Before he could speak, one of the officers struck him in his head with a billy club, beating him so badly that he fell unconscious. The blows to Woodard's head were so severe that when he woke in a jail cell the next day, he could not see. The beating occurred just 4\1/2\ hours after his military discharge. At 26, Woodard would never see again. There was nothing unusual about Woodard's horrific maiming. It was part of a wave of systemic violence deployed against black Americans after Reconstruction, in both the North and the South. As the egalitarian spirit of post-Civil War America evaporated under the desire for national reunification, black Americans, simply by existing, served as a problematic reminder of this nation's failings. White America dealt with this inconvenience by constructing a savagely enforced system of racial apartheid that excluded black people almost entirely from mainstream American life--a system so grotesque that Nazi Germany would later take inspiration from it for its own racist policies. Despite the guarantees of equality in the 14th Amendment, the Supreme Court's landmark Plessy v. Ferguson decision in 1896 declared that the racial segregation of black Americans was constitutional. With the blessing of the nation's highest court and no federal will to vindicate black rights, starting in the late 1800s, Southern states passed a series of laws and codes meant to make slavery's racial caste system permanent by denying black people political power, social equality and basic dignity. They passed literacy tests to keep black people from voting and created all-white primaries for elections. Black people were prohibited from serving on juries or testifying in court against a white person. South Carolina prohibited white and black textile workers from using the same doors. Oklahoma forced phone companies to segregate phone booths. Memphis had separate parking spaces for black and white drivers. Baltimore passed an ordinance outlawing black people from moving onto a block more than half white and white people from moving onto a block more than half black. Georgia made it illegal for black and white people to be buried next to one another in the same cemetery. Alabama barred black people from using public libraries that their own tax dollars were paying for. Black people were expected to jump off the sidewalk to let white people pass and call all white people by an honorific, though they received none no matter how old they were. In the North, white politicians implemented policies that segregated black people into slum neighborhoods and into inferior all-black schools, operated whites-only public pools and held white and ``colored'' days at the country fair, and white businesses regularly denied black people service, placing ``Whites Only'' signs in their windows. States like California joined Southern states in barring black people from marrying white people, while local school boards in Illinois and New Jersey mandated segregated schools for black and white children. This caste system was maintained through wanton racial terrorism. And black veterans like Woodard, especially those with the audacity to wear their uniform, had since the Civil War been the target of a particular violence. This intensified during the two world wars because white people understood that once black men had gone abroad and experienced life outside the suffocating racial oppression of America, they were unlikely to quietly return to their subjugation at home. As Senator James K. Vardaman of Mississippi said on the Senate floor during World War I, black servicemen returning to the South would ``inevitably lead to disaster.'' Giving a black man ``military airs'' and sending him to defend the flag would bring him ``to the conclusion that his political rights must be respected.'' Many white Americans saw black men in the uniforms of America's armed services not as patriotic but as exhibiting a dangerous pride. Hundreds of black veterans were beaten, maimed, shot and lynched. We like to call those who lived during World War II the Greatest Generation, but that allows us to ignore the fact that many of this generation fought for democracy abroad while brutally suppressing democracy for millions of American citizens. During the height of racial terror in this country, black Americans were not merely killed but castrated, burned alive and dismembered with their body parts displayed in storefronts. This violence was meant to terrify and control black people, but perhaps just as important, it served as a psychological balm for white supremacy: You would not treat human beings this way. The extremity of the violence was a symptom of the psychological mechanism necessary to absolve white Americans of their country's original sin. To answer the question of how they could prize liberty abroad while simultaneously denying liberty to an entire race back home, white Americans resorted to the same racist ideology that Jefferson and the framers had used at the nation's founding. This ideology--that black people belonged to an inferior, subhuman race--did not simply disappear once slavery ended. If the formerly enslaved and their descendants became educated, if we thrived in the jobs white people did, if we excelled in the sciences and arts, then the entire justification for how this nation allowed slavery would collapse. Free black people posed a danger to the country's idea of itself as exceptional; we held up the mirror in which the nation preferred not to peer. And so the inhumanity visited on black people by every generation of white America justified the inhumanity of the past. Just as white Americans feared, World War II ignited what became black Americans' second sustained effort to make democracy real. As the editorial board of the black newspaper The Pittsburgh Courier wrote, ``We wage a two-pronged attack