Carolyn Maloney

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Madam Speaker, today, we had an important victory for democracy. A Federal judge in New York ordered the Trump administration to remove a planned citizenship question from the 2020 Census in response to a lawsuit filed by the State of New York, which was joined by 17 other States in support. I am proud to have led an amicus brief of 126 Members of Congress, also in support of this lawsuit. The court affirmed what we already knew: adding a citizenship question was driven by partisan politics, in violation of the law. The Constitution requires that the Census count every person living in our country, and the administration's attempt to add a citizenship question was a deliberate effort to scare away noncitizens and their families in order to undercount this community. Fortunately, the court agreed, but there will likely be an appeal. That is why I will be introducing legislation to remove the citizenship question. We must act quickly. Our democracy depends on a full and accurate count of our Nation, and we cannot allow the Trump administration to compromise that

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize my dear friend Carole King, arguably the most prodigious singer-songwriter of our century, for the fifth anniversary of Beautiful: The Carole King Musical which is based on her life and career. Beautiful: the Carole King Musical opened on Broadway on January 12, 2014. After its first season the show won a GRAMMY for Best Musical Theater Album as well as two Tony awards. In 2015, it opened on London's West End, garnering 2 Olivier Awards. The show is now entering its sixth year. Carole King launched her extraordinary musical career as a hit songwriter at the young age of seventeen with the song ``Will You Love Me Tomorrow,'' co-written with her then-husband Gerry Goffin. With Goffin and others, she went on to write dozens of chart-topping songs throughout the 1960's. King made her breakthrough as a musical artist in her own right when she released her era-defining album Tapestry in 1971, which stayed on the charts for over six consecutive years and was inducted into the Grammy Hall of Fame in 1998. To date, King has composed more than 100 hit singles and amassed numerous prestigious musical awards, including four Grammy Awards. She was the first woman to receive the Library of Congress Gershwin Prize for Popular Song, which she was honored with in 2013. She has also been inducted into the Songwriters Hall of Fame as well as the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and was a Kennedy Center Honoree in 2015. In addition to her prolific musical career, King has also dedicated her exceptional abilities towards environmental activism and ensuring the conservation of American wildlife, parks, and wild places. King is a long-time resident of Idaho and began working with the Alliance for the Wild Rockies in 1990, testifying on Capitol Hill against legislation that would harm Idahoan natural spaces. She has also been a stalwart and outspoken advocate of the Northern Rockies Ecosystem Protection Act (NREPA), a bill I have introduced in every Congress since the 103rd Congress. King testified in favor of NREPA in 2009 before the House Natural Resources Subcommittee on National Parks, Forests, and Public Lands. Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in celebrating the extraordinary contributions of Carole King, whose environmentalism and musical talents have bettered New York and our nation and inspired a Broadway musical.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, Democrats in Washington continue to urge the President to reopen the government, end the crisis of his own making, and get Federal employees back to work. Despite this unfortunate situation dragging on, we can celebrate good news out of Richmond, Virginia. Wednesday marked the first day of Virginia's State legislative session. And on day 1, a Senate committee passed a resolution to ratify the Equal Rights Amendment. Thirty-seven States have voted to ratify the ERA since it passed Congress in 1972, two in the last 2 years. Thirty-eight States must ratify a constitutional amendment, and Virginia could get it across the finish line. I am thrilled to witness this energy to enshrine women's equality in the Constitution where it belongs. I hope my colleagues will join me in supporting this incredible State effort, in Virginia and elsewhere, to amend the Constitution to finally ensure equality for all women and men in this country.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Madam Speaker, I regrettably missed a floor vote on H.R. 264, the Financial Services and General Government Appropriations Act of 2019, on January 9, 2019. Had I been present, I would have voted yes. I was proud to support an appropriations package that included similar provisions and strongly support the provision in H.R. 264 to ensure that federal workers are fully compensated once the partial government shutdown is over. I will continue to call for the passage of bipartisan spending bills like this one to reopen the government.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, we are paying a high price for the President's demand for more than $5 billion to fund his wall. The shutdown not only hurts those directly affected, it has begun to spread to the broader economy. The shutdown slows economic growth, weakens business confidence, softens consumer spending, and depresses lending. JPMorgan Chase estimates the economic costs to be $1.5 billion per week during the shutdown. Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody's, says that if the shutdown lasts into February, economic growth could be reduced by $8.7 billion. President Trump's own Council of Economic Advisers projects that economic growth will slow every week that the shutdown continues. In addition, the rating agency Fitch has warned that a prolonged shutdown could lead to a downgrade of U.S. debt. This will raise borrowing costs for companies and consumers across the country. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce states that the shutdown is harming the American people, the business community, and the economy. Mr. President, you are playing a very dangerous game, and we all will pay the price.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize my dear friend Carole King, arguably the most prodigious singer-songwriter of our century, for the fifth anniversary of Beautiful: The Carole King Musical which is based on her life and career. Beautiful: The Carole King Musical opened on Broadway on January 12, 2014. After its first season the show won a Grammy for Best Musical Theater Album as well as two Tony awards. In 2015 it opened on London's West End, garnering 2 Olivier Awards. The show is now entering its sixth year. Carole King launched her extraordinary musical career as a songwriter at the young age of seventeen with the song ``Will You Love Me Tomorrow,'' co-written alongside her then-husband Gerry Goffin. She continued to cowrite dozens of subsequent chart-topping songs until she wrote her first solo song, ``Baby Sittin,'' in 1967. She made her breakthrough as a musical artist in her own right when she released her album Tapestry in 1971, which stayed on the charts for over six years and was inducted into the Grammy Hall of Fame in 1998. To date, King has composed more than 100 hit singles and amassed numerous prestigious musical awards, including