Jim McGovern

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, yesterday, the Rules Committee met and reported a closed rule, House Resolution 41, providing for consideration of H. Res. 24, impeaching Donald John Trump, President of the United States, for high crimes and misdemeanors. The rule provides 2 hours of debate equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking member of the Committee on the Judiciary. The rule also provides that upon adoption of H. Res. 24, H. Res. 40 is hereby adopted. Finally, the rule extends recess instructions, suspension authority, and same-day authority through February 11, 2021. Mr. Speaker, we are debating this historic measure at an actual crime scene, and we wouldn't be here if it weren't for the President of the United States. On Wednesday, January 6, Congress gathered here to fulfill our constitutional duty, tallying the electoral college victory of President-elect Biden and Vice-President-elect Harris after a free and fair election. This is largely a ceremonial role for the Congress, one that sends the message to the world that democracy in the United States persists. But at a rally just a mile and a half down Pennsylvania Avenue, Donald Trump and his allies were stoking the anger of a violent mob. A Member of this very body proclaimed on that stage: ``Today is the day American patriots start taking down names and kicking ass.'' Trump's personal attorney, Rudy Giuliani, called for a ``trial by combat.'' Then Donald Trump told the crowd: ``We are going to have to fight much harder . . . you will never take back our country with weakness.'' Even though, according to his own administration that this election was the most secure in our history, Donald Trump repeated his big lie that this election was an egregious assault on democracy. He said Vice President Pence ``was going to have to come through for us.'' Trump then told this mob to ``walk down to the Capitol.'' The signal was unmistakable: These thugs should stage a coup so Donald Trump can hang on to power. The people's will be damned. This beacon of democracy became the site of a vicious attack. Rioters chanted, ``Hang Mike Pence,'' as noose and gallows were built a stone's throw from the Capitol steps. Capitol police officers were beaten and sprayed with pepper spray. Attackers hunted down lawmakers to hold them hostage or worse. Staff barricaded doors. People sent text messages to their families to tell them they loved them. They thought they were saying good-bye, Mr. Speaker. This was not a protest. This was an insurrection. This was a well- organized attack on our country that was incited by Donald Trump. Domestic terrorists broke into the United States Capitol that day and it is a miracle more people didn't die. As my colleagues and I were being evacuated to safety, I never ever will forget what I saw when I looked into the eyes of those attackers right in the Speaker's lobby there. I saw evil, Mr. Speaker. Our country came under attack not from a foreign nation, but from within. These were not protesters. These were not patriots. These were traitors. These were domestic terrorists, Mr. Speaker, and they were acting under the orders of Donald Trump. Some of my colleagues on the other side have suggested that we just move on from this horror. But to gloss over it would be an abdication of our duty. Others on the Republican side have talked about unity. But we can't have unity without truth and without accountability. And I am not about to be lectured by people who just voted to overturn the results of a free and fair election. America was attacked and we must respond, even when the cause of this violence resides at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. Each of us took an oath last week. It wasn't to a party and it wasn't to a person. We vowed to defend the Constitution. The actions of Donald Trump have called each of us to fulfill that oath today. I pray that we rise to this responsibility because every moment Donald Trump is in the White House, our Nation and our freedom is in danger. He must be held to account for the attack on our Capitol that he organized and he incited. I solemnly urge my colleagues to support this rule and the underlying article. The damage this building sustained can be repaired, Mr. Speaker; but if we don't hold Donald Trump accountable, the damage done to our Nation could be irreversible. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record the powerful statement by Congresswoman Liz Cheney, who is the chair of the House Republican Conference, titled ``I will vote to impeach the President.'' Cheney: I Will Vote To Impeach the President January 12, 2021. Washington--Wyoming Congresswoman and House Republican Conference Chair Liz Cheney (R-WY) released the following statement ahead of votes in the House this week: ``On January 6, 2021 a violent mob attacked the United States Capitol to obstruct the process of our democracy and stop the counting of presidential electoral votes. This insurrection caused injury, death and destruction in the most sacred space in our Republic. ``Much more will become clear in coming days and weeks, but what we know now is enough. The President of the United States summoned this mob, assembled the mob, and lit the flame of this attack. Everything that followed was his doing. None of this would have happened without the President. The President could have immediately and forcefully intervened to stop the violence. He did not. There has never been a greater betrayal by a President of the United States of his office and his oath to the Constitution. ``I will vote to impeach the President.''

