Jim McGovern

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I think it is important to remind everybody that the Supreme Court decision in the Citizens United case essentially allows unlimited special interest money, corporate money, to drown out the voices of everyday people. That is really what the issue is here. The majority of Americans, I think, are alarmed by that. That is why an overwhelming majority support the passage of this DISCLOSE Act. Those of us who are arguing for the passage of this bill believe the voters have a fundamental right to know who is spending money to influence their elections and where that money is coming from. I am puzzled that my friends on the other side of the aisle, who are speaking out against this, don't share that same concern; but voters deserve to know who is spending money to influence their elections. They deserve to know whether it is a Big Oil company or a union, and they deserve to know whether it is a foreign special interest that is trying to influence the election. So I would urge my colleagues to get behind this effort, an effort that is overwhelmingly supported by the American people. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. One of the reasons why the American people overwhelmingly support the DISCLOSE Act is because quite frankly they are concerned, and rightly so, that money is becoming more and more of an influence in politics. Not just money from big corporations in the United States; they are also justifiably concerned about foreign influences. Sovereign wealth funds, the investment funds controlled by foreign governments of foreign interests, could be controlled by China. If they're here in the United States, they have the right to be able to under an innocuous name spend millions and millions of dollars in negative ads against a candidate or positive ads for a candidate. Why should anybody want a foreign government or foreign interest to have a greater impact on American elections than regular people? One of the reasons why this is important is to let the sunshine in, for there to be transparency, for those who run these ads to be able to stand by their ads. All of us have to stand by our ads when we stand for reelection to Congress. I have to say that it's paid for and authorized by Jim McGovern. That's what we have to do. What is so wrong with requiring big corporations to do the same thing? What is so wrong with saying we don't want foreign interests to influence our elections? These are American elections. We don't want China involved in these elections or any other country; and we know that they can, under the status quo, influence our elections and play a role in our elections through these sovereign wealth funds. So I would simply say I think the American people are right. There's nothing in the First Amendment that says we can't ask somebody to stand by their words. We're not inhibiting free speech. We're just saying if British Petroleum is going to run a Swift Boat ad against anybody here, they ought to say who they are, not make up some name that somehow they're dedicated to clean oceans or to a good environment. With that, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. My Republican colleagues claim that they have the best interests of the American people at heart, that they want to help the taxpayers. Yet I find it somewhat ironic that they propose that we cut money for jobs, money for health care, money for senior citizens, and then at the same time they defend British Petroleum and tell the American people that the American people should pay for the cleanup of that terrible oil spill and not British Petroleum. Look, what we are talking about here is a bill to require disclosure so that companies like British Petroleum, other foreign-owned companies, can't come into the United States and influence elections. Now, I don't know why that's so controversial. I guess if a particular interest was overly generous to me, like Big Oil is to my friends on the Republican side, that they would have objections. But look, I think the American people overwhelmingly want transparency and disclosure. If some oil company is going to come into my district and Swift Boat me and try to hide who they are by saying that they are a committee for clean oceans, that's deception. The American people ought to know that it's being paid for by Big Oil. We have, right now, all across the country, ads that are distorting the health care bill that was passed here in the Congress. But they are all paid for by the insurance industry, yet you can't find the words ``insurance industry'' on any of those ads. People deserve to know who is spending millions and millions of dollars on these ads. Whether you are a Democrat or a Republican, you ought to be for transparency. And that is what this bill is about. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I would just want to point out to the previous speaker that the American people want us to fix this economy, which we are trying to do. And I would also point out that we have created more jobs this year than in the entire 8 years of the Bush administration. I think what we are doing is the American people's work. I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi), the distinguished Speaker of the House.