against our enslavers at home and those abroad who will enslave us.'' Woodard's blinding is largely seen as one of the catalysts for the decades-long rebellion we have come to call the civil rights movement. But it is useful to pause and remember that this was the second mass movement for black civil rights, the first being Reconstruction. As the centennial of slavery's end neared, black people were still seeking the rights they had fought for and won after the Civil War: the right to be treated equally by public institutions, which was guaranteed in 1866 with the Civil Rights Act; the right to be treated as full citizens before the law, which was guaranteed in 1868 by the 14th Amendment; and the right to vote, which was guaranteed in 1870 by the 15th Amendment. In response to black demands for these rights, white Americans strung them from trees, beat them and dumped their bodies in muddy rivers, assassinated them in their front yards, firebombed them on buses, mauled them with dogs, peeled back their skin with fire hoses and murdered their children with explosives set off inside a church. For the most part, black Americans fought back alone. Yet we never fought only for ourselves. The bloody freedom struggles of the civil rights movement laid the foundation for every other modern rights struggle. This nation's white founders set up a decidedly undemocratic Constitution that excluded women, Native Americans and black people, and did not provide the vote or equality for most Americans. But the laws born out of black resistance guarantee the franchise for all and ban discrimination based not just on race but on gender, nationality, religion and ability. It was the civil rights movement that led to the passage of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, which upended the racist immigration quota system intended to keep this country white. Because of black Americans, black and brown immigrants from across the globe are able to come to the United States and live in a country in which legal discrimination is no longer allowed. It is a truly American irony that some Asian- Americans, among the groups able to immigrate to the United States because of the black civil rights struggle, are now suing universities to end programs designed to help the descendants of the enslaved. No one cherishes freedom more than those who have not had it. And to this day, black Americans, more than any other group, embrace the democratic ideals of a common good. We are the most likely to support programs like universal health care and a higher minimum wage, and to oppose programs that harm the most vulnerable. For instance, black Americans suffer the most from violent crime, yet we are the most opposed to capital punishment. Our unemployment rate is nearly twice that of white Americans, yet we are still the most likely of all groups to say this nation should take in refugees. The truth is that as much democracy as this nation has today, it has been borne on the backs of black resistance. Our founding fathers may not have actually believed in the ideals they espoused, but black people did. As one scholar, Joe R. Feagin, put it, ``Enslaved African-Americans have been among the foremost freedom-fighters this country has produced.'' For generations, we have believed in this country with a faith it did not deserve. Black people have seen the worst of America, yet, somehow, we still believe in its best. They say our people were born on the water. When it occurred, no one can say for certain. Perhaps it was in the second week, or the third, but surely by the fourth, when they had not seen their land or any land for so many days that they lost count. It was after fear had turned to despair, and despair to resignation, and resignation to an abiding understanding. The teal eternity of the Atlantic Ocean had severed them so completely from what had once been their home that it was as if nothing had ever existed before, as if everything and everyone they cherished had simply vanished from the earth. They were no longer Mbundu or Akan or Fulani. These men and women from many different nations, all shackled together in the suffocating hull of the ship, they were one people now. Just a few months earlier, they had families, and farms, and lives and dreams. They were free. They had names, of course, but their enslavers did not bother to record them. They had been made black by those people who believed that they were white, and where they were heading, black equaled ``slave,'' and slavery in America required turning human beings into property by stripping them of every element that made them individuals. This process was called seasoning, in which people stolen from western and central Africa were forced, often through torture, to stop speaking their native tongues and practicing their native religions. But as the sociologist Glenn Bracey wrote, ``Out of the ashes of white denigration, we gave birth to ourselves.'' For as much as white people tried to pretend, black people were not chattel. And so the process of seasoning, instead of erasing identity, served an opposite purpose: In the void, we forged a new culture all our own. Today, our very manner of speaking recalls the Creole languages that enslaved people innovated in order to communicate both with Africans speaking various dialects and the English-speaking people who enslaved them. Our style of dress, the extra flair, stems back to the desires of enslaved people--shorn of all individuality--to exert their own identity. Enslaved people would wear their hat in a jaunty manner or knot their head scarves intricately. Today's avant- garde nature of black hairstyles and fashion displays a vibrant reflection of enslaved people's determination to feel fully human through self-expression. The improvisational quality of black art and music comes from a culture that