Barbara Lee

Ms. LEE

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Harman). (Ms. HARMAN asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Ms. LEE. I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Kucinich).

Ms. LEE. I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson- Lee). (Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time. This issue speaks to who we are as a country. We know there are people living on the streets, and we know there are people who have been really just played around with in terms of you have to evict, you do not. You have 5 more days; you have 10 more days. You have to call this number and get a voucher. Maybe we will extend it another week; maybe it will be 2 weeks. The deadline is tomorrow. What in the world are these people supposed to do, Mr. Chairman? I think until we fix this where everybody has decent transitional housing, we should just say ``no'' to evictions. That is what this is about. ``No'' to evictions to people who have already been traumatized and hurt.

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters), who is a real leader and was down there helping people save their lives during this tragedy.

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Ms. Schakowsky).

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Conyers). (Mr. CONYERS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. This amendment is very simple. This amendment would prevent FEMA from evicting from hotels and motels the thousands of families who were affected by the hurricanes on the gulf coast last summer. Mr. Chairman, 6 months ago, the entire world watched the wealthiest, most powerful country on Earth turn its back on those who couldn't afford to evacuate their homes in advance and during the hurricanes. People were left to fend for themselves on rooftops, trying to save their lives and the lives of their families. We cannot sweep under the rug the faces and the images of those who were disproportionately abandoned by their government. Unfortunately, today, 6 months after the storm, the majority of these people are still fending for themselves. The people of New Orleans and the gulf coast have experienced more tragedy and more suffering in the last 6 months than anyone should have to face in a lifetime. It is bad enough that they suffered through one of the worst natural disasters in the history of United States, it is bad enough that they lost their homes and their jobs and their livelihoods, it is bad enough that they are suffering mental breakdowns, high suicide rates and high rates of post-dramatic stress. And it is bad enough the insurance companies are trying to dodge their obligations to pay out claims to property owners. But now to add insult to injury, yesterday their own government, our government, ended payments for hotel and motel rooms for thousands of displaced Katrina evacuees. Where will all of these people go? We already have a huge homeless population in this country. Why are we creating a new generation of Katrina homeless? This lacks morality and is about as low as you can go. What benefit does the Federal Government have in kicking people when they are down? Today, the newspapers are filled with accounts of people who were kicked out of their rooms and have no place to go. There are reports of families piling their possessions out of hotels and motels and into trucks, but with nowhere to go. This is just disgraceful. What kind of a message do we send with these evictions? What do we say to the rest of the world? What does it say about our values and our priorities and really what we believe in terms of putting people first? I believe we have to send a different message, and we can do that today. We have to reject the actions of FEMA and this administration and prevent people from getting kicked out of their hotel and motel rooms. By passing my amendment, we would block FEMA from using any money in this bill to evict people living in hotels and motels as a result of Hurricane Katrina. We should not allow FEMA to dump people on the streets. That is just plain wrong. That is all it is, it is wrong. That should not be done. This is unjust. Let us help at least stabilize their lives and give them a safe place to sleep without worrying about being on the streets. Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. LEE. I believe Mr. Hinchey needs another minute and Mr. Moran needs 1\1/2\ minutes.