Mr. McGOVERN. I yield myself the balance of my time. Madam Speaker, first of all, the underlying bill that we are talking about here today does not violate the First Amendment of the Constitution. That's just a ridiculous argument. And we are supporting this bill because we believe that no one spending large sums of money on campaigns should be able to hide behind a made-up shell. I don't think that's controversial. I don't care whether you are a Republican or a Democrat; you should want to know who is spending all this money, who is behind these ads. Why is that such a terrible idea? You know, I don't think it's too much to ask that these organizations identify in their campaign ads those entities providing funding for those ads. This is about sunlight and transparency. This is about giving the American people the information that I think they all want. Who is behind these ads? Who is funding these ads? My friends on the other side of the aisle seem to be clinging to secrecy. Well, secrecy in elections does nothing except to advance deception. And so when a Member of the Republican Party, for example, apologizes for the way the Federal Government is treating BP, BP can then under the status quo set up a mechanism to funnel money into ads in favor of that candidate or, you know, against his opponent, and BP does not have to identify itself. It could fund this under a shell of Citizens for Good Government or Citizens for a Clean Environment. We need to understand that one of the problems is the way that our government has evolved here. Money has played too big of a role. I cannot believe that our Founding Fathers could ever have imagined that money would play such a big role in campaigns, millions and millions and millions of dollars spent on congressional campaigns, on Senate campaigns. Too much time is devoted to raising money. Too much emphasis is placed on money to be able to run for office. This says nothing about capping how much we can spend on campaigns, but what it does say is that those entities that are running ads in favor of us or against us have to tell the American people who they are. I think the reason why so many Americans support this effort is because they get it, and they want to know the truth. I think the reason why so many Americans support this is they don't want foreign governments or foreign special interests to influence our elections. As I said before, these sovereign wealth funds can be set up. China can set one up based here in the United States, come up with a shell name for the organization, and actually spend millions and millions of dollars in an election to influence the outcome. That should not be. I don't care what your political philosophy is. We should not want foreign governments or foreign interests to influence our elections. Elections here should be decided by the people of the United States, not by other countries, not by foreign interests. And I would again remind my colleagues that as we speak, there are millions and millions of dollars being spent on negative ads all over the country against Republicans and against Democrats, and they are sponsored by organizations that have nice names, but may be funded by an industry that has a particular interest in the outcome of that election. I think it is important when these negative health care ads are being run, that people know they're being paid for by the insurance industry. I think it's important to know that when we have ads defending the behavior of BP, that we know they are to be spent by interests that are tied directly to Big Oil. So this is about transparency. This is about full disclosure. This has nothing to do with abridging anybody's right to speech. It just says that you have got to stand by what you say. That's not a radical idea. It's an idea that everybody in this House--I don't care what your political philosophy is--should embrace. So I would urge my colleagues to support the underlying bill, and I urge a ``yes'' vote on the previous question and on the rule.

Mr. McGOVERN. I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I find it puzzling to hear my friends on the other side of the aisle all of a sudden talk about the deficit. When Bill Clinton left office, he left the Republicans and George Bush a record surplus. There was no deficit. We were paying down the debt. They took that surplus and they turned it around and drove this economy into a ditch. President Obama gets elected to office; he inherits the worst economy. It's just a Great Depression. My friends on the other side don't take any responsibility for that. In 1 year under President Obama, we have created more jobs in this country than George Bush did during 8 years while he was in office. The American people want us to focus on jobs and job creation. I would just make another suggestion, since we're talking about how we protect the taxpayers. I would urge my friends on the other side of the aisle to stop apologizing for the way the Federal Government is treating BP, to stop apologizing for the fact that this administration wants British Petroleum to live up to its responsibility and pay for the cleanup of that mess in the gulf. I wish my friend on the other side of the aisle would stop trying to defend Big Oil from taking its responsibility. BP should pay for it, not the American taxpayer. If you want to do something for the American taxpayer, then demand that BP do what it is right. With that, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. A great deal of attention has been focused on the recent Rolling Stone article which resulted in the resignation of General Stanley McChrystal. But even more troublesome to me than the general's inappropriate remarks were the comments by senior military officials about the state of the war and the future of our involvement in Afghanistan, which seem to contradict what the Obama administration has told us. ``If Americans pulled back and started paying attention to this war, it would become even less popular,'' a senior military adviser said. Another said, ``Instead of beginning to withdraw troops next year, as Obama promised, the military hopes to ramp up its counterinsurgency campaign even further.'' Madam Speaker, the American people and our troops deserve to know the truth about what we are doing in Afghanistan. We need clarity. We should have clarity before we bring up any war supplemental appropriations bill.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor the career of Lieutenant Robert Reynolds of the Worcester Fire Department. Lieutenant Reynolds is retiring after 24 years of dedicated service to the City of Worcester. As with any public service profession, the nobility inherent in fire fighters should not be overlooked. These brave people, bound by duty and honor, risk their own health and safety in order to protect the lives and property of others. This sense of duty was undoubtedly felt by Mr. Reynolds when he joined the department at the age of 34, and certainly it continued to grow even after being promoted to Lieutenant. Not only has Lieutenant Reynolds served his community during his career as fire fighter, he has served his country as a U.S. Marine. The leap from Marine to firefighter is not difficult to imagine; to be effective in either profession requires strength of character of immeasurable quantities. It is Lieutenant Reynolds's character that led him to his distinguished career, and it is that character that I would like to honor as he enters a well deserved retirement among his family--his wife Elizabeth and two children, Margo E. (Reynolds) Clark and Bridget J. Reynolds. I know all of my colleagues join me in thanking Lieutenant Reynolds for his service to the City of Worcester and its citizens.