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I want to be clear about just one thing: If we vote to impeach the President today and we send it over to the Senate, there is nothing to prevent the Senate from taking it up immediately if Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell decides that he wants to proceed, number one. Number two, we all want to talk about unity. I can't think of anything that would unify this country more than if there was a big bipartisan vote in favor of impeachment. Every second that this President remains in office is a danger to this country and to the world. We have no idea what he is capable of doing, whether he will pardon these terrorists or whether he will go to war. So I urge all my colleagues on both sides to support this rule and the impeachment resolution. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Chu).

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green), my good friend.

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 30 seconds to the gentleman from Texas.

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, let me remind all of my colleagues that what happened on Wednesday would not have happened if it weren't for the occupant in the White House. If we want to put the people first, we all ought to vote to impeach him and remove him from office as soon as possible. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Brownley).

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I am happy to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Welch).

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, some of us objected 4 years ago as a protest vote to raise concerns about what all of our intelligence agencies had stated clearly, which was that Russia had interfered in our election. What the gentleman fails to acknowledge is that we all acknowledged that Donald Trump was the President the day after the election. Hillary Clinton conceded the day after the election. And none of us push conspiracy theories like some of my friends on the other side of the aisle have been doing, and this President, that somehow the President won in a landslide. Give me a break. Yesterday, in the Rules Committee, I asked the gentleman from Ohio if he would just say five simple words. Mr. Speaker, I will tell you that he was talking about healing. The five simple words that one could say that would help heal this Nation are that: ``The election was not stolen.'' That is it, five simple words. He refused. He said he never said the election was stolen. Well, the evidence shows otherwise. Let me reference this Dana Milbank piece titled ``Five pesky little words keep stumping Jim Jordan.'' Mr. Speaker, the bottom line is this. This Capitol was stormed. People died because of the big lies that were being told by this President and by too many people on the other side of the aisle. Enough. People should be outraged as to what happened. It was unforgivable, unconscionable. Coming up on this floor and talking about whataboutism and trying to make these false equivalencies, give me a break. The President of the United States instigated an attempted coup in this country. People died. Everybody should be outraged, whether you are a Democrat or a Republican. If this is not an impeachable offense, I don't know what the hell is. This President is not fit to remain in office. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. DeFazio).

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Castor).

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, when my friends talk about the President being committed to a peaceful transition, I just point to what happened on Wednesday when his words launched a violent attack against this Capitol where five people lost their lives and many more were injured. So give me a break. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett).

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro).

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I am proud to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Ms. Omar).