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. First, I would like to thank the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen) for working with me on this amendment and for his leadership and for being here to speak on this today. This amendment is not about the war, although I offered an alternative to keep us out of Iraq when this war began. This amendment is not about bringing our troops home, although I believe we should do that and do it right away. This amendment is not about holding the President accountable for misleading us into an unjust and unnecessary war, although he should. Mr. Chairman, the amendment I am offering is very simple. It would provide that no funds would be used under this bill to enter into military base agreements between the United States and Iraq. Stating this will clearly indicate that the United States has no intention of making military bases permanent. Mr. Chairman, can't we all agree on that right here and now, that we should not be in Iraq permanently? Unfortunately, this administration's position is unclear. The President shares our views and said as much, I thought. On April 13, 2004, President Bush said, ``As a proud and independent people, Iraqis do not support an indefinite occupation, and neither does America.'' But just yesterday, General Abizaid, the general in charge of U.S. troops in Iraq, told a Defense Appropriations Committee that the U.S. could end up having bases in Iraq. So I think we need to be clear. The aim of my amendment is to simply codify the sentiment that the President and many of our constituents and many of us strongly believe here. As we stand here today, the United States has renewed a bombing campaign against the insurgents, the largest assault since the invasion; and this is taking us in exactly the wrong direction. Destroying villages in the hopes of routing out insurgents only creates more insurgents. In adopting this amendment, we can take the target off our troops' backs by sending a strong and immediate signal to the Iraqi people, the insurgents, and the international community that the United States has no designs on Iraq. This very simple point is supported by a poll conducted by the University of Maryland's Program on International Policy Attitudes earlier this year. They found that 76 percent of Iraqis believe that the United States will maintain bases in Iraq permanently even if the newly elected government asks the United States to leave Iraq. Mr. Chairman, we need to be on record that we must not have permanent military bases in Iraq. I urge my colleagues to support this amendment. Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maine (Mr. Allen).

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time. I will just close by thanking you, Mr. Lewis, for giving us time and for allowing for those who have a real perspective, the passion, the understanding to speak on this issue tonight. It is so important that the country understand that whether we agreed or disagreed with the war, that many of us believe there should be no permanent presence in Iraq. We support our troops. We want them out of harm's way. We know that any notion of a permanent occupation or permanent bases continues to put our young men and women in harm's way. It is about time now that these signals be clear to the rest of the world. As I said, we get mixed signals from the administration. I think it is now the time for this House to say that whatever we believed, when this war started, we do not want to be a permanent occupying force, and we do not want permanent military bases in Iraq. Thank you for being so generous, Mr. Lewis.

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Hinchey).

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Northern California (Ms. Woolsey).

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Waters).

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Price). (Mr. PRICE of North Carolina asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Ms. LEE

Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, I am extremely concerned regarding the proliferation of nuclear weapons around the world in general and the threat that Iran poses in particular. I agree that we must make it a priority to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear technologies and materials for development of nuclear weapons. That is why we must not impede any and all diplomatic means to achieve this. I voted present on H. Con. Res 345 (rollcall No. 12) because this resolution seems to foreclose some important diplomatic options towards achieving that goal.

Ms. LEE

Ms. LEE. Mr. Chairman, I move to strike the requisite number of words. Mr. Chairman, let me thank our new ranking member of the Western Hemisphere Subcommittee for his leadership and for his commitment to the people of Haiti. I think today illustrates the type of commitment that he has in terms of his truly understanding the critical needs of the Haitian people. So I want to commend you, Mr. Engel, for your leadership, and thank you for putting this out here, at least so we can have a debate and discuss why Haiti deserves this $50 million. Let me just say, first of all, that we all know that on February 7 the Haitian people demonstrated their faith in the democratic process, and today the United States needs to send a signal. We need to show our support for their commitment and for their persistence. I co-chaired the Haiti Task Force with the great leader Congressman Conyers. Many members of this Haiti Task Force have worked for many, many years to help the Haitian people, not only with their democracy, which, of course, they have engaged in in terms of the democratic process over the years, but also, most importantly, with their economic development and their humanitarian assistance and the infrastructure assistance that they so desperately need. Haiti is the poorest country in the Caribbean, and we need to begin to provide resources in a very real way, and I mean in a real way, to the people of Haiti under the leadership of the newly democratically elected government. This amendment, and it is just the beginning, it is only $50 million, begins to rectify some of the inadequacies of this supplemental, which, of course, we have heard there is really no money in it for Haiti. So we need to support the Engel amendment. We need to send a message to the world, to the Caribbean, to CARICOM, that we support democracy in Haiti, that we support development assistance for Haiti, that we support economic assistance, that we support an increase to help the Haitian people address their health care needs. The HIV and AIDS pandemic is rampant in Haiti. The highest incidence of AIDS in the Caribbean is in the country of Haiti. So whatever we do today in terms of this $50 million, I think we need to understand that we need more than $194 million to address the basic needs of the Haitian people. So, Mr. Engel, this is an excellent first step. I hope that people throughout our country recognize that there are those of us here in the House who want to support the aspirations and the needs and the desires and the dreams of the Haitian people, and we should do so by passing this amendment, this $50 million.