because of constant disruption could not cling to convention. Black naming practices, so often impugned by mainstream society, are themselves an act of resistance. Our last names belong to the white people who once owned us. That is why the insistence of many black Americans, particularly those most marginalized, to give our children names that we create, that are neither European nor from Africa, a place we have never been, is an act of self-determination. When the world listens to quintessential American music, it is our voice they hear. The sorrow songs we sang in the fields to soothe our physical pain and find hope in a freedom we did not expect to know until we died became American gospel. Amid the devastating violence and poverty of the Mississippi Delta, we birthed jazz and blues. And it was in the deeply impoverished and segregated neighborhoods where white Americans forced the descendants of the enslaved to live that teenagers too poor to buy instruments used old records to create a new music known as hip-hop. Our speech and fashion and the drum of our music echoes Africa but is not African. Out of our unique isolation, both from our native cultures and from white America, we forged this nation's most significant original culture. In turn, ``mainstream'' society has coveted our style, our slang and our song, seeking to appropriate the one truly American culture as its own. As Langston Hughes wrote in 1926, ``They'll see how beautiful I am/And be ashamed--/I, too, am America.'' For centuries, white Americans have been trying to solve the ``Negro problem.'' They have dedicated thousands of pages to this endeavor. It is common, still, to point to rates of black poverty, out-of-wedlock births, crime and college attendance, as if these conditions in a country built on a racial caste system are not utterly predictable. But crucially, you cannot view those statistics while ignoring another: that black people were enslaved here longer than we have been free. At 43, I am part ofthe first generation of black Americans in the history of the United States to be born into a society in which black people had full rights of citizenship. Black people suffered under slavery for 250 years; we have been legally ``free'' for just 50. Yet in that briefest of spans, despite continuing to face rampant discrimination, and despite there never having been a genuine effort to redress the wrongs of slavery and the century of racial apartheid that followed, black Americans have made astounding progress, not only for ourselves but also for all Americans. What if America understood, finally, in this 400th year, that we have never been the problem but the solution? When I was a child--I must have been in fifth or sixth grade--a teacher gave our class an assignment intended to celebrate the diversity of the great American melting pot. She instructed each of us to write a short report on our ancestral land and then draw that nation's flag. As she turned to write the assignment on the board, the other black girl in class locked eyes with me. Slavery had erased any connection we had to an African country, and even if we tried to claim the whole continent, there was no ``African'' flag. It was hard enough being one of two black kids in the class, and this assignment would just be another reminder of the distance between the white kids and us. In the end, I walked over to the globe near my teacher's desk, picked a random African country and claimed it as my own. I wish, now, that I could go back to the younger me and tell her that her people's ancestry started here, on these lands, and to boldly, proudly, draw the stars and those stripes of the American flag. We were told once, by virtue of our bondage, that we could never be American. But it was by virtue of our bondage that we became the most American of all.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to extend my remarks in the Record and to include therein extraneous material notwithstanding the fact that it exceeds two pages and is estimated by the Director of the Government Publishing Office to cost $2,433.98.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, first of all, I want to thank Congresswoman Speier for calling us together to speak on behalf of these courageous women and for her tireless work on their behalf, but also on behalf of women throughout the world. Today, I join my colleagues in standing in support of the FAIR Act and in solidarity with women like Saturnina Plasencia, a Latina single mother of four who was working for $13 an hour in a Dollar store in New York. Now, her general manager subjected her to frequent sexual harassment, and after she refused his sexual demands, she alleged she was given fewer hours than new female hires. When she told him she was pregnant, he angrily responded: ``The baby could have been mine.'' Sadly, Saturnina did not realize when she started work that she had signed a mandatory arbitration agreement, and her case is now in arbitration. Her attorney noted that New York passed a law that would have allowed Saturnina to take her case to court, but the law was struck down based on the Federal Arbitration Act. So Saturnina is forced to arbitrate her claims. Her case is supported by the TIME'S UP Legal Defense Fund, which is housed and administered by the National Women's Law Center Fund. Forced arbitration is just what it says; it is forced. So let's pass the FAIR Act so women will finally have the justice that they so deserve. Enough is enough. I thank Congresswoman Speier for allowing us to give voice to these injustices, and hopefully, soon, these women, because of the gentlewoman, because of the FAIR Act, will be able to move forward with their lives.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I would like to ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on my Special Order for tonight.