four Grammy Awards. She was the first woman to receive the Library of Congress Gershwin Prize for Popular Song, which she was honored with in 2013. She has also been inducted into the Songwriters Hall of Fame as well as the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and was a Kennedy Center Honoree in 2015. In addition to her prolific musical career, King has also dedicated her exceptional abilities towards environmental activism and ensuring the conservation of American wildlife, parks, and wild places. King is a long-time resident of Idaho and began working with the Alliance for the Wild Rockies in 1990, testifying on Capitol Hill against legislation that would harm Idahoan natural spaces. She has also been a stalwart and outspoken advocate of the Northern Rockies Ecosystem Protection Act (NREPA), a bill I have introduced in every Congress since the 103rd Congress. King testified in favor of NREPA in 2009 before the House Natural Resources Subcommittee on National Parks, Forests, and Public Lands. Madam Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in celebrating the extraordinary contributions of Carole King, whose environmentalism and musical talents have bettered New York and our nation and inspired a Broadway musical.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, on May 21, 2018 the House took roll call votes on a series of bills which included, H.R. 4451, the Homeless Veterans' Reintegration Programs Reauthorization Act of 2018. Unintentionally, I voted no on this legislation when I meant to vote yes. My recorded vote does not reflect my position on the important programs and support services for homeless veterans that were reauthorized in H.R. 4451 and I look forward to working with my colleagues to expand services that help our veterans thrive as civilians after their brave service to our country has concluded.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, improving government interactions with the public must be a constant goal of Federal agencies and Members of Congress. I support this bill because it moves us toward that objective. The House bill before us is the companion measure to a bill introduced by Senator Claire McCaskill which passed the Senate unanimously last year. H.R. 2846 would require Federal agencies to collect voluntary feedback from the public, a common practice in the private sector. Agencies would have to report the results of this feedback to the Office of Management and Budget and post it on agency websites. Importantly, agencies would be required to ensure that this information is anonymous and protect their privacy. However, using customer satisfaction sources to demonize certain agencies or agency personnel is not an appropriate use of this information. This feedback should be used for constructive purposes. Measuring the public's satisfaction with the service agencies provide is a good step toward improving services overall and will hopefully provide insight into how agencies can improve their operations. The aim is to create a virtuous cycle, not a vicious one. Congress must also recognize its role in improving agency performance and customer satisfaction. Agencies will inevitably receive low satisfaction scores from the public if they are woefully underfunded and are not able to hire and adequately train employees, as this has, unfortunately, been the case at some agencies over the past few years. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers on this bill on this side, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, the All-American Flag Act is a commonsense bill that all Members should support. It would simply require all Federal agencies to purchase American flags that are manufactured in the United States, using materials grown or produced in the United States. Under current law, this requirement applies only to the Departments of Defense and Veterans Affairs. It should be extended to all Federal agencies. As under current law, the bill would provide certain limited exceptions and allow agencies to purchase American flags made elsewhere if they are not available in sufficient quantity or quality from American manufacturers. Mr. Speaker, I intend to reserve my time eventually, but first, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Mrs. Bustos), my distinguished colleague.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate my friend and colleague on this excellent, patriotic bill, of which I am a cosponsor. I have no further speakers on this side of the aisle, so I yield back the balance of my time.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3154, the Inspector General Access Act. Mr. Speaker, I thank Representatives Richmond, Hice, and Lynch for the bipartisan manner in which they worked on this very important bill. The Inspector General Access Act would allow the IG of the Department of Justice to investigate allegations of misconduct by Department attorneys. The IG is statutorily independent and currently has the authority to investigate other DOJ personnel, but is barred from pursuing appropriate investigations into the attorneys at the Department. Under current law, the authority to investigate attorneys is restricted to the Office of Professional Responsibility within DOJ. OPR is not statutorily independent; its head is not Senate confirmed like the IG; and treating attorneys differently from other personnel is unfair. One year ago, Michael Horowitz, the inspector general at the Department of Justice, testified before the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform: ``This bifurcated jurisdiction creates a system where misconduct by FBI agents and other DOJ law enforcement officers is conducted by a statutorily independent IG appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate, while misconduct by DOJ prosecutors is investigated by a component head who is appointed by the Department's leadership and who lacks statutory independence. There is no principled reason for treating misconduct by Federal prosecutors differently than misconduct by DOJ law enforcement agents.'' Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the letter from Mr. Horowitz expressing his strong support for this bill before us today. U.S. Department of Justice, Office of the Inspector General, November 29, 2018. Hon. Trey Gowdy, Chairman, Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, House of Representatives, Washington, DC. Hon. Elijah E. Cummings, Ranking Member, Committee on Oversight and Government Reform, House of Representatives, Washington, DC. Dear Mr. Chairman and Ranking Member Cummings: I write to express my strong support for H.R. 3154, the ``Inspector General Access Act of 2017'' (Access Act), which your Committee approved unanimously on September 27, 2018. The Access Act would amend the Inspector General Act (IG Act) to provide the Department of Justice (DOJ) Office of the Inspector General (OIG) with authority to investigate allegations of misconduct against DOJ attorneys for their actions as lawyers, just as the OIG has authority under the IG Act to investigate allegations of misconduct made against any non-lawyer in the Department, including law enforcement agents at the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA), the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), and the U.S. Marshals Service (USMS). Currently, under Section 8E of the Inspector General Act, the OIG does not have the authority to investigate allegations of