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a New York Times article published January 9 titled `` `Our President Wants Us Here': The Mob That Stormed the Capitol.'' It is another example of why our country cannot risk even one more day of Donald Trump. [From the New York Times, Jan. 9, 2021] Our President Wants Us Here: The Mob That Stormed the Capitol (By Dan Barry, Mike McIntire and Matthew Rosenberg) It was the table setter for what would come, with nearly 2,000 people gathering in Washington on Tuesday evening for a ``Rally to Save America.'' Speaker after angry speaker stoked stolen-election conspiracy theories and name-checked sworn enemies: Democrats and weak Republicans, Communists and Satanists. Still, the crowd seemed a bit giddy at the prospect of helping President Trump reverse the result of the election-- though at times the language evoked a call to arms. ``It is time for war,'' one speaker declared. As the audience thinned, groups of young men emerged in Kevlar vests and helmets, a number of them holding clubs and knives. Some were aligned with the neofascist Proud Boys; others with the Three Percenters, a far-right militia group. ``We're not backing down anymore,'' said a man with fresh stitches on his head. ``This is our country.'' That night reflected a disconcerting mix of free speech and certain menace; of everyday Americans supporting their president and extremists prepared to commit violence for him. All had assembled in answer to Mr. Trump's repeated appeals to attend a march to the Capitol the next day that he promised would be ``wild.'' It was. By Wednesday afternoon, a narrow group of Trump supporters--some exuberant, some hellbent--had been storm- tossed together into infamy. A mob overran the nation's Capitol, as lawmakers hid in fear. Wholesale vandalism. Tear gas. Gunfire. A woman dead; an officer dead; many injured. Chants of ``U.S.A.! U.S.A.!'' But the insurrection failed. It had been the culmination of a sustained assault by the president and his enablers on fact-based reality, one that began long before the November election but took on a fevered urgency as the certainty of Mr. Trump's defeat solidified. For years, he had demonized political opponents and the media and egged on thuggish behavior at his rallies. Since losing to Joseph R. Biden Jr., he had mounted a campaign of lies that the presidency was being stolen from him, and that marching on the Capitol was the last chance to stop it. To many Americans, it looked like one more feel-good rally to salve Mr. Trump's wounded ego, but some of his supporters heard something altogether different--a battle cry. Now, dozens of them have been arrested--including an armed Alabama man who had Molotov cocktails in his car and a West Virginia lawmaker charged with illegally entering the Capitol--and the Federal Bureau of Investigation is asking for help in identifying those who ``actively instigated violence.'' Many participants in the march are frantically working to erase digital evidence of their presence for fear of losing a job or being harassed online. Mr. Trump, meanwhile, has been broadly condemned and cut off from his social media megaphones, as a new administration prepares to take power. Kevin Haag, 67, a retired landscaper from North Carolina who ascended the Capitol steps as the crowd surged forward, said he did not go inside and disapproved of those who did. Even so, he said he would never forget the sense of empowerment as he looked down over thousands of protesters. It felt so good, he said, to show people: ``We are here. See us! Notice us! Pay attention!'' Now, back home after several days of reflection, Mr. Haag, an evangelical Christian, wonders whether he went too far. ``Should I get down on my knees and ask for forgiveness?'' he said in an interview. ``I am asking myself that question.'' But the experience seemed to have only hardened the resolve of others. Couy Griffin, 47, a Republican county commissioner from New Mexico, spoke of organizing another Capitol rally soon--one that could result in ``blood running out of that building''--in a video he later posted to the Facebook page of his group, Cowboys for Trump. Couy Griffin, a Republican county commissioner from New Mexico and organizer of the group Cowboys for Trump, said a future Capitol rally could have ``blood running out of that building.'' ``You want to say that that was a mob? You want to say that was a violence? No, sir, no, ma'am, no. We could have a Second Amendment rally on those same steps that we had that rally yesterday. You know, and if we do, then it's going to be a sad day, because there's going to be blood running out of that building. But at the end of the day, you mark my word, we will plant our flag on the desk of Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer and Donald J. Trump, if it boils down to it.'' Couy Griffin, a Republican county commissioner from New Mexico and organizer of the group Cowboys for Trump, said a future Capitol rally could have ``blood running out of that building.'' CreditCredit . . . Cowboys for Trump via YouTube. ``At the end of the day, you mark my word, we will plant our flag on the desk of Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer,'' he said. He paused before adding, ``And Donald J. Trump if it boils down to it.'' Plans take shape online: `Pack a crowbar'. The advance publicity for the ``March for America'' had been robust. Beyond the repeated promotions in tweets by the president and his allies, the upcoming event was cheered on social media, including Twitter, Facebook and Instagram. But woven through many of the messages to stand up for Mr. Trump--and, if possible, block the congressional certification of the election he claimed he had won--was language that flirted with aggression, even violence. For example, the term ``Storm the Capitol'' was mentioned 100,000 times in the 30 days preceding Jan. 6, according to Zignal Labs, a media insights company. Many of these mentions appeared in viral tweet threads that discussed the possible storming of the Capitol and included details on how to enter the building. To followers of QAnon, the convoluted collection of conspiracy theories that falsely claims the country is dominated by deep-state bureaucrats and Democrats who worship Satan, the word ``storm'' had particular