Ms. LEE

Ms. LEE. Thank you very much. And let me begin by also thanking my colleagues from the gulf coast, of course, Mr. Taylor and Mr. Jefferson, and to you, Mr. Melancon, for organizing this special order tonight. But also more importantly for staying on the front lines, helping your constituents and your communities recover and rebuild. Each of them has suffered tremendous personal loss from the tragedy of Hurricane Katrina. But all of you have worked tirelessly to focus national attention on the Gulf Coast and to win the support of Congress and the President to provide more funding and more assistance. Also, they continue to ask the tough questions, the tough questions in demanding accountability for this administration's failure to lead and coordinate the response to Katrina. They are a credit to their constituents, to our country, and you deserve our support and our thanks. Thank you, Mr. Melancon. Let me just say tonight, Madam Speaker, that we know the entire world watched the wealthiest, most powerful country on earth, quite frankly, turn its back on those who couldn't afford to evacuate this horrific hurricane called Katrina. People were left to fend for themselves on rooftops trying to save their lives and the lives of their families. And the majority of these people were African American. And we cannot sweep under the rug the faces of those who were disproportionately abandoned by their government because unfortunately, today, 6 months after the storm, the majority of these people are still fending for themselves. If we don't deal with this up front we will continue to be in denial about the unfinished business of America in addressing the issues of race and class. Now, 2 months ago, I had the opportunity to visit New Orleans and Mississippi as part of the first congressional field hearing which was held in the gulf coast. We toured New Orleans. We saw the Ninth ward, New Orleans East, Lakeview and other areas. We went to Mississippi and passed through Waveland, Bay St. Louis and Gulfport. And I tell you, like others who have visited the region, it takes a visit to the region to really fully understand the impact and the devastation that this hurricane brought upon the people of that region. We saw firsthand this devastation and quite frankly, I will never, ever be able to sleep as well ever again in life based on what I saw during those 2 days. We heard from victims of the storm who lost their homes and were displaced, who were living with friends and relatives or staying in hotels or motels mostly waiting for their FEMA trailers. They wanted to know that they would have a place to stay so that they could call someplace, just someplace their own. They wanted to know that FEMA wouldn't terminate housing assistance for people living in motels or hotels. They wanted to know that they wouldn't be discriminated against in seeking housing because of their race, ethnicity, age or disability. They wanted to know that the levees would be rebuilt so that they could go back to their homes and their communities to rebuild. And they wanted to know that they wouldn't be evicted from their homes or be gouged. And we heard of the price gouging over and over and over again. And they wanted us to help them to make sure that they would not be gouged by the high rental prices or that some opportunistic developer wouldn't buy up their land and gentrify their communities. And they wanted to know that they would be hired to carry out Federal contracts to clean up and rebuild the gulf so that they could work, they could work and get a steady paycheck and participate in the equitable development of the region. They wanted to know that their kids could go back to school and still be children. And they wanted to know that they could go to a clinic or a hospital if they got sick. In short, they wanted to know that they mattered and that their government would do all that it could to take care of them and put them back on their feet quickly. And, Madam Speaker, the survivors of Hurricane Katrina are still wondering the exact same things today. 6 months after Katrina, virtually nothing has changed. Only now, our government is about to add insult to injury by disenfranchising over 300,000 displaced survivors from New Orleans, who will not be given the right to vote in elections that will determine the future of their city. And tomorrow, we have learned that FEMA will boot out probably another 7,000 families that are still living in hotels and motels and have no other place to go. This is a disgrace. The administration failed to prepare a plan of action to respond to Hurricane Katrina, and they have failed to put together a coherent plan to rebuild and restore the gulf coast region. H.R. 4997, a comprehensive bill to help the gulf coast rebuild, which is supported by Katrina survivors and introduced by the Congressional Black Caucus under the leadership of Congressman Mel Watt should be supported. This bill provides for housing rights, a victim restoration fund in the spirit of 9/11 Victims Fund, expanded opportunities in rebuilding the gulf coast and voting rights for all. We also work very closely with Mr. Baker and improved upon his will to rebuild New Orleans and to help the region recover; got bipartisan support in the Financial Services Committee for that bill. But the administration has rejected both of these plans. And now we are 3 months away from the start of the new hurricane season. And we can not afford to allow the continued incompetence of this administration to hinder the recovery and rebuilding process any longer. Tomorrow, when we vote on the supplemental appropriations bill, I will offer an amendment to basically block FEMA from using, any money to evict people living in hotels or motels as a result of Katrina. We should not allow FEMA to kick people out on the streets. That is just plain and simple. That should not be done. So I urge my colleagues to support my amendment. And we must continue to stand with the people of New Orleans and gulf coast and send a clear signal to the rest of the world that we must take care of all people. We must put people first regardless of their race or their income or their age or their disability. We have got a lot of work to do, and we don't have a lot of time to do it, Madam Speaker. And so I just want to thank my colleagues from the region for their tenacity, their continued support for staying strong in the midst of a storm and for allowing those of us from other areas to try to help and try to do something. I am very proud of my congressional district, immediately raised money to send to the gulf coast region and to New Orleans. The Ninth Congressional District, like other Congressional Districts and other non profit organizations and charitable groups, should be commended for stepping up to the plate. But our government must do more and we must do more now.