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I rise to recognize Dr. Joseph W. Bascuas for his accomplishments as Becker College interim president and for his dedication to quality higher education. Becker College, located in Worcester and Leicester, Massachusetts, serves more than 1,700 students from 18 states and 12 countries, and offers over 25 diverse, first-quality bachelor degree programs in unique, high-demand career niches. Born in Cuba, he shares my dedication to improving relations with Latin America. Dr. Bascuas utilized his great volume of experience and passion for quality higher education and strong relationships in his role as Becker College interim president. The Becker College Board of Trustees named Dr. Bascuas as interim president on September 26, 2008. Dr. Bascuas gave his leadership and support to the Becker College community in various ways during his tenure. He brought more than 25 years of experience in higher education to Becker College. Prior to serving as interim president at Becker College, Dr. Bascuas served as president of Medaille College, Buffalo, NY, a private institution that offers undergraduate and graduate degrees, from 2002 through 2006. Dr. Bascuas successfully took Medaille through an accreditation and strategic planning; completed a $2.4 million capital campaign; nearly doubled revenue and undergraduate freshman to sophomore retention; and increased overall and undergraduate enrollment as well as the number of resident students. As founding president Argosy University Atlanta, GA campus, Bascuas spent 12 years with the Argosy Education Group. During his tenure, the Argosy corporate entity grew from three to thirteen campuses, offering undergraduate and graduate programs in business, education, and psychology, two law schools, and one technology-focused school. Dr. Bascuas also increased enrollment at all campuses, introduced new programs at five campuses, and hired presidents at two campuses. Previously, Bascuas held administrative and teaching positions at the Georgia School of Professional Psychology, Antioch University, Nova/Southeastern University and Salve Regina University. He has held a number of positions with professional boards and associations, most recently as site visit team chair for the Middle States Commission on Higher Education, and he has served on the National Collegiate Athletic Association Division III Presidents Council. Dr. Bascuas has written and co-authored numerous papers on psychological topics and has presented at symposia and conferences. He received a B.A. from LaSalle University and an M.A. and a Ph.D. from Temple University. As interim president, Dr. Bascuas encouraged Becker to find ways to provide more aid to students who need it most, thus increasing retention among current students and giving access to new students. Dr. Bascuas was successful in communicating across audiences, promoting unity among Becker College's two campuses, forging relationships with faculty, and energizing the board of trustees. On a personal note, I appreciate his strong interest in promoting the College's nursing education program and his personal invitation to me to participate in the ``Pinning'' graduation ceremony for its nursing students. Madam Speaker, I would like to commend Dr. Joseph W. Bascuas for his remarkable work as interim president. I ask my colleagues to join me in thanking Dr. Bascuas for his work and wishing him all the best in his future endeavors.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I rise today in recognition of the St. Spyridon Grecian Festival, to be held June 4th, 5th and 6th in Worcester, Massachusetts. The Festival has been held biennially in Worcester since 1976, and has served as a wonderful exhibition of Greek culture, customs, faith and food. The St. Spyridon Grecian Festival was founded by Father George Stephanides. Upon his arrival in Worcester in 1974, his idea for a large Greek festival was met with skepticism. To prove that such an event would be viable, Father George organized a small food fair in 1975. With its success, the stage was set for the first ethnic festival of its kind in New England. With over twenty thousand visitors in the festival's first year, there was no doubt that the Grecian Festival would become a mainstay in the community for years to come. To this day, the Festival remains one of the largest in New England, with over 25,000 attendees. For three days in early June, the St. Spyridon Grecian Festival will once again open its doors to the community to enjoy the best of Grecian cuisine and hospitality. From the abundance of Greek food and homemade pastry, to the art exhibits, dance performances, music and cultural displays, the Grecian Festival provides the entire community, both young and old, an opportunity to experience and interact with Greek culture on all levels. Madam Speaker, I invite the United States House of Representatives to join me in recognizing the St. Spyridon Grecian Festival for the important role it has played over the past thirty-four years in sharing the wonders of Greek culture with our community.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, if we want to do something that is common sense, we should pass this amendment before us. Hunger and obesity are critical issues to our military and to the health and well-being of our Nation. Sixty-nine years ago, military recruits were turned away because they were undernourished. Today they are rejected because they are fat. The school lunch program allows our children to eat during the school day. We must improve it so that more nutritious meals are served at schools and so that every child has access to school meals. We talk a lot about health care in this Chamber. I should point out to my colleagues that according to the American Public Health Association: ``Left unchecked, obesity will add nearly $344 billion to the Nation's annual health care costs by 2018 and account for more than 21 percent of health care spending.'' This is a health issue. This is a commonsense issue. This is a national security issue. This amendment expresses the House's support for this effort to end hunger and to make sure our young people have nutritious meals. I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the McGovern-Emerson-Bishop amendment. Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of the time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chair, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1\1/2\ minutes. Mr. Chairman, hunger and obesity are serious problems in this country. Over 49 million Americans go hungry every year, 17 million of which are children. Now we have a new problem--obesity. Most people think obesity is a simple problem of eating the wrong food, and this is mostly correct. But there are many cases where obese people are also hungry, that they are feeding themselves and their families with empty calories simply because they are inexpensive. We must address hunger and obesity, and I am pleased that the First Lady is working on these issues. But now obesity is a national security issue. Twenty-seven percent of young adults are too fat to serve in the military and being overweight is now the leading cause for rejection from military service. Our amendment is simple. It says that hunger and obesity are national security problems and must be addressed, and it says that we should do so in part with the reauthorization of the Child Nutrition Act. The school lunch program was created in World War II because 40 percent of the rejected recruits were underweight. In fact, the preamble to the School Lunch Act states that the school lunch program was created ``as a measure of national security.'' Healthy school meals, along with more exercise and better access to food at home, will help combat the national security crisis of obesity. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the gentlelady from Missouri for her leadership and her cosponsorship of this amendment. I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Bishop).