resonance. Adherents have often referred to a coming storm, after which Mr. Trump would preside over a new government order. In online discussions, some QAnon followers and militia groups explored which weapons and tools to bring. ``Pack a crowbar,'' read one message posted on Gab, a social media refuge for the far right. In another discussion, someone asked, ``Does anyone know if the windows on the second floor are reinforced?'' Still, the many waves of communication did not appear to result in a broadly organized plan to take action. It is also unclear if any big money or coordinated fund-raising was behind the mobilization, though some Trump supporters appear to have found funds through opaque online networks to help pay for transportation to the rally. ``Patriots, if you need financial help getting to DC to support President Trump on January 6th, please go to my website,'' a QAnon adherent who identified himself as Thad Williams, of Tampa, Fla., posted on Twitter three days before the event. He said he had raised more than $27,000. (After the Capitol assault, the money transfer companies PayPal and Stripe shut down his accounts. Mr. Williams did not return a phone message, but the website for his organization, Joy In Liberty, said it had given out $30,000 to fund transportation for ``deserving patriots.'') Other rally goers set up fund-raising accounts through the online service GoFundMe; Buzzfeed News cited at least a dozen, and GoFundMe has since closed them. One of the most conspicuous figures in the Capitol assault--a bare-chested man with a painted face, flag-draped spear and fur hat with horns--was linked to the online fund- raising. A familiar presence at pro-Trump rallies in Phoenix, Jacob Anthony Chansley, a 33-year-old voiceover actor, is known as the Q Shaman. He started a GoFundMe account in December to help pay for transportation to another Trump demonstration in Washington, but the effort reportedly netted him just $10. Mr. Chansley retweeted Mr. Williams's funding offer on Jan. 3, but it is unclear whether he benefited from it. On Tuesday, the eve of the march, a couple thousand people gathered at Freedom Plaza in Washington for ``The Rally to Save America'' event, permitted as ``The Rally to Revival.'' The disparate interests of those attending were reflected by the speakers: well-known evangelists, alt-right celebrities (Alex Jones of Infowars) and Trump loyalists, including his former national security adviser Michael Flynn and the self-described Republican dirty trickster Roger Stone, both of whom he had pardoned. The speakers repeatedly encouraged the attendees to see themselves as foot soldiers fighting to save the country. Americans, Mr. Flynn said, were ready to ``bleed'' for freedom. ``The members of the House of Representatives, the members of the United States Senate, those of you who are feeling weak tonight, those of you that don't have the moral fiber in your body, get some tonight,'' he said. ``Because tomorrow, we the people are going to be here and we want you to know we will not stand for a lie.'' Inside the Capitol descends into chaos. It was President Trump's turn. At about noon on Wednesday, he emerged from a viewing party in a tent, strode onto a stage set up in a park just south of the White House and, for more than an hour, delivered a stream of inflammatory words. He exhorted the crowd of more than 8,000 to march to the Capitol to pressure lawmakers: ``Because you'll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength and you have to be strong.'' Even before he had finished speaking, people started moving east toward the Capitol. The crowd included supporters who had come by caravan from across the country, Trump flags rippling in the wind, as well as people so moved by the president's appeal for support that they had jumped into their cars and driven for hours. They traveled from various corners of resentment in 21st- century America. Whether motivated by a sense of economic disenfranchisement or distrust of government, by bigotry, or conspiracy or a belief that Mr. Trump is God's way of preparing for the Rapture, they shared a fealty to the president. Now the moment had come, a moment that twinned the thrilling with the ominous. ``I'm happy, sad, afraid, excited,'' said Scott Cyganiewicz, 56, a floor installer from Gardner, Mass., as he watched the throngs of Trump loyalists streaming through the streets. ``It's an emotional roller coaster.'' American flags and Trump paraphernalia mingled in the crowd. Credit . . . Pete Marovich for The New York Times. Mr. Cyganiewicz said he was on his way out of town. He did not want to be around if violence broke out. Only a portion of the broader crowd continued onto the Capitol grounds. Soon word spread that Vice President Mike Pence--who would oversee the pro forma count by Congress of the electoral votes for certification--had announced he would not be complicit in the president's efforts to overturn the election. ``You can imagine the emotion that ran through people when we get that word,'' said Mr. Griffin, the county commissioner from New Mexico, in a video he posted on social media. ``And then we get down to the Capitol and they have all the inauguration set up for Joe Biden.'' He added, ``What do you think was going to happen?'' Many in the crowd spoke portentously of violence--or even of another Civil War. A man named Jeff, who said he was an off-duty police officer from York County, Pa., said he didn't know what would happen after he and his wife Amy reached the Capitol. But he felt ready to participate if something were to erupt. ``There's a lot of people here willing to take orders,'' he said. ``If the orders are given, the people will rise up.'' By the time the bulk of the crowd reached the building, its leading edge had metastasized into an angry mob. A man barked into a megaphone: ``Keep moving forward! Fight for Trump, fight for Trump!'' ``Military Tribunals! Hang them!'' shouted someone wearing a cowboy hat. Arrest Congress!'' screamed a woman in a flag scarf. People surged past a few Capitol Police officers to bang on the windows and doors. Many eyewitness accounts and videos have since emerged that convey the pandemonium as hundreds of people overwhelmed the inadequate law-enforcement presence. In several instances of role reversal, for example, rioters