Ms. LEE

Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, before I begin, I just want to join my colleagues tonight, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Matsui) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Honda) in reminding us of the terrible scar on our Nation's history: the internment of Japanese Americans. And I want to say to them that as an African American, as a person of color in our country, from California, that we join you in making sure that this body continues to remind the entire country that never again shall we allow such a gross violation of the human rights of any, any people in our country and throughout the world. So thank you, Mr. Honda and Ms. Matsui, for once again allowing us to participate and reminding us of this great atrocity. I want to also add tonight my voice to those of my colleagues in the Congressional Black Caucus in honoring an organization whose fight against the oppression and discrimination that all of us have felt in this country, whether we were directly victimized by it or not, it affected all of us, which gave birth to the modern-day civil rights movement, and that is the NAACP. Today, this body unanimously passed H. Con. Res. 355, which was a bipartisan resolution honoring the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People on their 97th anniversary. This is the largest and the oldest civil rights organization in our country. Late last night, we concluded Black History Month by commemorating this month with activities led by the Congressional Black Caucus Chair, our great leader, Chairman Mel Watt, on the floor. But it was very late last night, and I hope people had an opportunity to listen to the few Members who were here to talk about the glorious history of African Americans in America. Today, in keeping with the ideals of Black History Month and the tradition of our ancestors, we must recommit ourselves to a plan of action. For generations, the NAACP has provided the blueprint for organizing the African American community and other communities, communities of color, throughout our country to build these coalitions for success. In December, the House unanimously adopted my resolution recognizing the 140th anniversary of the 13th amendment. The abolition of slavery in 1865 should have been, should have been, a new day for African Americans. Yet 40 years later, African Americans continued to fight the repression and discrimination. It was this continued frustration and pain that led to the birth of the modern civil rights movement. In Ontario, Canada, in 1905, a group of African American leaders developed an action plan and launched the Niagara Movement. Emerging from the Niagara Movement the call was issued and diverse progressives formed the National Negro Committee, which soon developed into the NAACP. For almost 100 years, since that historic meeting, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People has been the cornerstone of the social justice movement of minority communities. Mr. Speaker, last year, Mr. Hilary Shelton, the Director of the NAACP's Washington Bureau, delivered a Black History Month speech to the Federal Aviation Administration, the following excerpt of which outlines the development of the NAACP. From 1905 through 1910, an organization of African American intellectuals led by W.E.B. Du Bois and calling for full political, civil, and social and civil rights for African Americans. This stance stood in clear contrast to the accommodation philosophy proposed by Booker T. Washington in the Atlanta Compromise of 1895, You see, the Niagara Movement was the forerunner of the NAACP. In the summer of 1905, 29 prominent African Americans, including Du Bois, met secretly at Niagara Falls, Ontario, and drew up a manifesto calling for full civil liberties, abolition of racial discrimination, and recognition of human brotherhood, a forerunner to the United Nations U.N. Declaration of Human Rights. Subsequent annual meetings were held in such symbolic locations as Harpers Ferry, W.Va., and Boston's Faneuil Hall. Despite the establishment of 30 branches and the achievement of a few scattered civil-rights victories at the local level, the group suffered from organizational weakness and lack of funds as well as a permanent headquarters or staff, and it never was able to attract mass support. After the Springfield (ILL.) Race Riot of 1908, however, white liberals joined with the nucleus of Niagara ``militants'' and founded the NAACP the following year. The Niagara Movement disbanded in 1910, with the leadership of Du Bois forming the main continuity between the two organizations. Dubois and the many other brave men and women of the Niagara Movement to the reigns of the challenges of there day to lead the Niagara movement and now the NAACP, we too must rise up to take on the challenges of our generation. Founded on February 12, 1909, the NAACP's diverse founders, Ida