Mr. McGOVERN. I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Chair, I thank Congresswoman Schakowsky for her leadership on this amendment--and on the many issues surrounding private contractors. Mr. Chair, this amendment is all about accountability and stopping waste, fraud and abuse. It's long past time that we increased and improved the monitoring and oversight of private contractors, especially military, defense and security contractors. This amendment, like the provision in my bill, H.R. 5015, places these contractors under the audit and review of our existing Inspectors General, and allows the Special IG for Reconstruction in Afghanistan to make concrete recommendations to the Pentagon, State Department and USAID on how to bring to account and even stop doing business with those contractors with records of waste, fraud and abuse--let alone a record of abusing and killing innocent civilians. Mr. Chair, this amendment is good for the American taxpayer. It's good for our national security. And it's good for our reputation and standing abroad. It is a win-win amendment. I ask my colleagues to support the Schakowsky-McGovern-Hinchey- Conyers-Moran amendment on expanding the oversight over and accountability of private contractors in Afghanistan.

Mr. McGOVERN. I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I also want to thank the chairman and ranking member for including this amendment in the en bloc. Mr. Chairman, McGovern-Jones-Welch is a straightforward, bipartisan amendment. It requires the President to certify that the Afghanistan Independent Election Commission and the Afghan Electoral Complaints Commission have the professional capacity, legal authority and independence to carry out and oversee free, fair and honest elections, absent the fraud that characterized the 2009 presidential elections, before U.S. taxpayer dollars can support the next round of elections. I don't think that that's too much to ask. I was in Afghanistan just after the 2009 elections. I didn't meet anyone who thought that those elections were honest. The Embassy told me they were a fraud. The U.N. said they were a fraud. The Afghan people knew they were a fraud. Even President Karzai conceded that they were massively fraudulent. And $200 million of U.S. taxpayer money went into those elections. Just think about it, $200 million. I don't want to see history repeat itself. I don't want the American taxpayer ripped off again. More is at stake than the waste of money. The U.S. military strategy depends on an honest, competent Afghan government that can win the loyalty of the people. If September's parliamentary elections are also fraudulent, the result could be even greater local and regional turmoil. No matter where you stand on our policy on Afghanistan, let's make sure that the September elections are free, fair and honest. This amendment strengthens our leverage. Our uniformed men and women are fighting and dying in Afghanistan. The least we can ask is that the Afghan government carries out free, fair and honest elections. [From the Los Angeles Times, May 10, 2010] U.S. Lost in Afghan Vote (By Peter W. Galbraith) Will we ever learn? In 2009, Afghan President Hamid Karzai, who will meet with President Obama in Washington this week, ripped off American taxpayers for about $200 million. This is what the United States contributed to support presidential elections that Karzai himself admits were massively fraudulent. Now, the United Nations and the Obama administration propose to fund Afghanistan's parliamentary elections in September, even though new rules pushed through by Karzai--over the opposition of parliament--make fraud even more likely this time. Afghanistan's Independent Election Commission, or IEC, a body appointed by Karzai and subservient to his wishes, was deeply implicated in the 2009 fraud. The commission and its staff either produced the phony tallies--which gave Karzai more than 1 million of his 3 million votes--or collaborated with those who did. In many instances, the commission reported pro-Karzai results from polling centers that never existed. Fortunately, Afghanistan also had in place a truly independent body, the Electoral Complaints Commission, which was empowered to investigate fraud. Three members of that commission were appointed by the United Nations, and none of its members was chosen by Karzai. After investigating the election, the group tossed out enough phony Karzai votes to force the president into a runoff with the second-highest vote-getter, Abdullah Abdullah. In the end, that second election wasn't held because Abdullah withdrew after the IEC adopted procedures that made fraud even more likely in the runoff. The fact that Karzai retained the presidency didn't mollify him. Angered by the complaint commission's actions after the first round of last year's vote, and determined to gain full control over Afghanistan's election machinery, Karzai issued a decree in February giving himself the authority to appoint all five members of the Electoral Complaints Commission. He also stripped the group of its power to initiate reviews of suspicious ballots on its own. In the parliamentary elections, the group will be allowed to act only on complaints referred to it by members of the provincial election commissions, all of whom are appointed by Karzai. The United Nations, which is supposed to help the Afghans hold honest elections, and the United States, which will pick up most of the tab for them, have responded far too meekly to Karzai's power grab. Staffan de Mistura, the new head of the U.N. mission in Afghanistan, negotiated a deal with Karzai under which two U.N.