Jim McGovern

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I am tired of the delays. Quite frankly, I am sick and tired of the fact that there are too many people in this Chamber who continue to put party over country and propagate the lies, distortions, and falsehoods that led to January 6. It is disgusting. For Congress to do nothing in response to a literal insurrection would allow our democracy to be chipped away at from the inside. Not on my watch. Our system of government is fragile. It is not a given; it is a choice. Looking down on us from the gallery right now are representatives of the D.C. Metropolitan Police and the U.S. Capitol Police, and I want to thank them and their colleagues for their service and for protecting us and our democracy on January 6. To my colleagues on the other side of the aisle who are about to vote ``no'' on this, please, no lectures on respect for the police because a ``no'' vote is a vote to cover for those who brutally attacked the police on January 6. I say to my colleagues in this House, they will be watching as we cast our votes. History will be watching. I pray that we have the moral courage to do what is right, that we choose truth and that we choose to defend our democracy. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Oh, my God, I can't believe what I just heard. I mean, my Republican colleagues are talking about the need for bipartisanship. We gave them bipartisanship. The ranking Republican member on the Homeland Security Committee endorsed a bipartisan commission, and my friends on the other side, including the gentlewoman who just spoke, voted ``no'' on it. Now, they are objecting to a select committee that we are forming that is exactly like the select committee that they formed when they were in charge. Give me a break. This is clear--people should know this--they don't want to get to the truth. But we will insist that we get to the truth. Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Thompson), the chairman of the Homeland Security Committee, who did such an incredible job in negotiating a bipartisan commission.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues on the other side to stop the lame excuses. Now they are blaming the Senate? Let's go over the chronology: Leader McCarthy had a bunch of demands in order that we move forward with a bipartisan commission. We gave him every one. And then what happened is, I guess, he didn't expect us to actually work with him on this in a bipartisan way. There is a quote that appeared in Politico from a Republican aide who said: ``I think Kevin was hoping that the Democrats would never agree to our requests. That way the commission would be partisan and we can all vote no and say it's a sham operation. ``Because he knows Trump is going to `lose his mind over this commission'.'' And then all the sudden, he comes out against it, and 175 of my Republican colleagues voted against a bipartisan commission. They sent a signal to the Senate to kill it. So the idea that somehow they are washing their hands of any responsibility, they were complicit in killing the bipartisan commission. And now they are here to try to kill a select committee modeled after a committee that they established when they were in charge. So enough of the lame excuses. We get it. You don't want to get to the truth. I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Jeffries), the distinguished chairman of the Democratic Caucus.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I am sorry that the previous speaker doesn't see the importance of trying to get to the bottom of an attack on our democracy. And by the way, for the Record, the gentlewoman voted against the bipartisan commission. I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Carolyn B. Maloney), the distinguished chairwoman of the Committee on Oversight and Reform.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, let me again say it is the exact same language that was in their Benghazi Select Committee. And I am more than happy to send over a paper copy so they can see it. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Malinowski).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, the language on consultation is the exact same language that was in the Select Committee on Benghazi. Let's just be honest. My friends on the other side are not interested in getting to the truth. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Swalwell).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from the U.S. Virgin Islands (Ms. Plaskett).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Takano), the distinguished chairman of the Committee on Veterans' Affairs.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds. Madam Speaker, I was one of the last people off this House floor. When I walked into the Speaker's lobby, I saw this mob smashing the window, trying to get at us. And we were protected because of the Capitol Police and the D.C. police who were here. They protected my life. They protected your life. And to them: I apologize that you have to hear this kind of debate, a partisan attempt to try to undermine a committee that is aimed at getting at the truth of what happened. You deserve better. The people who work up here deserve better. Our democracy deserves better. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Demings).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks on H. Res. 503.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Speier).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I have great respect for the gentlewoman. We serve on the Rules Committee together, and she has a tough job here today. But, I mean, come on. Give me a break. I mean, we had a bipartisan commission, equally divided, equal subpoena power, and they voted against it. The minority leader of this House whipped against it and fought against it and convinced the Senate to try to kill it. I have noticed that there is a lack of Republicans who have the backbone to come down here and explain to the American people why they won't support the bipartisan commission or this select commission, because they don't want to be on record as defending a position aimed at not getting to the truth. This is a moment that, quite frankly, people are going to remember. I best point that out because it is stunning to me. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the majority leader.