are seen firing what appeared to be pepper spray at police officers trying to prevent mobs from getting closer to the Capitol Building. After a few minutes, the crowd broke through and began streaming into an empty office. Glass shards crunched under people's feet, as the scene descended into chaos. Some stood in awe, while others took action. As one group prepared to break through an entryway, a Trump supporter raised a wine bottle and shouted, ``Whose way?'' To which the crowd responded, ``Our way!'' Confusion reigned. ``Hey what's the Senate side?'' said a tall man in camouflage and sunglasses. ``Where's the Senate? Can somebody Google it?'' All the while, members of The Oath Keepers, a self- proclaimed citizens' militia, seemed to be standing guard--or the transgressors. They wore olive-drab shirts, helmets and patches on their upper-left sleeves that said, ``Guardians of the Republic'' and ``Not on Our Watch.'' American flags flapped beside ``Trump 2020'' flags, and people wearing ``Make America Great Again'' regalia moved beside people wearing anti-Semitic slogans. Chants of ``Hell No, Never Joe'' and ``Stop the Steal'' broke out, as did strains of ``God Bless America'' and ``The Star-Spangled Banner.'' Derrick Evans of West Virginia, who just two months before had been elected as a Republican state delegate, wandered the halls of the Capitol Building, filming himself and joining in the occasional chant. At one point he shouted, ``Derrick Evans is in the Capitol!'' Outside the building, Mr. Griffin, who was once photographed wearing a 10-gallon hat and sitting across from President Trump in the Oval Office, was now gleefully addressing the camera from atop one of the crowded terraces, declaring it ``a great day for America.'' Asserting that ``we came peacefully,'' he was interrupted by a man wearing a jacket with a hand-grenade logo, who said, ``Believe me, we are well armed if we need to be.'' Amid the cheers and whoops of excitement were questions of what to do next. Some can be heard hunting for specific members of congress, including House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, whose office was broken into by several people. She and other lawmakers were hiding for fear of their safety. One image showed a trim man moving through the Senate chamber in full paramilitary regalia: camouflage uniform, Kevlar vest, a mask and baseball cap obscuring his face. He carried a stack of flex cuff--the plastic restraints used by police. The image raised a question yet to be answered: Why carry restraints if not to use them? Several rioters wielded fire extinguishers. One stood on a balcony on the Capitol building's west side, spraying down on police officers trying to fend off the crowd. Others carried them into the building itself, one into Statuary Hall and another onto the steps outside the Senate Chamber, spraying in the direction of journalists and police officers. Our president wants us here,'' a man can be heard saying during a livestream video that showed him standing within the Capitol building. ``We wait and take orders from our president.'' Despite his followers' hopes and expectations, President Trump was missing in action as rioters rampaged through the halls of Congress. It would be hours before he eventually surfaced in a somewhat subdued videotaped appeal for them to leave. ``We have to have peace,'' he said. ``So go home, we love you, you're very special.'' Some of Mr. Trump's supporters expressed frustration, even disbelief, that the president seemed to have given up after they had put themselves on the line for him. Mr. Haag, the retired landscaper, was among the disappointed. Still, he said, the movement will continue even without Mr. Trump. We are representing the 74 million people who got disenfranchised,'' he said. ``We are still out here. We are a force to be reckoned with. We are not going away.'' One man wandered away from the Capitol in the evening gloom, yelling angrily through a megaphone that Mr. Pence was a coward and, now, Mr. Trump had told everyone ``to just go home.'' Well, he can go home to his Mar-a-Lago estate,'' the man shouted, adding, ``We gotta go back to our businesses that are closed!'' As some rioters face fallout, others mull a repeat. In the aftermath of what Mitch McConnell, the Senate majority leader, called a ``failed insurrection,'' scores of those who responded to the incendiary words of the president now face a reckoning. A chief target of investigators will be whoever struck Brian Sicknick of the Capitol Police with a fire extinguisher; the 42-year-old officer died Thursday after being injured in the riot. At the same time, authorities are investigating the fatal police shooting of Ashli Babbitt, 35, an Air Force veteran who had joined those breaching the Capitol. Among those charged so far with federal crimes are Mr. Chansley, the so-called Q Shaman; Mr. Evans, the West Virginia lawmaker--who resigned on Saturday; and Richard Barnett, an Arkansas man who was depicted in a widely circulated photograph sitting with his foot on a desk in Ms. Pelosi's office. Meanwhile, Mr. Griffin, the commissioner from New Mexico who runs Cowboys for Trump, saw his group's Twitter account suspended and calls for his resignation. The anger, resentment and conspiracy-laced distrust that led to Wednesday's mayhem did not dissipate with Thursday's dawn. Along with the smashed furniture in the Capitol Building, there were smashed expectations of a continued Trump presidency, of lawmakers held to account, of holy prophecies fulfilled. Signs of potential violence have already surfaced. Twitter, which terminated Mr. Trump's account on Friday, noted that ``plans for future armed protests have already begun proliferating'' online, including ``a proposed secondary attack on the U.S. Capitol and state capitol buildings on January 17.'' The urge for more civil unrest is being discussed in the usual squalid corners of the internet. Private chat groups on Gab and Parler are peppered with talk of a possible ``Million Militia March'' on Jan. 20 that would disrupt the presidential inauguration of Mr. Biden. There is chatter about ride shares, where to find lodging in the Washington area--and what to bring. Baseball bats, perhaps, or assault rifles. ``We took the building once,'' one commenter posted, ``we can take it again.''

Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from California (Mr. Correa).

Mr. McGOVERN

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole), my good friend, pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only. General Leave

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks on H. Res. 8.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, a rules package is one of the most consequential things we will consider in this entire Congress. As we stand here in the opening days of this Congress, I am proud that the reforms before us represent a collaborative process that began many months ago. We asked Members on both sides of the aisle for ideas; we listened to our many caucuses and coalitions; we spent hours in the Rules Committee listening to input during our Member Day hearing; and we spoke with the outside groups that study these issues. Weeks and weeks of thoughtful discussion got us to this point. That process made the final product an even stronger one--not for one party or the other, but for this institution and for all those Americans counting on us to represent them; not the special interests or the monied interests, but our workers and those struggling to get ahead. This is a rules package that encourages us to tackle the most pressing issues facing our Nation today, like climate change, through the continued work of the Select Committee on the Climate Crisis. I want to thank Chairwoman Castor for her leadership, along with Chairman Pallone and Congresswoman Ocasio-Cortez, who have encouraged us to think big when confronting the threat of climate change. We are confronting the pandemic without any waste or fraud. That is through the ongoing work of the Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis, under the stewardship of Chairman Clyburn. It makes reforms to our budget rules so we can deal with these dual challenges through an all-hands-on-deck approach, while maintaining fiscal responsibility. I want to recognize the many Members, especially the Blue Dogs, the Progressives, and the New Democrats, who worked together to make this compromise happen. We are also focusing on those who have traditionally been left behind through the creation of a new Select Committee on Economic Disparity and Fairness in Growth. I want to thank Speaker Pelosi for her commitment to making sure that our policies lift up every single American. This new select committee will sharpen our focus on the income and wealth disparity crisis that plagues our Nation today. This package honors all gender identities by changing pronouns in the House rules so they are gender neutral. Look, we made this change for the sake of inclusion, not exclusion. But I have got to be honest with you. I heard the distinguished minority leader say that this rules package was canceling Mother's Day. I mean, are you kidding me? He also claimed that these rules make it so Members can no longer say ``father,'' ``mother,'' ``son,'' or ``daughter.'' Madam Speaker, has he even read these rules? That is just not accurate. That is not how this works. And, by the way, our Founding Fathers are still our Founding Fathers. Madam Speaker, maybe this is meant as a distraction. Maybe if we can create a controversy, then we are not talking about the ongoing pandemic, from which over 350,000 people have already died due to mismanagement and incompetence, or maybe we are not talking about the attempted coup being planned down at 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. But the bottom line is what has been said is just not accurate. I love this. Someone just handed me this. A Member on the other side from, I think, Arizona, for instance, tweeted: If I stand up and I say that I am a proud husband of my wife of almost 40 years now, then they would say that I violated the rules because you can no longer use any version of husband or father or gender reference between man and woman. I don't know what the hell he is talking about, Madam Speaker. Oh, my God; that is my response to this. I mean, Madam Speaker, this is why people really are frustrated with Congress and with Washington. I think we, in this Chamber, need to hold ourselves to a higher standard when it comes to facts and reality. Unlike the White House, this should not be a fact-free zone; we ought to focus on facts. If my Republican friends want to disagree on policy, we can disagree on policy. There are lots of issues that separate us, and we should debate those issues. That shouldn't be a radical idea. But people shouldn't make things up just to create a controversy. Accuracy matters, and it should come before saying whatever helps you get another hit on FOX News. Anyway, Madam Speaker, for those who insist on trying to disparage what we have done in the written rules, I want you to bring the bill to the floor and show me where it says, in writing, that we are canceling Mother's Day or that you can't refer to yourself as a husband or father or mother or grandmother. Give me a break. Enough is enough. We have to stop this. We have to focus in on solving the problems that face the American people. This rules package also requires that oversight plans from committees include how they intend to combat race, gender, and other inequities. It makes the Office of Diversity and Inclusion permanent. This will commit our institution to creating a diverse workforce for many years to come. As we tackle these issues, Madam Speaker, this rules package creates a more transparent process for ideas to be considered. It makes permanent the requirement that all bills that come before the Rules Committee get a hearing and a markup first. It preserves the motion to recommit, while making reforms so that it can no longer be used to hijack the legislative process for political gamesmanship. We are also continuing temporary rules changes that have ensured we completed the people's work as safely as possible during this coronavirus pandemic. I am impressed with how this Congress was able to adapt and find a way to function in the midst of this worldwide health emergency. During the pandemic in 1918, Congress was not able to adapt, but we did. I would just say to my colleagues on both