-nominated international election experts were appointed to the complaints commission, and one of them will have veto power. Because of this compromise, De Mistura is recommending that Western donors proceed with funding the election. The Obama administration, wishing to move beyond a recent harsh exchange of words with Karzai (during which Karzai bizarrely alleged that foreigners, including the U.S. and the U.N., were responsible for fraud in the last election), seems inclined to agree. But the proposed compromise is a sham. Karzai's three appointees can outvote the two U.N. choices, and the compromise does not restore the Electoral Complaints Commission's power to initiate independently reviews of suspicious votes. There is only one positive note I've seen in the whole mess, and that is that Karzai unexpectedly appointed Fazel Ahmad Manawi as the new head of the IEC, replacing a chairman deeply implicated in the fraud. This was a pleasant surprise. I met Manawi, a respected Islamic scholar from the Panjshir Valley, an opposition stronghold, when I was deputy head of the U.N. mission in 2009. At the time, he was one of seven members of the IEC, and he was clearly a person of integrity, casting the sole vote against the decision to ratify Karzai's fraudulent election. But Manawi remains only one vote on a commission stacked with Karzai loyalists, and the leading candidate for the position of chief electoral officer is Zekria Barakzai, a smooth-talking IEC official who was a public apologist for the fraud. Much more is at stake in Afghanistan's elections than the waste of millions more U.S. dollars. Our counterinsurgency strategy depends on an honest and competent Afghan government that can win the loyalty of the population. During eight years in office, the Karzai administration has been ineffective and corrupt. Since Karzai's disputed reelection, many Afghans also question his legitimacy. If September's parliamentary elections are fraudulent, it could lead to an ethnically based civil war. Afghanistan's opposition dominates the parliament and has come out strongly against the new electoral procedures. The parliament is the one national institution that effectively represents Afghanistan's non-Pashtun minorities; the speaker of the lower house is an ethnic Tajik who was the runner-up to Karzai in the 2004 elections. The Obama administration, now that it has tenuously patched up relations with Karzai after his anti-American tirades last month, is reluctant to confront the Afghan president over electoral procedures. This reluctance is shortsighted. Insisting on procedures for honest elections now will be far less costly, both in lives and money, than having another crooked election that ends up with U.S. troops mired in even greater chaos and a broadening civil war. The Taliban will be the only true winner of yet another phony election in Afghanistan. Peter W. Galbraith was deputy special representative of the secretary-general of the United Nations to Afghanistan from June to September 2009.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, today 68 members of the United States Senate sent a bipartisan letter to President Obama calling for a comprehensive review of the U.S. policy on anti-personnel landmines, urging the Administration to identify any obstacles to joining the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and Their Destruction. I am proud to say that 57 Members of the U.S. House of Representatives also sent a bipartisan letter to the President in support of their Senate colleagues. Mr. Speaker, the United States has not exported anti-personnel mines since 1992; it has not produced anti-personnel landmines since 1997; and it has not used anti-personnel landmines since 1991. During the past decade, the United States has become the world's largest contributor to humanitarian demining and rehabilitation programs for landmine survivors. I firmly believe that it's time for the United States to formally join the 158 nations of the world who are parties to Convention banning anti-personnel landmines so that we can receive the credit for which our nation is long overdue and restore our leadership in shaping the Convention in the future. I know that there are military questions that require review so that all sectors of our government are united in joining the Convention. I believe there are answers to these questions, answers that our NATO allies and other nations have confronted and overcome over the past decade as they complied with Convention's requirements. There is a wealth of experience and knowledge among our NATO allies, all of whom are parties to this Treaty, on adopting new military strategies and tactics, working with non-Treaty States, and identifying alternative weaponry as we abandon, once and for all, this indiscriminate, rogue weapon. I encourage our military leaders to reach out to our NATO partners and consult with their military counterparts on how they adapted and complied with the Landmine Ban Treaty. Mr. Speaker, I have seen first-hand the results of anti-personnel landmines on civilians and soldiers in El Salvador and Colombia. I have talked with survivors from around the globe, including men and women who proudly wear the U.S. military uniform. I have met with landmine survivors, including children, who were only working their fields or walking to school when they stepped on a landmine. They are not victims, Mr. Speaker--they are survivors and leaders in a global movement to ban this weapon from all current and future arsenals. They are clear-eyed, sophisticated individuals who are determined that no one--in uniform or civilian--shall ever be harmed again by these weapons. I believe, Mr. Speaker, that it is in our best national and security interests to join the Convention. Clearly, the bipartisan letter by our Senate colleagues and the supporting House letter show that the time has come for the United States to once again take up its leadership on this international