Mr. McGOVERN. May I inquire of the gentlewoman how many speakers remain on her side.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I have one additional speaker. Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Madam Speaker, I want to just correct the Record on what the previous speaker has just said. The bill that he referred to was not written by Democrats. The bill that he referred to, the bipartisan commission, was written by Democrats and Republicans. It was written in consultation by the minority leader's designee, Mr. Katko. It was presented to the Rules Committee in a bipartisan way. This was a bipartisan product. I share the gentleman's outrage over the attack against the shooting of Republican Members, including the distinguished minority whip, during that baseball practice. But I would just say to the gentleman, respectfully, my friends on the other side of the aisle were in charge of this institution then. They could have called for an independent committee to look into that, and I think all of us would have supported that. Let me just say, Madam Speaker, that I assume many of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle are getting their talking points from the minority leader. I have to tell you, Madam Speaker, I get why the mother of Officer Sicknick who lost his life defending us on January 6 said yesterday that she was disappointed with her meeting with Minority Leader McCarthy. I was hoping that maybe the minority leader would come to the floor and explain to us why he objected to the bipartisan commission, why he objects to the select committee, and why he objects to getting to the truth. But apparently he is not coming. Because, Madam Speaker, there was no rational explanation for putting up roadblocks to get to the truth unless you are trying to keep it hidden. I am reminded of that old line: If you have got nothing to hide, you have got nothing to fear. So what are my Republican friends so afraid of, Madam Speaker? Does a defeated and disgraced President hold so much sway that they are forever unwilling to investigate what happened here? There was an insurrection in the United States of America, and each of us not only has the ability to figure out what happened, but we have an obligation to do so. An obligation that is more important than party and should come before the whims of any one man, and that includes the former occupant of the White House. So I urge my colleagues to uphold that solemn duty today. Our system of government isn't guaranteed. It is a choice. Keeping it takes work, and it is time we finally did the work of defending our democracy after a literal insurrection and allow the process of getting to the bottom of what happened on January 6 commence. I was here. I was presiding over the House when this attack happened. I assumed the chair after the Speaker left. I went out into the hallway, and I saw these people who were crazed trying to get at us. My colleagues were here. Our staff was here. The people who support this campus were here. The Capitol Police protected us. I mean, I get it. My friends have turned this into some sort of partisan issue. It isn't. Please, I hope everybody before they vote will think of not just Donald Trump or not just what the minority leader instructs them to do, but think of our police who defended us, think of their staff who put their lives at risk, and think of everybody who works on this campus. They deserve a hell of a lot better than what they are getting here today. So, Madam Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on the select committee, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, pursuant to section 8 of House Resolution 504, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bills: H.R. 1500, H.R. 2471, H.R. 3261, H.R. 3283, and H.R. 3385, and agree to H. Res. 186 and H. Res. 402.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to section 11 of House Resolution 486, I move to suspend the rules and pass H.R. 482, H.R. 704, H.R. 961, H.R. 1314, H.R. 2571, H.R. 2679, H.R. 2694, H.R. 2922, H.R. 3182, H.R. 3239, H.R. 3241, H.R. 3723, H.R. 3752, H.R. 3841, S. 409, and S. 1340.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, pursuant to section 8 of House Resolution 473, I move to suspend the rules and pass H.R. 293, H.R. 587, H.R. 610, H.R. 1144, H.R. 1703, H.R. 1921, H.R. 2008, H.R. 2332, H.R. 2545, and H.R. 3642.