sides of the aisle that we need to listen to the Speaker's recommendation that we all continue to follow the best and most current health and medical guidance. Madam Speaker, we acted. While we can and we should do much more for Americans struggling today, I am proud of what we were able to accomplish in the last year. It is no small part due to the implementation of remote voting by proxy and the development of virtual committee proceedings. Admittedly, Congress isn't always known for being on the cutting edge of the digital world. This rules package, however, seeks to change that even further. It contains many reforms designed to help us better embrace technology so that we can get our work done as efficiently and as transparently as possible. Congresswoman Eshoo and the Select Committee on the Modernization of Congress, under the leadership of Chairman Kilmer, were instrumental in these new changes. Madam Speaker, now, I just want to speak candidly for a moment. As important as these reforms are and as proud of them as I am, I know there is something even more important, and that is the foundation that they are built upon. Ethical leadership must be the bedrock principle of this and every Congress. If the American people do not begin to trust their fundamental institutions again, then division, conspiracies, and mistruths will continue to fester. This body, each of us, must do our part. No matter what side of the aisle you are on or who you vote for, we must hold ourselves to the highest standard of leadership. People can and should question our positions on the issues, but we should never act in a way that invites anyone to question our motivation. That is why this rules package doesn't just tinker at the edges, it breaks new ground through transformative reforms. It removes floor privileges for formers Members convicted of crimes related to their House service or election. This will ensure that we can do our work here without the undue influence of law breakers. We task the Ethics Committee to come up with a bipartisan plan to handle ``deepfakes,'' because we need to stop the spread, intentional or unintentional, of manipulated media that is created to mislead the public. I will note that we initially plan to go even further, amending our Code of Conduct with this rules package, but we heard some of our colleagues' concerns. We agreed to take a little bit more time to get the language just right, and we will do that through our bipartisan Ethics Committee. Thanks to the leadership of Congresswoman Porter of California, we strengthen Truth in Testimony disclosures for witnesses that testify before Congress. Now the public and all Members will have more information about those who appear before congressional committees. Our rules will further protect whistleblowers. This package prevents retaliation. It also makes permanent an office dedicated to ensuring congressional offices know how to handle whistleblower complaints in a responsible and secure way. I want to recognize the tremendous work of many people, from Majority Leader Hoyer and Congresswoman Speier to members of the Progressive Caucus that made these reforms a reality. In short, we are holding ourselves to a higher standard, Madam Speaker, not by changes developed in a vacuum just among ourselves. We also spoke with outside groups and experts and included their feedback. This is how the package was developed, through conversation, collaboration, and consultation. My Rules Committee colleagues, including Ranking Member Cole, offered input that was invaluable. Our committee chairs and their excellent staffs worked with us early in the morning and late at night as this package took shape. I am deeply grateful for the work of all of our caucuses, including the Congressional Hispanic Caucus, the Congressional Black Caucus, the New Democrat Coalition, the LGBTQ+ Equality Caucus, the Congressional Asia Pacific American Caucus, and the Blue Dog Coalition. The Problem Solvers Caucus was, once again, involved with crafting this package. I always appreciate the chance to work with Congressman Gottheimer and Congressman Reed. We even got to work with a new member of the Problem Solvers this Congress, Representative Van Taylor. And I could go on and on. Input from the nonpartisan staffs across this institution made this package stronger. That includes those with the offices of the Parliamentarian, the Congressional Budget Office, the Clerk, the General Counsel, the Congressional Research Service, the Sergeant at Arms, and the Chief Administrative Officer, just to name a few. Many staffers worked through the holidays on this, and I am deeply grateful for their efforts, especially the incredible staff on the Rules Committee. Democrats have been entrusted by the American people to lead this institution, but the rules package is about more than party. It is about making this Chamber work at its best for the people we represent. These reforms will do that. They will hold us to a higher standard so we can get it done for them and in a way that makes the public proud. Madam Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support in passing this package, and let's implement real reforms so we can quickly get to work on behalf of the American people. Before I reserve the balance of my time, I just want to take one second, Madam Speaker, to thank my Republican colleagues on the Rules Committee. We don't always agree on everything, but they are up in the Rules Committee diligently at every meeting making the case for their side of the aisle. I especially want to thank my ranking member, Mr. Cole, who cares deeply about this institution. And while we probably will not agree on this rules package, we agree that we need to make this a better place, and we need to hold it to the highest standards in terms of integrity, and to make sure the American people have trust in what we do here. Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I include in the Record a section by section of the changes H. Res. 8 will make to the standing rules of the 116th Congress and the separate orders taking effect for the 117th Congress. H. Res. 8 Adopting the Rules for the 117th Congress