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I am honored tonight to share and conduct the Special Order sponsored by the Congressional Black Caucus, and I want to thank Chairwoman Karen Bass for her tremendous leadership of the Congressional Black Caucus and for holding this Special Order tonight in our effort to raise to the public and this body's attention the observance of 400 years since the first enslaved Africans were brought to the shores of America, which began 250 years of one of the most horrific crimes committed against humanity: the government-sanctioned institution of slavery. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from California (Chairwoman Bass) for her statement, and I want to say to her that I really commend her tonight for her leadership and, really, for keeping Africa as central in our foreign policy, because we are all reminded, through her leadership, that Africa does matter.

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I thank Chairwoman Bass for laying out much of the history and reminding us that this is really an opportunity to recognize the resilience, the renewal, and the strength of Africans and African Americans. Through much adversity, as the gentlewoman laid out, African Americans, the descendants of enslaved people, continued to rise from our brutal past. I thank the gentlewoman again for her leadership. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott), chairman of our Committee on Education and Labor, who has led so many efforts to educate the public with regard to this 400th year commemoration and, also, the real significance of the Middle Passage as it relates to not only 400 years ago, but today.

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Virginia for that very powerful statement and, also, for the very hard and diligent work that he has been engaged in around the commission and what he is doing each and every day to educate not only his district, but the entire country with regard to not only the past, but, also, where we must go from here. I thank Chairman Scott again. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from North Carolina (Ms. Adams). Congresswoman Adams serves on the Financial Services Committee and the Committee on Education and Labor. But, also, I always have to say that I know her as an artist, as a professor, but also as a great public servant. I thank the gentlewoman, again, for being with us tonight.

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I thank Congresswoman Adams for that very eloquent statement, and also for what she is doing with our young people as the chair of our Historically Black College and University Caucus. What the gentlewoman is doing in terms of pulling us all together on behalf of the education of all of our children is remarkable. And she is not only teaching us how to teach them, but also leading the way on so many issues as an educator. Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne), who serves on the Homeland Security Committee and the Transportation Committee. Congressman Payne's whole life has been about addressing the inequities and the vestiges of this last 400 years. But also, he grew up in a household where his dad, our great friend, the late Congressman Don Payne, focused on Africa. His son, Congressman Don Payne, Jr., has Africa in his blood as a result of growing up in a household with his wonderful, beloved father. I thank the gentleman for being here.

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I thank Congressman Payne, first of all, for his kind and gracious words, but, also, for that brilliant presentation reminding us again not only of our history, but how we have risen to be great leaders in our country. I also want to thank the gentleman for his steady leadership on so many issues, including healthcare, and how he is working to raise the issue of the racial gaps as it relates to people of color, as it relates to diabetes and all of those health indices that we have to close these gaps. I thank him for being here tonight and participating. Madam Speaker, how much time do I have remaining, please?

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, 400 years ago, as we have heard tonight, the first slave ship arrived in Virginia. This began one of the darkest chapters in American history. During the course of over 250 years of slavery--that is, government- sanctioned slavery in America--families were ripped apart. People were beaten and brutalized. Men, women, and children were sold and traded like objects. And to this day, Black communities continue to suffer from the generational trauma from these crimes against humanity. That was followed by another 75 years of racism and domestic terrorism under Jim Crow and segregation, during which thousands of African Americans were lynched. Churches were bombed. Entire communities were burned to the ground in the not-so-recent, distant past. Racist economic policies also institutionalized the racial hierarchy established by slavery and kept African Americans trapped and segregated disproportionately in poverty: policies like land seizure laws that left African American farmers at risk of having their land seized and turned over to their White peers; the Fair Labor Standards Act, which excluded professions dominated by African Americans from minimum wage protections; the separate but equal doctrine in schools and public facilities; the segregation of the armed services, in which my dad served in a segregated military, fighting in two wars for our country. Jim Crow gave way to decades of racist housing policies like redlining and subprime lending that further prevented African Americans from building wealth; followed by the war on drugs, which devastated our communities, tore apart families, and incarcerated millions