misconduct made against DOJ attorneys acting in their capacity as lawyers; this role is reserved exclusively for the Department's Office of Professional Responsibility (OPR). The Access Act has received broad, bipartisan support over successive Congresses because it promotes independent oversight, transparency, and accountability within DOJ and for all of its employees. For these same reasons, in 1994, the then-General Accounting Office, now the Government Accountability Office (GAO), issued a report that found that preventing the OIG from investigating attorney misconduct was inconsistent with the independence and accountability that Congress envisioned under the IG Act. The OIG has long questioned this carve-out because OPR lacks statutory independence and does not regularly release its reports and conclusions to the public. Moreover, to our knowledge, the DOJ Inspector General is the only Inspector General in the entire federal government that does not have the authority to investigate alleged professional misconduct by attorneys who work in the agency it oversees. Providing the OIG with authority to exercise jurisdiction in attorney professional misconduct cases would enhance the public's confidence in the outcomes of these investigations and provide the OIG with the same authority as every other Inspector General. Alleged professional misconduct by DOJ prosecutors, like any alleged misconduct by DOJ agents, should be subject to statutorily independent oversight. Over fifteen years ago, the Department and Congress recognized the importance of statutorily independent OIG oversight over all DOJ law enforcement components (FBI, DEA, USMS, and ATF) when Attorney General Ashcroft authorized the OIG to conduct additional law enforcement oversight in 2001 and Congress legislated it in 2002. Yet, allegations against Department prosecutors for professional misconduct continue to be handled exclusively by OPR. As a result, presently, if an allegation of misconduct is made against the FBI Director, it is reviewed by the OIG; by contrast, if an allegation of professional misconduct is made against the Attorney General, it is handled by OPR, a Departmental component that the Attorney General supervises. The rationale supporting independent oversight for alleged misconduct by law enforcement applies with equal force to alleged wrongdoing by federal prosecutors, regardless of the nature of the alleged misconduct. There is no principled reason to have two standards of oversight at DOJ--one for federal agents, who are subject to statutorily independent and transparent oversight by the OIG, and one for federal prosecutors, who are not for allegations of professional misconduct. This is particularly true given the extraordinary power that Department lawyers have to charge individuals with crimes, to seek incarceration, and to pursue the seizure of assets and property. The OIG's independence, established by statutory authorities and protections, facilitates objective and credible investigations of misconduct allegations, as well as unbiased reports that identify and make useful recommendations for improving the Department. The OIG is headed by a Senate-confirmed Inspector General who can only be removed by the President, with prior notice to Congress. The OIG's statutory independence is bolstered by the OIG's dual obligation to report findings and concerns both to the Attorney General and to Congress. The independent OIG is able to make critical investigative and audit findings without fear of reprisal. Conversely, OPR has no statutory independence or protections. The OPR Counsel is appointed by and answers to the Attorney General, and can be removed or disciplined by the Attorney General. Although a November 27, 2018 letter from DOJ's Office of Legislative Affairs (OLA) on H.R. 3154 states that ``OPR has always acted independently,'' it does not point to any protections, statutory or otherwise, that exist to ensure OPR's independence from the Attorney General, nor has DOJ proposed strengthening OPR's independence by adding such protections. Indeed, the letter fails to explain or even address why DOJ believes it is better to have a non- statutorily independent entity handle attorney professional misconduct cases rather than a statutorily independent organization, as is the case for law enforcement professional misconduct allegations. The OIG's independent and transparent oversight enhances the public's confidence in the DOJ's programs and improves its operations. In addition to independence, the OIG considers transparency a crucial component of its oversight mission. With limited exceptions, the OIG ensures that the public is aware of the results of our work. The majority of our reports are posted on our public website at the time of release to ensure that Congress and the public are informed of our findings, in a comprehensive and timely manner. The OIG, consistent with the IG Act, publishes on our website summaries of investigations resulting in findings of administrative misconduct by senior government employees and in matters of public interest even when the subject is not prosecuted. We post such summaries without identifying the investigative subject consistent with the legal requirements under the Privacy Act. Because of this commitment to transparency, there are currently hundreds of OIG reports, audits, and reviews posted on our web site. There are also summaries of dozens of OIG investigative reports posted, including recent reports involving significant misconduct by senior DOJ officials. In contrast, there are currently only a total of five reports (other than annual reports) posted on OPR's website. Four of those five reports are from 2008 and were the result of OPR's joint work with the OIG, and which the OIG posted on our website consistent with the IG Act and our practice. The fifth report was completed by OPR in 2013 and only released in 2015 in response to a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request. Moreover, although the OLA letter states that ``OPR discloses a substantial amount of information about its work and findings in its annual report,'' this information is not reported in a timely or comprehensive manner. Congress and the public only find out about some, but not necessarily all, of OPR's work when it issues an annual report. An example of this dichotomy can be found in a case involving an Oregon lawyer who was arrested by the FBI and wrongly imprisoned after mismatched fingerprints linked him to the 2004 bombing at a Madrid train station. The OIG investigated the allegations of FBI agent misconduct, while the Department's OPR investigated the allegations of attorney misconduct. This bifurcation led to inconsistent treatment. The OIG report on the actions of the FBI agents was published on the OIG's website, but OPR did not publish the report on the conduct of the DOJ attorneys who were involved in the same case. Transparency ensures greater accountability, and sends an important deterrent message to other Department employees. The credibility of the Department's disciplinary process is inevitably reduced when the responsible component operates under the direction of the Department's senior leadership and is not subject to public scrutiny because of limited transparency. The OIG has demonstrated its excellence in reviewing complex legal and factual issues, including employee ethics and misconduct matters. Over the past 30 years, the OIG has shown