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize Ananya Vel, an 8th grade student from St. Bernadette School in Northborough, Massachusetts. Ananya recently won the Worcester County Bar Association's Annual Law Day Essay Contest which sought to honor Congressman John Lewis by asking: what does ``Good Trouble'' mean to you--today? John was a great man, but more importantly, he was a very good man. He was a champion for justice and equality who challenged the conscience of our country and called America to a higher standard. John believed in Good Trouble and that all of us must find the moral courage to get in the way and do something when we see something is wrong. I am humbled to have worked alongside him, and I know he would be proud of Ananya's words today. Madam Speaker, I would like to congratulate Ananya and include in the Record her award-winning essay: On December first, 1955, what started out as an ordinary evening in Montgomery Alabama, turned into something else. When a 42-year old African American woman took a seat on a bus and wouldn't give up her seat for a white man, she started something. Some might say she started trouble. Others might say she did something good, in standing up for herself. But in that moment, that ordinary evening turned into a night that would go down in history as the night Rosa Parks was arrested for refusing to vacate her seat for a white passenger. Which is why still others may say that she both caused trouble, and did something good. The phrase, ``Good Trouble'' may seem like an oxymoron, seeing as the two words have opposite definitions. The dictionary defines the word ``good', as ``to be desired or approved of and the word ``trouble'' as ``difficulty or problems'' or ``public unrest or disorder.'' But if you look deeper, beyond a combination of definitions and into the true meaning, you'll see that ``Good Trouble'' is a lot more than just an oxymoron. I believe, good trouble is knowing when to bend the rules, and when to break them. When trapped in a moral dilemma, it's choosing the ethical choice over the lawful one. It's defining your principles and sticking to them, no matter what. We all have a set of rules in our heads that we follow based on what we think is right. We all have lines that we draw to keep ourselves in check. But too often, we break rules and cross lines in order to dance to the tunes of others. Good trouble is a right choice, and a circumstance. In America we have the right to speak our minds, but we also have the choice to use that right. We will only have to make that choice is the circumstance requires it. America has counted on good trouble to get to where it is today. It has brought about most change in our country. In 1920 women got the right to vote thanks to the Nineteenth Amendment. If it weren't for all the protests and rallies and brave people who stood up for what they believed in, that may not have happened. In the U.S Constitution, the First Amendment is freedom of speech. It gives us the right to protest laws we feel are unjust, and the right to speak up for ourselves. Good trouble is making good use of this right and speaking out when the necessity arises. Good trouble is also not abusing this right and doing whatever you want. But oftentimes people get caught up in the moment and escalate into violent mobs. When peaceful protests tum into riots, the ``Good'' part of ``Good Trouble'' is lost. Life is full of choices and sometimes there is not right or wrong one. We make about thirty-five thousand decisions per day, so making a choice is nothing new, but how do we know when to choose good trouble? Follow your instinct, think about things others may not, and heed your conscience when it tells you something doesn't feel right. That doesn't mean you can break any rules you don't feel like following. But there are times where you should not just go along with everything. Times when what you are doing feels wrong. These are the times when you should fight back. Our lives are shaped by luck, risk, and circumstance. The last one especially determines every decision we will ever make. Good trouble is a situation we willingly put ourselves in, seeking change. But you can only change what needs to be changed, which means you shouldn't go out looking for disorder. Good trouble only exists because circumstance has demanded it. We all have thought in our heads that something is unfair or unreasonable. But the question you must ask yourself is, ``What have I done to change that?'' It's easy to think something inside your head, but it takes courage to actually do something about it. People like Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King Jr. were people who were willing to sacrifice a lot for what they believed in. But their efforts paid off when segregation was outlawed in the United States. Good trouble fits into our daily lives but it also fits into activism. Like anything, good trouble has a spectrum and you must ask yourself where're you fall on it. The bigger the action, the more drastic the results. The more effort you put in, the more change you will see. Sometimes there are moments when your conscience seems to launch into a civil war. Good trouble is where the two sides find common ground. It is the compromise between the devil and the angel. Good trouble is knowing when to jump fences and duck under barriers. But it's also knowing when not to. ``Be the change you wish to see in the world,'' is a popular quote that fits right in with the meaning of good trouble today. The question isn't ``what's wrong?'' it's ``What are you doing to fix it?''

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 473 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Reschenthaler), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only. General Leave

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members be given 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.