of needlessly incarcerated fellow African Americans. Today, we see continued disparities among African Americans due to the legacy of slavery, racism, and Jim Crow in America. African Americans still face disproportionate levels of poverty, unemployment, and overwhelming struggles to achieve educational and economic opportunities. Health disparities, including the highest rate of HIV infections, continue to impact African American communities due to the lack of equal access and prevention resources. It is completely unacceptable that Black women are four times more likely to die from preventable pregnancy complications than White women. Now, for decades, our criminal justice system has disproportionately targeted communities of color, especially Black and Brown women and men. Structural and institutional racism permeates every aspect of American society. And now, sadly, we have a Presidential administration that continues to ignore our Nation's dark history of racism and bondage and, in many ways, is trying to move us backwards. From voter suppression, from targeting African Americans and people of color with budget cuts that undermine and affect their livelihoods to undermining decades of civil rights, the gains that we have made, now we see an administration that is trying to roll those protections back. This President is trying to turn back the clock. Tragically, we are also now seeing history repeat itself with rampant family separation of immigrant families at the border, children being taken from their parents and put into cages. The President has normalized racism and xenophobia. His constant attacks on African Americans and people of color, to questioning the nationality of our first Black President, to claiming that there are good people among white supremacists, his racism has given others permission to hate out loud. It has also set the stage for the toxic mix of racism, gun violence, and domestic terrorism that is gripping our country. Yes, we have a President today, and an administration, who continues to fan the flames of the fire that was born out of slavery. So let me be clear, though. We aren't going back. As I our beloved Dr. Maya Angelou said: And still we rise. And just because we aren't going back doesn't mean we shouldn't look back and learn from our past. That informs what we must do today. Now, the Akan people of West Africa, they have a mythical symbol. It is a mythical bird. It is a bird called Sankofa. The bird looks back with an egg in her mouth. It means reminding us to look back at our past, to look at the mistakes we have made, to look at what happened in our past that has strengthened us and made us who we are today, and to move forward and to not make those same mistakes but to fly forward, creating a new world based on justice and freedom. This is our ``Sankofa'' moment. Earlier this month we observed the 400th anniversary by travelling to Ghana with a delegation of Members led by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi and Congresswoman Karen Bass. It was such a privilege and an honor to witness and hear our Speaker speak as the first American Speaker of the United States of America to the Ghanaian Parliament. This strengthens the ties that bind not only between Africans and African Americans, but between the African continent and American continent. People in both of our continents really have a long history that we need to recognize as being oftentimes very difficult but together we must move forward. So while we were there, we paid our respects at Cape Coast and Elmina Castles. And at the ``Door of No Return'' we walked through where the first enslaved Africans departed in chains bound for America. The experience was a powerful reminder of the inhumanity of the slave trade, but it was also empowering to witness the strength and determination of the enslaved to survive and to build a better future for the next generation. And we walked back through the ``Door of Return,'' what a glorious moment that was for all Members. So, today, as we observe 400 years since the first Africans were bought to these shores, let it be known that this is a Sankofa moment. Moving forward, I look forward to this body addressing the damage caused by the inhumanity of slavery, by advancing positive legislation that uplifts the descendants of those who were enslaved, including H.R. 40 championed by our great warrior, Congresswoman Sheila Jackson Lee, whose steadfast and brilliant work is educating the Congress and the public as to why we need a commission to look these past inequities, bring them current, and how we begin to address them in 2019. Let me close by reading a quote from Nikole Hannah-Jones. She is the author of the 1619 Project. ``The 1619 Project aims to reframe the country's history, understanding 1619 as our true founding and placing the consequences of slavery and the contributions of Black Americans at the very center of the story we tell ourselves about who we are.'' In Hannah-Jones' seminal piece in the New York Times she wrote: ``Our Declaration of Independence, signed on July 4, 1776, proclaims that `all men are created equal' and `endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights.' But the white men who drafted those words did not believe them to be true for the hundreds of thousands of Black people in their midst. `Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness' did not apply fully to one-fifth of the country. Yet despite being violently denied the freedom and justice promised to all, Black Americans believed fervently in the American creed. Through centuries of Black resistance and protest, we have helped the country to live up to its founding ideals.'' She said, ``Without the idealistic, strenuous, and patriotic efforts of Black Americans, our democracy today would