that it is capable of fair and independent oversight of the DOJ. The jurisdictional limitation of Section 8E(b)(3) is an unnecessary historical vestige of the fact that OPR was in existence prior to the statutory creation of the OIG in 1988. Those who unsuccessfully tried in 2002 to forestall Congress from providing the OIG with oversight of alleged misconduct by FBI and DEA agents contended that those cases required specialized expertise--just like the Department argues currently that prosecutorial oversight requires specialized expertise--and that argument was roundly rejected and has proven to be entirely without merit. The decision by Congress to extend OIG jurisdiction in 2002 to encompass misconduct by FBI and DEA agents has allowed for significant and important oversight of DOJ's law enforcement operations, and has had significant positive impact on the integrity of those agencies' operations. The OIG has consistently demonstrated our ability to handle complex legal and factual issues related to our misconduct reviews, including those involving FBI and DEA agents as well as, on occasion, ethics issues involving DOJ lawyers. In addition to our recent investigation of the FBI's actions prior to the 2016 presidential election, which involved evaluating the professional conduct by FBI agents, FBI lawyers, and FBI senior officials, we have investigated the FBI's actions involving its former agent Robert Hanssen, the FBI's activities related to James ``Whitey'' Bulger, the DEA's oversight of its confidential informant program, the DEA and other components' handling of sexual misconduct and harassment cases, the operation of the FBI laboratory, ATF's actions involving Operation Fast and Furious, and the FBI's use of its national security authorities (National Security Letters, Patriot Act Section 215, FISA Amendment Act Section 702). Each of those and many other reviews resulted in independent and transparent findings by the OIG, and resulted in changes to Department operations that enhanced their effectiveness and thereby increased the public's confidence in those programs. Moreover, OIGs throughout the government, including at the Department of Homeland Security and the Securities and Exchange Commission, have authority to investigate misconduct allegations made against attorneys at those agencies and they have demonstrated that they are fully capable of dealing with such matters covering a wide range of complex legal issues. The DOJ OIG is the only OIG, to our knowledge, that is barred by the IG Act from reviewing misconduct by lawyers within the agency it oversees. The Access Act would provide the OIG with oversight over Department lawyers in a manner that is entirely consistent with its oversight authority over Department non-attorneys. The present oversight system that applies to allegations made against any DOJ non-lawyer, as provided for in the IG Act and Department regulations, is precisely the oversight mechanism that the Access Act seeks to apply to Department lawyers. Specifically, under the current system for DOJ non- lawyers, all non-frivolous misconduct allegations must be provided to the OIG for the OIG's review and determination as to whether it is of the type and nature that warrants and necessitates independent OIG investigation. Given the OIG's limited resources, the OIG handles only those allegations that warrant an independent OIG investigation, and therefore the OIG returns routine and less serious misconduct allegations to Department components, such as the FBI's Inspections Division and the DEA's OPR, for their handling and investigation. For those matters that the OIG retains, when the OIG completes its investigation, it sends its report to the component so that it can adjudicate the OIG's findings and take disciplinary action, as appropriate. The Access Act creates a similar practice, by maintaining the Department's OPR to handle misconduct allegations that do not require independent outside review as determined by the OIG, much as the internal affairs offices at the FBI, DEA, ATF, and USMS remain in place today. We are unaware of any claims by Department leaders that this approach has resulted in ``different investigative standards,'' ``decrease[d] efficiency,'' or ``inconsistent application'' of legal standards. There is no evidence that it has impacted the components ``ability to successfully defend any significant discipline decision before the Merit Systems Protection Board.'' Yet this parade of horribles is precisely what the OLA letter claims will occur if attorneys are treated in the same manner as Special Agents and non- attorneys at the Department, rather than continuing to receive the special oversight treatment granted to them under the current carve-out provision under the IG Act. This argument it meritless. Indeed, the disciplinary processes at the FBI and the DEA have substantially improved since the OIG obtained statutory oversight authority over those components in 2002, in significant part due to the greater transparency and accountability that has resulted from the OIG's oversight. I very much appreciate your strong support for my Office and for Inspectors General throughout the federal government. Sincerely, Michael E. Horowitz, Inspector General.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, H.R. 3154 would not prohibit OPR from investigating attorneys. It would simply add the ability to investigate attorneys when appropriate in the IG's authority, an additional layer of accountability. Empowering IGs has been, and should continue to be, a nonpartisan issue. The Committee on Oversight and Government Reform relies on the work of IGs, and we strongly support ensuring they can do their jobs effectively. This bill was ordered reported by the Oversight Committee unanimously. I urge my colleagues to continue their support for IGs by supporting the Inspector General Access Act. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the 21st Century Integrated Digital Experience Act, and I thank my friend and colleague, Representative Ro Khanna, for his bipartisan work on this important bill. This bill will require agencies to modernize their public-facing websites and increase the types of services and forms available to the public in a digital format. Improving the capabilities of agency websites available to the public is essential to ensuring that the Federal Government continues to meet the demands of today's citizens. This bill would help to achieve that goal by requiring agencies to make long overdue improvements to the websites and digital services they provide for the public's benefit. For example, the bill would require that any new or redesigned website be accessible to people with disabilities, offer search functions to allow users to more easily find specific content, and use data-driven analysis to ensure that users' needs are being adequately addressed. This bill also would mandate that within 2 years of enactment, agencies provide the public with the option of completing any transactions by means of an online, mobile-friendly, digital format. In other words, on their phones. Finally, the bill would require agencies to submit to both the Director of the Office of Management and Budget and the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform a report on the progress being made in implementing the bill's requirements. Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from the great State of California (Mr. Khanna).