issue. I ask unanimous consent to enter the House and Senate letters and related materials into the Congressional Record. U.S. Senate, Washington, DC, May 18, 2010. Hon. Barack Obama, The White House, Washington, DC. Dear Mr. President: We are writing to convey our strong support for the Administration's decision to conduct a comprehensive review of United States policy on landmines. The Second Review Conference of the Convention on the Prohibition of the Use, Stockpiling, Production and Transfer of Anti-Personnel Mines and on Their Destruction, held last December in Cartagena, Colombia, makes this review particularly timely. It is also consistent with your commitment to reaffirm U.S. leadership in solving global problems and with your remarks in Oslo when you accepted the Nobel Peace Prize: ``I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don't.'' These indiscriminate weapons are triggered by the victim, and even those that are designed to self-destruct after a period of time (so-called ``smart'' mines) pose a risk of being triggered by U.S. forces or civilians, such as a farmer working in the fields or a young child. It is our understanding that the United States has not exported anti- personnel mines since 1992, has not produced anti-personnel mines since 1997, and has not used anti-personnel mines since 1991. We are also proud that the United States is the world's largest contributor to humanitarian demining and rehabilitation programs for landmine survivors. In the ten years since the Convention came into force, 158 nations have signed including the United Kingdom and other ISAF partners, as well as Iraq and Afghanistan which, like Colombia, are parties to the Convention and have suffered thousands of mine casualties. The Convention has led to a dramatic decline in the use, production, and export of anti- personnel mines. We note that our NATO allies have addressed their force protection needs in accordance with their obligations under the Convention. We are also mindful that anti-personnel mines pose grave dangers to civilians, and that avoiding civilian casualties and the anger and resentment that result has become a key priority in building public support for our mission in Afghanistan. Finally, we are aware that antipersonnel mines in the Korean DMZ are South Korean mines, and that the U.S. has alternative munitions that are not victim-activated. We believe the Administration's review should include consultations with the Departments of Defense and State as well as retired senior U.S. military officers and diplomats, allies such as Canada and the United Kingdom that played a key role in the negotiations on the Convention, Members of Congress, the International Committee of the Red Cross, and other experts on landmines, humanitarian law and arms control. We are confident that through a thorough, deliberative review the Administration can identify any obstacles to joining the Convention and develop a plan to overcome them as soon as possible. Sincerely, Patrick J. Leahy; Richard G. Lugar; Jack Reed; Daniel K. Inouye; Olympia J. Snowe; Joseph I. Lieberman; George V. Voinovich; John F. Kerry; Orrin G. Hatch; Carl Levin; Charles E. Schumer; Robert F. Bennett; Jeff Bingaman; Susan M. Collins; Max Baucus; Judd Gregg; Arlen Specter; Sheldon Whitehouse; Harry Reid; Benjamin L. Cardin; Dianne Feinstein; Ben Nelson; Lisa Murkowski; Robert Menendez; Barbara A. Mikulski; Christopher J. Dodd; Sherrod Brown; Kent Conrad; Mike Crapo; Richard Durbin; Ron Wyden; Byron L. Dorgan; Evan Bayh; Michael F. Bennet; Russell D. Feingold; Maria Cantwell; Bill Nelson; Patty Murray; Blanche L. Lincoln; Mark R. Warner; George S. Lemieux; Mary L. Landrieu; Tim Johnson; Thomas R. Carper; Herb Kohl; Robert C. Byrd; Jon Tester; Edward E. Kaufman; Mark L. Pryor; Tom Udall; Claire McCaskill; Mark Udall; Kirsten E. Gillibrand; Frank R. Lautenberg; John D. Rockefeller, IV; Daniel K. Akaka; Kay R. Hagan; Jeanne Shaheen; Al Franken; Jeff Merkley; Debbie Stabenow; Mark Begich; Tom Harkin; Roland W. Burris; Robert P. Casey, Jr.; Amy Klobuchar; Barbara Boxer; Bernard Sanders.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. I want to thank my colleague from Colorado for yielding me the time. Madam Speaker, I rise in strong support of the rule for the America COMPETES Act, and more importantly, I also rise in strong support and to pay tribute to the staff director of the Rules Committee, Muftiah McCartin, as she finishes up her last week here in the House of Representatives and prepares to move on to a new phase in her life. Madam Speaker, Muftiah is an amazing woman. She has worked in this body for 34 years, first in the Office of the Parliamentarian, then for the Appropriations Committee, and finally on the Rules Committee. She leaves as the top staffer on the Rules Committee, someone who not only made the trains run on time, but also someone who definitely worked through the dicey political and policy issues that the Rules Committee is required to work through. Muftiah will be missed here in the House, but I can honestly say this body is better because of her hard work over the past 34 years. Over that time she has shown dedication and passion for this institution. Whether it was advising the presiding officer as parliamentarian, or working for Congressman Obey and Chairwoman Slaughter, Muftiah excelled at her job and helped us do our jobs better. But what we will miss most is the way Muftiah brings everyone together. She unified the Rules professional and associate staff. She made sure we, as Members of Congress, were prepared and ready to do the business at hand. But she also worked as both a mentor to her staff and to the associate staff. I can honestly say that I and my staff do our jobs better today because of Muftiah and the leadership that she has