most likely look very different--it might not be a democracy at all.'' Madam Chair, I have this here, and I want to read a couple of things from NETWORK, who are our Catholic sisters who are fighting for justice, because I think this lays it out very clearly in terms of the progression of where we have been and where we are today through some of the laws that were passed. So the NETWORK Catholic sisters laid out the first policy: Slave codes, 1613 to 1860. Policy 2: Andrew Johnson's land policies and sharecropping, 1865 to 1880. Policy 3: Land seizures, 1865 to 1960. During the sixties it was repealed. The National Housing Act of 1934. This policy, mind you, guaranteed loans to white people and legally refused loans to Black people. That was 1934. That was enacted in 1934. The Social Security Act, 1935 to present. Black people were twice as likely to experience hunger or poverty during the Great Depression. And 65 percent of Black people were ineligible to receive this income support. The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938. The GI Bill of 1944. The Separate but Equal Doctrine, 1954 really to present day. Policy 9: Subprime loans, 1970s to present day. Policy 10: The War on Drugs, 1971 to present day. I really appreciate the sisters and the nuns for laying this out, because it shows us the institutional policies, the laws that were put in place that have created this new form of slavery. And this is a very powerful document. I hope that everyone has a chance to read this. I include in the Record this document. [From the Network: Advocates for Justice, Inspired by Catholic Sisters] The Racial Wealth and Income Gap POLICY 1: Slave Codes, the Fugitive Slave Act, and American Chattel Slavery (1613-1860) The slave codes created ``servitude for natural life'' for African laborers. 250+ years slave labor of millions of African and Black people was the foundation of the American economy and global force that it eventually became. On the eve of the Civil War, Black slaves were valued at an estimated $3.6 billion (not scaled for modern inflation), and none of the Black slaves were able to cash in on that value. POLICY 2: Andrew Johnson's Land Policies and Sharecropping (1865-1880) After the Civil War, 4 million Black people largely resorted to renting the farm land of their previous master in exchange for a ``share'' of their crop. This system of ``sharecropping'' tied farmers to their former master because they were legally obligated to buy and sell from them. POLICY 3: Land Seizures (1865-1960s) Black people were legally at risk of having their land seized from 1865 to the 1960's, due in part to the sharecropping debt that many Black farmers found themselves in. White landowners could arbitrarily declare that Black farmers or business owners were in debt at any time and seize their land. POLICY 4: The National Housing Act of 1934 This policy guaranteed loans to White people and legally refused loans to Black people and anyone living near Black neighborhoods. This policy also resulted in Black people paying sometimes double or triple the amount to buy a contract from a white person to pay mortgage on a house that legally wasn't in their name. Meanwhile, Black people were making payments to secure their chances of being able to own their home, while still not receiving any equity on the payments toward that home. POLICY 5: The Social Security Act (1935-Present) Black people were twice as likely to experience hunger or poverty during The Great Depression, and sixty-five percent of Black people were ineligible to receive this income support. This was designed in such a way that excluded farmworkers and domestic workers--who were predominantly Black--from receiving ``old-age'' and ``unemployment'' insurance. To this day, farmworkers and domestic workers are excluded. POLICY 6: The Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 This was enacted to help lift the economy out of the Great Depression but excluded a number of tip-based professions predominantly held by Black workers from the first minimum- wage protections. Even though the Black unemployment and poverty rates were twice that of White people during the Great Depression, the very policies meant to alleviate economic strain were often withheld from the Black community, making it harder to build wealth in the future. POLICY 7: The G.I. Bill of 1944 This was enacted to help World War II veterans adjust to civilian life by providing low-cost home mortgages, low- interest business loans, tuition assistance, and unemployment compensation. Most of the benefits distributed were unavailable to Black service members. POLICY 8: Separate but Equal Doctrine (1954 to Present Day) Despite the Separate but Equal, Doctrine being overturned in 1954, American schools are more racially segregated today than they have been in the past four decades, since Black students are seven times more likely to live in areas of concentrated poverty, and attend underfunded, understaffed, and overcrowded schools. POLICY 9: Subprime Loans (1970s to Present Day) Starting in the 1970's and continuing today, the private sector issued subprime loans almost exclusively to Black families, regardless of income, good credit, or financial history. As a result, Black families continued to unfairly pay more money for homes of the same value as their White counterparts, causing rates of foreclosure among Black families to increase. POLICY 10: The War on Drugs (1971 to Present Day) The War on Drugs exacerbated the racial wealth gap with practices that inherently targeted Black and brown communities. Although rates of drug use and selling are similar across racial lines, Black men are up to 10 times as likely to be stopped, searched, arrested, prosecuted, convicted and incarcerated for drug law violations than White.