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues and Members to support this bill. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I support this commonsense bill. The Settlement Agreement Information Database Act would create a database of settlement agreements entered into by Federal agencies that relate to alleged violations of Federal, civil, or criminal law. The Office of Management and Budget would manage this database and set deadlines for submission. The heads of executive agencies would be required to submit details about the types of settlement agreements, parties involved in the settlements, specific violations, and the dates on which the settlement agreements were entered into. The information about the settlement agreements would remain public until 5 years after the termination of the agreements. The information within the agreements would remain subject to FOIA regulations. But if the head of the agencies decided to keep an entire agreement confidential, he or she would be required to submit an explanation of that action to the database. This bill would improve the transparency surrounding settlement agreements, which in the past have been difficult for the public to access. Mr. Speaker, I do not have any further speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, the Federal CIO Authorization Act would make several commonsense changes to existing law. First, it would update the name of the Administrator for E-Government to the Federal Chief Information Officer and require that individual to report directly to the Director of the Office of Management and Budget. Second, it would establish the position of Federal Chief Information Security Officer, who would report to the Federal CIO and assist OMB in its cybersecurity efforts. Finally, the bill would require the Federal CIO to submit a proposal on consolidating IT across Federal agencies, especially smaller agencies, through the use of shared services. Mr. Speaker, I urge every Member in this Congress to support this bill, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I have no further speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I rise to recognize Betsy Cohn, a leader and activist who has made a difference on the national stage. Ms. Cohn has been an advertising and marketing executive, a stalwart of Democratic politics and an outspoken feminist who has worked to elect women to office. On October 1, 2018, she celebrated her 80th birthday. Betsy Cohn has broken through glass ceilings and reached down for others to follow. She had an extraordinary career in marketing and public relations, starting in the Mad Men era when few women succeeded in becoming executives. She worked for some of the most iconic movie and television studios, heading departments and making significant contributions to the entertainment industry. Born Betsy Levitt, Ms. Cohn attended Syracuse University. In 1959, she was hired as a secretary at Kenyon & Eckhardt Advertising, where her talents were recognized, and she rose to become Head of Casting and then Director of Public Relations. In 1975, seeking an opportunity to have a bigger impact, Ms. Cohn left the advertising firm to become Director of Marketing (Non- Theatrical) at Paramount Pictures. She became a Consultant for Showtime from 1977 to 1982, and then joined MGM/UA as Director of Pay TV where she remained until her retirement in 1986. In addition to her professional experience, Ms. Cohn has given generously of her time and attention to some of New York's greatest cultural and civic institutions. She has served on the advisory board of the Maxwell School of Citizenship at Syracuse and the New York State Tourism Advisory Organization. She is on the Central Park Conservancy Women's Committee; on the Lincoln Center Theater's Patron Committee; on the development committee board of Jazz at Lincoln Center; on the board and executive committee of New Dramatists; and a Co-Chair of the Chairman's Council of New York Historical Society. Ms. Cohn's deep knowledge and understanding America's cultural institutions were recognized when she was appointed by President Bill Clinton to the President's Committee on the Arts and the Humanities, a committee established to advise the President, the National Endowment for the Arts and the National Endowment for the Humanities on ways to promote private sector support for, especially at the state and local level. A longtime political activist, Ms. Cohn has been deeply involved in Democratic politics, and especially interested in helping women win. She served as Executive Vice President of the Women's Leadership Forum of the Democratic National Committee. When Hillary Clinton ran for Senate, Ms. Cohn was Vice Chair of Finance for her campaign. She was the co-creator of the Tri-State Maxed-Out Women's Committee for Hillary Clinton (2006 to 2008), which held information sessions and brought well-known leaders to speak with women who had been major donors to Hillary Clinton's Presidential campaign. Ms. Cohn then created the Tristate Women's Maxed-Out Committee (2010 to present) whose political action committee supports Democratic women running for the U.S. House or Senate. Ms. Cohn also serves on the Board of Eleanor's Legacy, which raises funds for Democratic women in New York State. Mr. Speaker, I ask my colleagues to join me in celebrating the extraordinary contributions of Betsy Cohn, who has created opportunities for women to become leaders.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend and colleague from New York, who is the ranking member on Small Business, as an outstanding leader on Puerto Rico, on business, on women, and in so many areas. I rise today and join my colleague on the other side of the aisle, Ann Wagner, in strong support of H.R. 6729, the Empowering Financial Institutions to Fight Human Trafficking Act. This bill cracks down on human traffickers and human trafficking in general, which is one of the worst crimes imaginable. This bill will save lives by cracking down on human trafficking. Human trafficking is the fastest growing criminal enterprise in the world. It already generates over $150 billion in profits every year. There are only two crimes that generate more revenue, and those are selling drugs and selling guns. But in human trafficking, you can sell the body over and over again, usually until they die. The $150 billion is an astonishing amount of money, and that is why it is so important to make sure that financial institutions have access to high-quality, up-to-date information on human traffickers and the companies and individuals involved in this terrible trade. This bill would ensure that financial institutions get the information they need about trafficking so that they can take appropriate action to protect both themselves and the sufferers of human trafficking. The bill would give qualified nonprofits a legal safe harbor when they share information about human trafficking with financial institutions. And it is not-for-profits that have been the most successful in combating and stopping this horrible crime. The nonprofits would have to be registered with Treasury in order to qualify for the safe harbor and would have to abide by any safeguards Treasury establishes to ensure that the information they are providing is credible and accurate. So the bill would not open the door to blatantly false or malicious accusations being made. To the contrary, it would help nonprofits who are actively engaged in stopping human trafficking around the world. Without this safe harbor, these nonprofits would be afraid to share the information they have about traffickers with banks out of fear of being sued. This bill is supported by law enforcement. This bill will allow a cracking down on this terrible, terrible crime that costs the lives of thousands of our young people. It is important. This bill will save lives. That is why I support it, and I urge my colleagues to support this bill.