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from the Virgin Islands (Ms. Plaskett).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I don't even know where to begin. Look, let me repeat, what we are doing is building in an exemption to deal with two worldwide emergencies: one is the coronavirus pandemic, which, unfortunately, this White House mismanaged terribly; the second is to deal with the issue of the climate crisis, which everybody but a few Members in this Chamber believe is a crisis. Madam Speaker, I will remind the gentleman that he has voted for exemptions when it comes to tax cuts for billionaires and corporations; he has voted for exemptions when it comes to taking people's healthcare away from them. So, obviously, we don't share the same values here, but I am very proud of what is in this package. Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/4\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz).

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. McGOVERN. Madam Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. I think this is a good rules package. As I said at the beginning, it reflects consultation with Democrats and Republicans; almost every caucus that you can think of was consulted on this. I think the end product is a quality product. I am particularly proud of the ethics reforms banning Members who have been convicted of corruption, protecting whistleblowers and making sure that their identities can't be revealed. I am proud of the creation of the Select Committee on Economic Disparity and Fairness in Growth. One of the things this pandemic has demonstrated is that there are great disparities in this country, and those disparities existed even before the pandemic. We need to address that issue. In terms of the exemptions for paygo, I mean, we are talking about two international, worldwide emergencies: the coronavirus pandemic and the climate crisis. I think every country in the world has recognized that they are emergencies, that we need to think big and boldly in how we deal with these issues. The unfortunate thing is we have had an administration that has not handled the pandemic appropriately, and as we gather today, well over 350,000 people, fellow citizens, have perished. Let me just say, also, Madam Speaker, that I was also inspired by the remarks of our Republican colleague Don Young, yesterday, when he talked about the need to work together. I was dismayed by the tone of the minority leader's comments on the opening day. In all of my years here, I have never heard anything quite so negative and combative. But here is the deal: We need to figure out a way to work together to get things done. You don't have to agree on everything to agree on something. The something we agree on, we ought to move forward. We can fight about the other stuff. If we are going to get things done, facts have to matter. I have got to be honest with you: In listening to the critiques of this rules package, one of the things that I found particularly disheartening was the distortions and, quite frankly, the falsehoods with regard to getting our rules language to be more inclusive. I don't understand why it was necessary for some to try to make things up. It does not entice the kind of collaboration and the kind of cooperation to get that something done. I am a great fan of my ranking member, Mr. Cole. This will probably get him in trouble, but I think he is one of the finest Members of this institution. We work together very well in the Rules Committee, notwithstanding some very, very difficult debates. But at the end of the day, I know he cares deeply about this institution. I know people like Don Young care about this institution, and there are good Members on the other side who care about this institution. We have a slim majority here. If we are going to get anything done, if you are going to get anything done, we are going to have to find a way to work things out. But we have to all agree that we want to get things done. So it is in that spirit that I hope that this rules package will cultivate the kind of atmosphere in which we can get some important things done. Whether it is on the climate crisis, whether it is on economic disparity, whether it is fighting to end hunger in this country, whether it is to make sure we can expand healthcare protections for people, whether it is about justice and fairness in this country, we have a lot of work to do. I hope, with the new administration coming in, that maybe there will be a different tone. Maybe it will be less combative. Maybe the discussions will be based more on fact. I hope and I pray that that is the case. But we have to come together, and we have to get things done for the American people.