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, finally, let me just close by thanking Congresswoman Karen Bass, once again, for keeping the motherland of millions of Americans in the forefront of our foreign policy, for the Congressional Black Caucus for recognizing the solemnness of this moment, the importance of this moment and recognizing that African Americans after 400 years are continuing to fight for justice and for freedom and for a more perfect union for all Americans. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Madam Speaker, I move that the House do now adjourn.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, I thank the chairwoman for yielding and for her tremendous leadership. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 3239, the Humanitarian Standards for Individuals in Customs and Border Protection Custody Act. I thank Dr. Raul Ruiz for bringing his medical expertise to this body and introducing this bill to bring some humane treatment to families and children seeking refuge in the United States. This critical bill creates basic standards for humanitarian care of all detainees within CBP facilities. By establishing health screenings, emergency medical care, appropriate access to water, nutrition, and shelter, these critical standards are a step in the right direction. Last year, when I traveled to Brownsville and McAllen, Texas, I saw the horrors of the Trump administration's family detention jails. I saw children sleeping on concrete floors. It is cruel and inhumane. And I, quite frankly, wrote a letter to the United Nations asking the secretary general to send observers to report on the conditions and treatment of these children and adults. Mr. Chairman, I include in the Record my letter. House of Representatives, Washington, DC, June 19, 2018. His Excellency Mr. Antonio Guterres, Secretary General United Nations Headquarters, New York, NY. Dear Secretary-General Guterres: I write today to request your urgent assistance in the ongoing crisis our country is facing at our Southern Border with Mexico. As the Democratic Congressional Representative to the United Nations (UN), I am formally requesting UN observers travel to the United States to report on the conditions of detention facilities and treatment of children, based on relevant international law and human rights principles. I am appalled by the reports and images from detention facilities in Texas and other states along the border, where more than 2,300 children have been separated from their parents by border patrol agents. This weekend, I will be traveling to the border myself, to witness first-hand the conditions adults and children are facing while in detention. I urge you to send experts from relevant UN agencies to observe conditions in both Department of Homeland Security (OHS) and Office of Refugee Resettlement (ORR) facilities both at the border and throughout the more than 17 states around the country that are now housing children who have been separated from their families. As a mother, a grandmother, and as a psychiatric social worker, I am most concerned for the physical and mental well being of children separated from their parents at their most vulnerable time. The American Academy of Pediatrics has warned that this practice of family separation can cause irreparable harm to lifelong development by disrupting a child's brain architecture.'' You recently said in a statement, ``As a matter of principle, the Secretary-General believes that refugees and migrants should always be treated with respect and dignity, and in accordance with existing international law.'' And you added, ``children must not be traumatized by being separated from their parents. Family unity must be preserved.'' I sincerely hope that you will consider this urgent humanitarian request in a timely manner. Sincerely, Barbara Lee, Member of Congress.

Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, it is really our responsibility to protect the health and safety of individuals in CBP custody and, yes, we have failed. By passing this bill today, we are putting critical protocol and protections in place for individuals and making sure that their well- being and health are a priority. We can no longer allow individuals to suffer, be abused, or die under CBP. Our values demand that we take this action. It is past time for us to protect adults and children fleeing violence, seeking a safe haven in America. Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to vote yes on this vital bill. And I thank Dr. Ruiz for giving us a chance to do the right thing.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, let me first thank Chairman Scott for yielding and for his tireless, incredible, and brilliant leadership. I include in the Record a letter from The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights expressing their strong support for H.R. 582. The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, Washington, DC, July 15, 2019. Vote Recommendation: Support the Raise the Wage Act of 2019 Dear Representative: On behalf of The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, a coalition charged by its diverse membership of more than 200 national organizations to promote and protect the civil and human rights of all persons in the United States, we write to express our strong support for the Raise the Wage Act of 2019 (H.R. 582). This important legislation would gradually raise the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour by 2025, index it to median federal wages, and ensure that all tipped workers, working people with disabilities, and young people get paid at least the full minimum wage. Passage of the Raise the Wage Act is a top legislative priority of our coalition. We urge you to vote YES on final passage of a clean bill and NO on any Motion to Recommit (MTR) in connection with this legislation. The Leadership Conference will score both of these votes in our voting record for the 116th Congress. At the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, one of the founders of The