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend and co-chair of the Hellenic Caucus for all his hard work on this Special Order and for his hard work in Congress and on so many issues. He has been a leader for Greece, Cyprus, Florida, and the United States, and is a strong and effective leader here in Congress. Mr. Cicilline, who is here representing the Democratic side, has been a strong advocate and leader, not only in this but in so many areas in our caucus, in our Congress, and in so many ways. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to show my strong and unwavering support for the U.S.-Cyprus relationship. As co-chair of the Hellenic Caucus along with Mr. Bilirakis, I would be remiss if I did not mention the tragic wildfires that tore through Greece yesterday, killing dozens, and injuring and displacing hundreds more. I am heartbroken by the loss of life and destruction these rapidly moving fires left in their wake, and I send my deepest condolences, along with all of my colleagues in Congress, to the Greek people at this time. I know that the Hellenic American community, many of whom are my constituents, are affected by this disaster as well and have already begun efforts to help. I want to thank, especially, my fellow Hellenic Caucus co-chair, Representative Gus Bilirakis from the great State of Florida, for organizing this Special Order hour, and also the Congressman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline) for joining him in organizing it. I founded the caucus with his father, former Representative Mike Bilirakis, in 1996, and it remains one of the largest and most active caucuses in Congress. We founded this caucus after Turkey invaded EMEA. It seemed like, every other day, there was a major crisis that came to the floor of Congress, and we felt it was important to really find where our supporters were. I am proud that, since this caucus has been founded, no single bill has been taken to the floor that in any way hinders or rolls back rights to Greece or Cyprus. Cyprus is one of our staunchest allies in the world. Strengthening our alliance must remain a constant foreign policy priority for the United States. We must acknowledge a solemn anniversary last week. It has been 44 years since the illegal, terrible, unjust invasion by Turkish troops into the northern third of the nation of Cyprus. To this day, the island and the people living on either side of the U.N.-monitored buffer zone remain separated. There are 40,000 Turkish troops occupying northern Cyprus today. It is unjust; it is wrong; and they should be removed. They pose a looming threat that the Cypriot people have been forced to live with each and every day. Negotiations on reunification, unfortunately, are stalled for now, after some signs of progress early last year. Turkish troops are undeniably a hindrance to peace. No just and lasting settlement for either Greece or Turkish Cypriots can be achieved with the presence of the Turkish military. We are here today to show the support of the U.S. Congress for a bicommunal, bizonal federation that is in the best interests of the United States, the entire Eastern Mediterranean, and, most of all, Cypriots themselves. Two years ago, I joined a congressional delegation led by Ileana Ros- Lehtinen, the former chair of the Foreign Relations Committee, to Cyprus. As we toured along the buffer zone, or the so-called Green Line that partitions the country, the ghost towns of Famagusta and Varosha illustrated the drastic impact that a divided Cyprus has on its people. I would call it a lost opportunity and lost economic advancement. It is literally a deserted ghost town on one of the most beautiful beaches in the world, one of the most beautiful towns in the world. Yet, I have constituents who I represent who crawled out of Famagusta on their bellies as Turkish planes were dropping bombs after them, and their dream is to go back to their homeland. But it is a wasteland. When you pass the Green Line into the occupied area, it is like totally deserted. It is like a lost economic opportunity, lost living style, lost life. When you see it, it is a visualization of so many opportunities lost for this great country, the time wasted and the development foregone because of this extended conflict and separation between the Greek and Cypriot areas and the Turkish areas. Some may not be aware that the buffer zone is patrolled now by U.N. peacekeeping forces. The U.S. must maintain its financial support for these forces that are keeping peace in Cyprus. It is an effective investment, especially now, and it is needed. There are numerous examples of Turkish aggression in the Eastern Mediterranean. Violations of Greek airspace and territorial waters are commonplace. Turkey continues to intimidate and interfere with the companies operating in Cyprus' exclusive economic zone and violates Cyprus' sovereign claims to its territory. Fortunately, there are near-term initiatives that Congress is pursuing right now to defend Cyprus' stability and sovereignty. The NDAA conference report released Monday includes a provision to study lifting the arms embargo on Cyprus that has been in place since 1987. I think we need to go much further than that. I think the embargo should be lifted today, and I am proud to be an original cosponsor of Representative Cicilline's bill to do just that. This study will hopefully be at least a step in the right direction. The NDAA also prohibits the sale of F-35 fighter jets to Turkey. That provision is long overdue, and that is in the defense budget that we will be considering today and tomorrow. Cyprus is a vital U.S. partner in global and regional security, economic cooperation, and energy development. I am proud to be a champion of this relationship in Congress through the Hellenic Caucus and to have the support of so many of my Hellenic American constituents in that effort. Mr. Speaker, I see my colleague, Mr. Cicilline, representing the great State of Rhode Island is here. He is an incredible leader in this caucus, the leader of our messaging unit, and, in so many other ways, an important leader in this Congress.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding and for her leadership. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of the JOBS and Investor Confidence Act, which will help in capital formation and help our economy grow. I want to thank Chairman Hensarling and Ranking Member Waters for all their hard work on this bipartisan package, which reflects a great deal of work by all of us on the Financial Services Committee. In this package are 22 bills that came through the Capital Markets, Securities, and Investment Subcommittee on which I serve with Chairman Huizenga as ranking member, and I thank him for his leadership in pushing this through. This package includes one of my bills, the Family Office Technical Correction Act, which is a narrowly tailored solution that will allow family offices to better serve their clients. The bill would clarify that all family clients of a family office are sophisticated, accredited investors. This fixes a problem where, if just one family client of a family office isn't an accredited investor, then the entire family office can't buy any securities that are limited to accredited investors, like privately issued stocks or bonds. The package also includes several other bills that I strongly support, such as Mr. Himes' Middle Market IPO Underwriting Cost Act. This bill will require the SEC to study the costs associated with going public, and not just the regulatory costs that have been studied many times, but the much higher costs that are paid to the underwriters and other professionals when a company decides to go public. Ranking Member Waters also has a bill in this package that would require the SEC to study and fix a glaring loophole in our insider trading laws, where company executives can take advantage of a safe harbor to buy and sell stock in their own company based on material, nonpublic information. Finally, the package includes a bill that would provide a badly needed update to the definition of a sophisticated accredited investor, which would allow people who can demonstrate that they are sophisticated in investment matters to qualify as an accredited investor. Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this bipartisan package.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend and colleague from the great State of California (Mr. Correa), for yielding and for his leadership on this very important humanitarian issue and so many other issues before this Congress. Mr. Speaker, yesterday, the Trump administration missed its court- ordered deadline to reunite the toddlers and babies it kidnapped at our southern border with their families. And, yes, I say kidnapped. I don't know how else to describe this. That is the only appropriate word to describe the implementation of the so-called zero-tolerance policy when there was clearly no forethought as to how children would be returned to their parents. The cruelty and inhumanity at the border has led to nearly 3,000 children being torn away from their families and imprisoned. Instead of having a plan in place to reunite these families, the administration lost, destroyed, or never even created records, and clearly did not care or think about reuniting these children. Now we have a crisis of a whole different kind: figuring out how we put the pieces back together, how we put the families together again. Some parents of these children have already been deported. Some are totally unaccounted for. President Trump and his administration are utterly failing to fix this tragedy that they created. We have so many tragedies in the world that we are reacting to. This was one that was literally created by this administration. While we deal with this unorganized chaos and incompetence, the children still in custody continue to suffer irreparable trauma in unimaginable conditions, all because the President wanted to punish those who sought safety for their children and a better life in the United States of America. We will not rest until each one of these children is back safely in their parents' arms. We will continue to demand information on how these children will be reunited with their families and insist that officials who took part in this tragedy are held accountable. I have visited two facilities with my colleagues. One was in Elizabeth, New Jersey. We went there on Father's Day with permission from lawyers and the inmates to visit with them. At first, they would not allow us access. Finally, after we pushed and pushed, we were allowed to see five gentlemen, four of whom entered the country legally. They entered the country and immediately turned themselves over to immigration authorities. One came in illegally because there was violence at the border, and he then immediately turned himself over to immigration facilities. They all had very sad stories to tell. I share one from a man, from which country, we can't say, but there was a lot of violence and drug violence. His partner was killed, and his business was destroyed. They went to the school, threatening to take his daughter. She, luckily, was not in school at the time. The thugs were looking for her. So he grabbed his daughter and fled to America. He was in detention when they came to his cell at 3 o'clock in the morning and tore his 8- year-old daughter from his arms. Along with my five colleagues, Members of Congress from New York and New Jersey, we asked to speak to the head of the facility, the head representing ICE, the head of the detention facility. They said they had no records of where his daughter was. To this day, they have not reunited this father with his 8-year-old daughter. He broke down in tears. I also visited a facility in New York City, Cayuga in East Harlem. This is a facility that I feel was very well-run. It is for foster care. Children are there in the daytime, and then they are placed in foster homes during the night. Again, the children did not know where their parents were. The professionals said it usually takes them 59 days to find a relative, an appropriate guardian, or the parents. I just have to join my colleagues in saying that this is a disaster. Mr. Speaker, 3,000 migrant children who were taken from their parents at the border are still waiting to be reunited. There are accounts of pregnant women being shackled in detention and callously denied prenatal care or medical attention when they are clearly experiencing symptoms of miscarriage. On Tuesday, the administration missed the court-ordered deadline to reunite all children under 5 years of age. I understand there are more than, roughly, 100 children in this category. Very few have been reunited. Neither HHS nor DHS have consistent answers about how and when any of these children under 5, or over 5, are going to be returned to their parents. In short, there is no plan. There was no planning. They took children from the arms of their parents and did not keep records on where they are now. Repeatedly, I have joined with Ranking Member Elijah Cummings in calling for hearings in the Oversight and Government Reform Committee. Despite numerous, numerous requests from him and others, we have not had one single hearing about this humanitarian crisis being put forth by our own government. Yet, there is a hearing planned tomorrow on Hillary Clinton's emails. The election is over. Let's focus on the crisis before us: these children. Again, we will keep calling for and asking for hearings on this crisis before our country. I want to thank my colleague for working so hard and trying to find answers. I support his work completely, and I will continue working with him and others to reunite these families who came to our country looking for a better life.