provided over the past few years in the Rules Committee. And while she has spent the last three decades here in the House, she also has a life outside of this Chamber. She has a wonderful husband, Terry, four children, Marissa, Elaine, Sandra, and Luke. And she just became a grandmother for the first time, a young grandson named Thaddeus. Madam Speaker, I was a staffer before I was elected to Congress, although I have to say that I started working here a few years after Muftiah started her career on the Hill. But I understand the role the staff play here, and I know this institution would not be the great body it is without the dedicated staff that puts so much of their lives into what we all do here. Muftiah embodies that dedication, and we are going to miss her. Let me say, Madam Speaker, in conclusion, to Muftiah, I want to thank you for all the incredible work that you have done here. You will be missed, and we love you.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. I thank the gentleman from New York for yielding me the time. Mr. Speaker, this is a very important day for U.S. policy in Africa. Just about 1 year ago, on May 19, my friend and colleague from California and the champion of human rights, Congressman Ed Royce, and I introduced H.R. 2478, the Lord's Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Recovery Act. In the Senate, Senators Russ Feingold and Sam Brownback sponsored the same bill, S. 1067, which is the bill before us for consideration today. Today, H.R. 2478 has 200 bipartisan cosponsors. When the House passes S. 1067 today, it will be sent directly to the President's desk for his signature, and for the first time the U.S. will be required to design and implement a comprehensive strategy with our multilateral and regional partners to address the violence of the LRA; protect the victims of LRA violence in Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, southern Sudan, and the Central African Republic; strengthen state presence and capacity in these regions to the benefit of the vulnerable civilian populations; and advance the recovery of northern Uganda from decades of violence. Mr. Speaker, a great deal has happened across the country to ensure that this bill is before the House Chamber today in scarcely 1 year. I want to especially recognize and thank the national networks, organizations, and grassroots activists of Invisible Children, Resolve Uganda, the ENOUGH! Project, and many other religious and human rights groups who have rallied in support of the people and especially the children of this region of Africa. These Americans, thousands of them high school and college students, understood that the children and people of northern Uganda, the DRC, the southern Sudan, and the CAR have no voice in Washington. So they were determined to become their voice. They realized that these African children and families were invisible to Washington policymakers. So they decided to make them visible. They realized there is too much suffering, too much pain, too much destruction, too much killing in this region of Africa, so many thousands of miles away, and that there was just too much silence here in Washington. So they built a grassroots national movement of hope for peace, for justice, for reconciliation, for reconstruction, for the recovery of the human spirit. They believe that the people of northern Uganda, the children of Uganda, the DRC, Southern Sudan, and the CAR, have a right to protection and to have a voice in their own destiny. So today is a good day, a very good day, Mr. Speaker, because today these hundreds of thousands of voices have brought this bill to the House floor today for final passage. The unresolved crisis with the Lord's Resistance Army is one of Africa's longest running and most gruesome militia-driven conflicts. It has morphed into a sadistic force, wreaking terror on the local populations, filling its ranks with abducted child soldiers and slaves. Now, at this critical juncture in the conflict's history and when the terror once focused in northern Uganda is spreading throughout the region and surrounding countries, we must ensure that the United States commits to a proactive strategy to help see this conflict to its end, protect vulnerable populations, and support and strengthen recovery efforts in northern Uganda and the region. I thank the many Americans, especially the young people, who have supported this bill. I urge my colleagues to vote in support of final passage of S. 1067. I thank the gentleman from New York, again, for his leadership. Human Rights, Humanitarian, and Faith-Based Groups Back Landmark U.S. Legislation To Help Protect Civilians From the Lord's Resistance Army Washington, DC, 21 May 2009.--The introduction of legislation in the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives earlier this week to commit the United States to comprehensive efforts to help civilians threatened by one of the world's longest-running and brutal insurgencies is a crucial step forward for U.S. policy in the region, a coalition of twenty-two human rights, humanitarian, and faith-based groups said today. If passed, the Lord's Resistance Army Disarmament and Northern Uganda Recovery Act would require the Obama Administration to develop a regional strategy to protect civilians in central Africa from attacks by the rebel Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) and enforce the rule of law and ensure full humanitarian access in LRA-affected areas. The Act additionally commits the United States to increase support to economic recovery and transitional justice efforts in Uganda. The coalition of supporting organizations includes groups in Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan, and Uganda, where communities are currently threatened by the LRA. ``We continue