Leadership Conference, Black labor leader A. Philip Randolph, noted, ``Nor is the goal of our civil rights revolution merely the passage of civil rights legislation. Yes, we want all public accommodations open to all citizens, but those accommodations will mean little to those who cannot afford to use them.'' This week, the House of Representatives has the opportunity to champion working people by passing the Raise the Wage Act of 2019. In February 2019, I testified at a hearing held by the U.S. House Committee on Education & Labor entitled ``Gradually Raising the Minimum Wage to $15: Good for Workers, Good for Businesses, and Good for the Economy.'' What I said then remains true today: low-wage working people are overdue for a raise. For decades, wages for most people in America have stagnated while productivity has increased. This has been particularly true for low-wage earners. Congress has not raised the federal minimum wage of $7.25 an hour since 2007. And the tipped minimum wage has been stuck at $2.13 an hour since 1991. Raising the federal minimum wage is a racial and gender justice issue. The National Women's Law Center has noted that women make up nearly two-thirds of those earning the federal minimum wage of $7.25 an hour. Women of color are more likely than any other group to be paid the lowest wages. Paying tipped workers the full minimum wage would rectify longstanding injustices and ensure that no one works for pennies in America. The subminimum wage that tipped workers receive is rooted in the history of slavery. The practice of tipping proliferated in the United States after the Civil War when the restaurant and hospitality industry, exemplified by the Pullman Company, ``hired'' newly freed slaves without paying them base wages. The effect was to create a permanent servant class, for whom the responsibility of paying a wage was shifted from employers to customers. Today, poverty rates for people who work for tips are more than twice as high as rates for working people overall--with female tipped workers, especially women of color, at a particular disadvantage. According to the 2012-2015 ACS data on gender and race for tipped occupations, of the almost 6 million tipped working people in our country, 66 percent are women. And women of color are disproportionately represented in the tipped workforce. As with the tipped minimum wage, the subminimum wage under Section 14(c) of the Fair Labor Standards Act that allows people with disabilities working in segregated settings to be paid less than the minimum wage leaves this community vulnerable to poverty and exploitation. The National Disability Rights Network believes that ``sheltered workshops have replaced institutions in many states as the new warehousing system and are the new favored locations where people with disabilities are sent to occupy their days.'' Enacted in 1938, Section 14(c) reflects what should be a bygone era of how we as a nation treat people with disabilities. The time has come for federal action to support and fully integrate people with disabilities into the workplace. The Congressional Budget Office (CBO) recently released a report looking at the potential effects of increasing the federal minimum wage to $15 an hour incrementally through 2025 and found that the benefits strongly outweigh its costs. The CBO report predicted that this gradual increase would decrease the number of individuals living in poverty by 1.3 million people and disproportionately increase the incomes of families that are low-income. The civil rights community has long supported a universal floor for wages that would provide a base line for all people in our country. Indeed, one of the core demands of the 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom was for ``[a] national minimum wage that will give all Americans a decent standard of living.'' Cost of living data show that in all 50 states today a single working person without children currently needs or will soon need a wage of at least $15 per hour to cover basic living costs. Working people with children and those in high-cost states will need even more. Fair wages are essential for working people to cover basic expenses like housing, food, transportation, childcare, health care, and other necessities. We urge you to vote for clean passage of the Raise the Wage Act of 2019--and against any MTR that is offered--to address the economic security concerns of working families. Thank you for your consideration. Sincerely, Vanita Gupta, President and CEO.

Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this bill, the Raise the Wage Act. This critical bill would increase the minimum wage to $15 an hour and give 33 million workers a raise, including 16 million people of color who are disproportionately paid poverty wages. Once more, it would lift 1.3 million Americans out of poverty. Mr. Speaker, this bill is long overdue. The current minimum wage of $7.25 is a poverty wage, plain and simple. I, too, am a former business owner with hundreds of employees who saw firsthand how productivity was achieved and increased by paying good wages. These poverty wages must end for everyone. Homelessness is rising. People can't afford to pay their rent. They are living on the edge. No one in the richest nation on Earth should be struggling like this, working two and three jobs just to survive. Mr. Speaker, I have been proud to have joined my union brothers and sisters, along with the attorney general of Minnesota, former co-chair of the Progressive Caucus, Keith Ellison, and my union brothers and sisters on picket lines, in rallies, and marches in the fight for $15. I want to thank them for their bold and committed leadership. When we fight, we win. I urge a ``yes'' vote on raising the wage to $15 an hour. I thank Chairman Scott, again, for his leadership.

Ms. LEE of California

Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chair, I rise to offer amendment No. 49 as the designee of Mr. Khanna.

Ms. LEE of California. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the Speaker of the House.