Wells-Barnett, W.E.B. DuBois, Henry Moscowitz, Mary White Ovington, Oswald Garrison Villiard, and William English Walling, understood the importance of organizing and motivating people. Currently headed by Julian Bond and the President and CEO, Mr. Bruce Gordon, the NAACP exemplifies a movement that has transcended race, class, and generations in the fight for equal rights for African Americans and all disenfranchised people. The focus of the NAACP has always been working to build coalitions for equality and opportunity in the United States. However, they never forget to advocate for Africans throughout the Diaspora. In Washington, D.C., the NAACP's Legislative Bureau mobilizes communities on issues from the fiscal year 2007 budget shortfalls, to equal opportunity, to the importance of an independent judiciary and racial profiling. Every session, the NAACP's D.C. Bureau outlines what issues and legislation will impact minority communities both here in the United States and abroad. Their vigilance is a constant reminder of how much work there is to do. Recently, the NAACP's priorities have been rebuilding the gulf coast in the wake of Hurricanes Katrina and Rita, and addressing disparity in wealth, housing, and basic social services. That is the tragedy that unfolded, that we witnessed and which was exposed as a result of this tragedy of Katrina and Rita. Also, the NAACP is very committed to reauthorizing the Voting Rights Act, the culmination of a movement that took blood, sweat, tears, and lives, and the sacrifices of those who came before us. This is set to expire next year. They are committed to reforming our prison system, where our country has the largest prison population in the world. This is especially important since six in ten of those persons are people of color. So let me just congratulate the NAACP on the 97th anniversary of this institution, and I urge everyone to use this occasion to recommit themselves to the struggle for freedom, justice, and peace. Washington Bureau, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, Washington, DC, February 28, 2006. Representative Barbara Lee, House of Representatives, Washington, DC. Dear Representative Lee: On behalf of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), our Nation's oldest, largest and most widely-recognized grassroots civil rights organization, I am urging you, in the strongest terms possible, to reject provisions in President Bush's proposed budget for 2007 and instead pass a budget plan that supports and encourages low- and middle-income Americans. A Nation's budget reflects its priorities; our willingness ability to care for the sick and elderly, educate the young, protect our surroundings, respond to natural emergencies and protect those less fortunate. The budget proposal put forth by President Bush for fiscal year 2007 does not reflect the priorities of, nor does it serve the governmental needs, the majority of Americans. Rather, the President's proposal would benefit the wealthiest Americans while short-changing low- and middle-income Americans and saddling future generations with a debilitating deficit. I urge you to demonstrate the necessary leadership skills and to work with your colleagues to develop a budget proposal that ensures that the basic needs of all our citizens are met. This means rejecting the cuts in federal funding for education, health care, job training, small business promotion, the protection of our basic civil rights and liberties and energy assistance. This also means rejecting the President's proposed tax cuts, which have been proven to mostly benefit only the wealthiest Americans and cripple our ability to address some of the most basic needs of our society while at the same time ballooning our deficit. Although a majority of the Administration's proposed cuts or program eliminations are problematic for the NAACP, we are especially troubled by the provision in the budget to reduce funding for the crucial work of the EEOC. The President's budget for 2007 includes a cut in funding of the EEOC Budget from $333 million to $323 million, most of which would be taken from State and local operations. State and local enforcement agencies handle about 42 percent of the total Title VII caseload, yet, they are being asked to take 60 percent of the budget cut. Because enforcement of civil rights laws is a key element of the strategic goals and initiatives of the NAACP, we are especially troubled by these proposals. Again, on behalf of the millions of NAACP members and friends of civil rights across this Nation I hope that you will work hard to see that the values of supporting our young, our ill and our elderly as well as those less fortunate are addressed in this year's budget. I look forward to working with you to ensure that the needs of all Americans are met. Thank you in advance for your attention to the concerns of the NAACP. Sincerely, Hilary O. Shelton, Director.