to live in fear of LRA attacks and of our children being abducted,'' said Father Benoit Kinalegu of the Dungu/Doruma Justice and Peace Commission in DR Congo. ``We are praying for help and protection and hope U.S. lawmakers will hear our cries.'' Senators Russ Feingold (D-WI) and Sam Brownback (R-KS) and Representatives Jim McGovern (D-MA), Brad Miller (D-NC), and Ed Royce (R-CA) introduced the bill. It affirms the need for U.S. leadership to help bring an end to atrocities by the Lord's Resistance Army and to advance long-term recovery in the region. ``The LRA has long posed a terrible threat to civilians,'' said Georgette Gagnon, Africa Director at Human Rights Watch. `` This bill will help the U.S. government support for comprehensive multilateral efforts to protect civilians in LRA-affected areas and to apprehend or otherwise remove the group's leader, Joseph Kony, and his top commanders from the battlefield.'' For more than twenty years, northern Ugandans were caught in a war between the Ugandan military and the rebel group. The violence killed thousands of civilians and displaced nearly two million people. Kony and his top commanders sustain their ranks by abducting civilians, including children, to use as soldiers and sexual slaves. Though the rebel group ended attacks in northern Uganda in 2006, it moved its bases to the northeastern Democratic Republic of Congo and has committed acts of violence against civilians in Congo, Sudan, and the Central African Republic. In December 2008, Sudan, Uganda and Congo began a joint military offensive, ``Operation Lightening Thunder,'' against the rebel group, with backing from the United States. As a result, the Lord's Resistance Army has dispersed into multiple smaller groups and has brutally murdered more than 1,000 civilians and abducted over 400 people, mostly children. ``Given the catalytic involvement of the U.S. military in Operation Lightning Thunder--and the horrific aftermath of this operation--the U.S. government now has a responsibility to help end the threat posed by Joseph Kony once and for all,'' said John Prendergast, Co-Founder of the Enough Project. ``One man should not be allowed to terrorize millions of people in four Central African countries. The bill is a crucial first step in galvanizing immediate and effective U.S. action.'' The legislation also aims to help secure a lasting peace in Uganda by supporting measures to assist war-affected communities in northern Uganda and to help resolve longstanding divisions between communities in Uganda's north and south. It authorizes increased funding for recovery efforts in northern Uganda, with a particular focus on supporting transitional justice and reconciliation. It also calls on the Ugandan government to reinvigorate its commitment to a transparent and accountable reconstruction process in war-affected areas. ``Smart investment in long-term recovery is essential if the people of northern Uganda are to live with peace and dignity,'' said Annalise Romoser, Lutheran World Relief Associate Director for Advocacy. ``Transitional justice initiatives and the development of basic infrastructure such as food and water systems are crucial elements to lasting peace and reconciliation in Uganda. Such investment from the United States will support the inspiring efforts of northern Ugandans to return home and rebuild after decades of war and displacement.'' With questions, please contact: Michael Poffenberger, Resolve Uganda: 202.548.2517 / michael@resolveuganda.org; Eileen White Read, Enough Project: 202.741.6376 / eread@enoughproject.org; and Maria Burnett, Human Rights Watch: 917.379.1696 / burnetm@hrw.org. Supporting organizations include: Human Rights Watch, Enough Project, Resolve Uganda, International Rescue Committee, Invisible Children, Refugees International, AVSI, Global Action for Children, Lutheran World Relief, United States Fund for UNICEF, Women's Refugee Commission. Evangelical Lutheran Church in America, Genocide Intervention Network, Refugee Law Project, Uganda, Gulu NGO Forum, Uganda, Dungu/Doruma Justice and Peace Commission, Democratic Republic of Congo Azande Community World-wide Organisation, UK-South Sudan, Mbomu Charitable Organization, Sudan; Ibba Charitable Organization, South Sudan, Azande Women Organization, South Sudan, Hope Sudan Organization, South Sudan, Eso Development Organization, South Sudan. Added after 21 May 2009: Nabanga Development Agency, South Sudan, Comboni Missionary Sisters, South Sudan.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, today, Congresswoman Jo Ann Emerson and I will deliver a letter to Speaker Pelosi supporting President Obama's request for $1 billion per year in additional funding for the Child Nutrition Programs. Two hundred nineteen Members of Congress-- Republicans and Democrats--joined together in supporting this historic request. The Education and Labor Committee is working on a bill that will meet this request, but we must be sure they have the proper funding to improve access to and quality of our children's school meals. Last week, former Generals Shalikashvili and Hugh Shelton wrote an Op-Ed on how obesity is now a national security threat. They support President Obama's request because it will make our nation healthier and safer. The Senate is already working on their bill. Unfortunately, their bill is less than half of the President's request. We cannot afford to ignore our children's health. A majority of the House believes we need a Child Nutrition Reauthorization bill that meets President Obama's request. I include in the Record the bipartisan letter signed by 219 Members of Congress and the Op-Ed from the Washington Post authored by Generals Shalikashvili and Shelton. May 6, 2010. Hon. Nancy Pelosi, Speaker, House of Representatives, The Capitol, Washington,