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend and colleague from the great State of New York, Yvette Clarke, for organizing this incredibly important Special Order. Her mother and I served together on the city council. She was one of my best friends there, and Yvette is one of my best friends here. I would say that Yvette and Una really have been major leaders in the immigrant community, particularly from the Caribbean where her mother was born, and has been a leader on all forms of social justice to help immigrants in our country, not just this disaster that we are confronting right now. Throughout history, we have been a nation to which the world's oppressed and vulnerable look to for hope; a beacon of light signaling a better life. The zero-tolerance policy put forth by the Trump administration utterly violates that tradition of values in this country. Families are fleeing unspeakable danger and oppression only to arrive at our borders and be torn away from each other. Yesterday, President Trump signed an executive order that halts segregated detention for parents and children. But we have to remember that the President created this crisis and always had the power to reverse course. Why didn't he do it sooner? Now the so-called solution seems to be that families will be detained together, but we don't know for how long and we don't know where. All today, I have been looking for the girls. Where are the girls? I found detention centers for boys, I found them for men, and I found them for babies. I still haven't gotten an answer where the young girls are. We are left with troubling questions. We don't know where they are, and we don't know how they are being treated. How and when will the thousands of children who have already been separated from their parents be reunited? Now I read that some parents have been sent back--deported--and their children are still here. How are we going to unite those families and bring them together? Last weekend, I joined members of the New York delegation and the New Jersey delegation, and we went to a detention center in Elizabeth, New Jersey. We had letters that said we could see the people who had been detained. It was signed by their lawyers and it was signed by the men. We went on Father's Day to meet with the fathers. First, they wouldn't let us in. They put papers on the wall in the windows so we couldn't look in. Then finally, we demanded and demanded, and they finally opened the doors and let us meet with five of the detainees. Four of them came to this country legally. They came seeking refuge, they came seeking asylum, and they went through the proper orders and the proper procedures. One did not. Because there was violence at the border, he came another way, and then turned themselves in to the authorities. Their stories were heartbreaking. Two of them broke down and literally cried. One father told a story that in his business, they were fishermen, his partner had been murdered. They were asking for them to pay them money, the gangs down in those areas. So the gang members went to the school looking for his daughter. He heard about it. She was going in the afternoon. He immediately took his daughter and fled and came to America. When he came to the border, they were then moved into a detention center. The authorities came to him at 3:00 in the morning and tore his daughter out of his arms. He did not know where she was, and he did not know how to contact her. When we talked to the warden, we asked the warden in Elizabeth, New Jersey, at this detention center, where his daughter was, and he didn't know. Then he said he would try to find his daughter. Well, when I arrived today, I checked with my New Jersey colleagues. They had been in touch with the detention center and with the warden. They still had not found his daughter. This is disastrous. This is cruel. This is dangerous. We don't know where this particular child is, and we don't know where the thousands of others are. We don't know what kind of conditions these families are being held in, and we don't know how long they are being held. We need to know these answers, and we have to hold this administration accountable for completely ending this family separation policy that they initiated. Now, between May 5 and June 9, just 35 days, over 2,300 children have been separated from their parents at the southern border. Now, this, I think, is the worst action in our country regarding immigrants in the history of a country. And the other worst one is when we interned Japanese citizens that had fled and come to America. We interned them during World War II. But here we have over 2,000 children separated from their parents. That is 60 children per day for the past 35 days, who go to sleep at night not knowing when they will see their mothers or fathers again. Experts tell us that this is child abuse, and at the hands of our own government. This cannot be who we are as Americans. It is why I joined Ranking Member Cummings and every Democrat on the Oversight and Government Reform Committee to demand a hearing on this reckless policy. We kept asking, and the Republican majority never granted it. So, today, the Women's Caucus held our own shadow hearing, where we heard from experts about health, about law, about humanity, and what we should be doing as a nation to help these children, not hurt them. I have signed on to Representative DeLauro's resolution condemning this horrific behavior as the child abuse that it is, and why I am an original cosponsor of the Keep Families Together Act, introduced by my colleague and friend, Jerry Nadler, which bans the separation of migrant children from their families. These children, these families, and this country deserve so much better. We will not stop fighting until families are made whole again. Mr. Speaker, I thank my distinguished colleague for her hard work on this issue, and so many others, that are important to our city of New York, our State, and our Nation.

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York

Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for his leadership, and for organizing this and for reminding us of the leadership that the Republican Party took under President Reagan for comprehensive immigration reform, which we have all been calling for for years. Today, I rise because I believe our country is in a moment of crisis. This administration is turning its back on our ideals, our values, and our history as a safe harbor and beacon of light for the world's oppressed and threatened peoples. President Trump's heartless policy of ripping apart families who are coming to the United States seeking freedom from fear, from violence, is cruel, inhumane, and blatantly un-American. These families have traveled hundreds, if not thousands, of miles to keep their children safe and away from the harm that awaits them at home. No one takes that journey lightly. No one leaves behind the only home they have known, their friends, their extended family, if they have any other choice. Yet, instead of accepting these refugees with compassion, this administration is persecuting and prosecuting those fleeing danger, taking babies from their mothers' and fathers' arms, causing great trauma. There is absolutely no justification for this policy. It is cruelty for cruelty's sake. This is not who we are as a Nation. It is why I have joined Ranking Member Cummings to demand an Oversight and Government Reform hearing on this reckless policy, and why I have signed on to a resolution condemning this horrific behavior as the child abuse that it is, and why I am joining the Women's Caucus next week at a shadow hearing, because we have requested a hearing from the Republican majority, and they have not granted it, so we are having our own hearing to explore this issue more. The administration needs to immediately change course, and every Member of Congress must hold it accountable for doing so. These children, these families, and this country deserve so much better. Mr. Speaker, I again thank my good friend, Representative Correa, for hosting this Special Order, for his leadership, and for allowing me to participate in this Special Order this evening.