Ms. LEE

Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to highlight the efforts of the Meiklejohn Civil Liberties Institute (MCLI), a non-profit organization in my district. The MCLI, founded in 1965, is a think tank that works on national and international human rights issues as they relate to the U.S. In 1995, the Institute's Human Rights Reporting Project began using U.S. treaties as tools to work for human rights. In 2005, the MCLI issued a report entitled Challenging U.S. Human Rights Violations Since 9/11 in response to the failure of the U.S. government to submit timely and accurate reports to the United Nations (UN). According to 3 U.N. treaties ratified by the U.S. in 1992 and 1994, the U.S. is required to submit regular reports to U.N. oversight committees about human rights abuses and enforcement measures at the local, State, and Federal levels. On March 15, 2005, the Berkeley City Council passed Resolution 62,841 in which the City Council resolved to submit a copy of Challenging to the U.S. State Department, the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, and the UN Human Rights Committee. On March 31, 2005, MCLI presented Challenging to the U.S. State Department for use in the preparation of its late reports to the oversight committees. Although the second and third reports for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) treaty were due in 1998 and 2003, the U.S. State Department did not file a report until October 21, 2005. According to the MCLI, this combined second and third report fails to contain various instances of U.S. human rights violations and lack of enforcement measures. The combined U.S. Report will be discussed by the U.N. Human Rights Committee in March 2006 in New York and will be examined in greater detail by the committee in the summer of 2006 in Geneva. The Challenging report raises important enforcement and reporting violations committed by the U.S. I encourage my colleagues to read this report for more information. The U.S. must comply with the treaties it signed in order to protect the rights of individuals both domestically and abroad and to realign the U.S. with the principles it was founded on. I appreciate the work of MCLI to promote and protect human rights around the globe and congratulate them on this report.

Ms. LEE

Ms. LEE. Mr. Speaker, on Tuesday, February 14, 2006 due to urgent personal matters I missed Rollcall votes Nos. 8 and 9. Had I been present, I would have voted ``aye'' on H. Con. Res. 322 and S. 1989.