Mitch McConnell

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session and be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. Res. 199, submitted earlier today.

Mr. McCONNELL. I further ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 200, submitted earlier today.

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 3 p.m., Monday, May 13; further, that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, morning business be closed, and the Senate proceed to executive session and resume consideration of the Truncale nomination; finally, notwithstanding the provisions of rule XXII, the cloture motions filed during today's session of the Senate ripen at 5:30 p.m., Monday, May 13.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I am saddened to have to begin my remarks this morning by acknowledging yet another senseless act of school violence in America. Less than a month after the 20th anniversary of the tragic shooting at Columbine High School, another Colorado community was shattered yesterday afternoon. Just miles away, at the STEM School Highlands Ranch, one student has been killed, eight others have been wounded, and many more young lives have been changed forever at the hands of two of their fellow students. I know the entire Senate joins me in holding the victims of yesterday's shooting, their families, and their entire community in our prayers today. Our gratitude is with the first responders of Douglas County, whose swift action to engage the shooters saved untold lives.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, it has now been more than 6 weeks since Special Counsel Bob Mueller, the former FBI Director, concluded his investigation into Russia's interference in our 2016 election and delivered his findings to the Justice Department. It has been 2 weeks since Attorney General William Barr made the 450-page report public. This investigation went on for 2 years. It is finally over. Many Americans were waiting to see how their elected officials would respond. With an exhaustive investigation complete, would the country finally unify to confront the real challenges before us? Would we finally be able to move on from partisan paralysis and breathless conspiracy theorizing or would we remain consumed by unhinged partisanship and keep dividing ourselves to the point that Putin and his agents would need only to stand on the sidelines and watch us as their job would actually be done for them? Regrettably, the answer is pretty obvious. So that is what I want to discuss this morning--Russia's interference in American elections, the special counsel's and the Attorney General's work, and how we can finally end this ``Groundhog Day'' spectacle, stop endlessly relitigating a 2\1/2\-year-old election result, and move forward for the American people. Now, it bears remembering what this investigation was actually supposed to be about--Russian interference in 2016. For many of the President's opponents, it quickly morphed into something else--a last hope that maybe they would never have to come to terms with the American people's choice of a President. In some corners, Special Counsel Mueller came to be regarded as a kind of secular saint who was destined to rescue the country from the inconvenient truth that the American people actually elected Donald Trump. For 2 years, many of the President's opponents seemed to be hoping the worst conspiracy theories would actually be true. They seemed to be hoping for a national crisis for the sake of their own politics. Look, I will say it was at least heartening to see many of my Democratic colleagues and the media abruptly awaken to the dangers of Russian aggression. Remember, not long ago, the Democrats mocked Republicans like John McCain and Mitt Romney for warning about the dangers posed by Putin's Russia. Remember President Obama's quip back in 2012, when then-Governor Romney emphasized his concerns with Russia? Here is what President Obama said when Mitt Romney emphasized his concerns about Russia back in 2012: ``The 1980s are now calling to ask for their foreign policy back.'' That was President Obama in 2012. Well, I think many of us now see that President Obama's approach to Russia could have used some more of the 1980s--more Ronald Reagan and less Jimmy Carter. We would have been better off if the Obama administration had not swept Putin's invasion and occupation of Georgia under the rug or had not looked away as Russia forced out Western NGOs and cracked down on civil society; if President Obama had not let Assad trample his redline on Syria or had not embraced Putin's fake deal on chemical weapons; if the Obama administration had responded firmly to Putin's invasion and occupation of Ukraine in 2014, to the assassination of Boris Nemtsov in 2015, and to Russia's intervention in Syria. Maybe stronger leadership would have left the Kremlin less emboldened. Maybe tampering with our democracy wouldn't have seemed so very tempting. Instead, the previous administration sent the Kremlin the signal it could get away with almost anything. So is it surprising that we got the brazen interference detailed in Special Counsel Mueller's report or a concerted effort to divide Americans through social media campaigns or the hacking into the email accounts and networks of the Clinton campaign and the Democratic Party? Thanks to the investigation, we know more about these tactics. Thanks to the investigation, 13 Russian nationals, 3 Russian companies, and 12 more Russian intelligence officers have been indicted. These are the people who really did seek to undermine our democracy. Yet, curiously, many of our Democratic colleagues and most of the news media don't seem to care about that. New insight into defending America? Russian nationals being indicted? These don't seem to interest my colleagues across the aisle-- no interest--just like there has been little interest in the steps this administration has taken to make Russia pay for its interference and strengthen America's hand. Election interference was just one part of Russia's strategy to undercut the United States, and this administration has taken the problem head-on. We have a new, coherent national security strategy and national defense strategy that actually take the threat seriously. We have new sanctions. We have provided Georgia and Ukraine with weapons to better defend themselves--capabilities the previous administration denied our partners--now listen to this--out of fear of provoking Russia. We have worked against pipeline projects like Nord Stream 2 that would further expand Putin's influence. We have strengthened and reformed NATO so the alliance can present a united front. We proved Russia's noncompliance with the INF and walked away from a treaty that Moscow had turned into a sham. Over Russian objections, the Trump administration has also twice enforced President Obama's redline in Syria after Assad's use of chemical weapons. With respect to election security, Congress appropriated hundreds of millions of dollars to State governments to shore up their systems. The administration increased information sharing from the Department of Homeland Security in cooperation with the States. According to press reports, the Department of Defense has expanded its capabilities and authorities to thwart cyber threats to our democracy. No longer will we just hope Moscow respects our sovereignty--we will now defend it. These are just a few examples, and there is already evidence they are having an effect. We just had the 2018 midterm elections. Thanks to this administration's leadership, all 50 States and more than 1,400 local election jurisdictions focused on election security like never before. The DHS provided resources to localities for better cybersecurity, and private social media companies monitored their own platforms for foreign interference. Thanks to efforts across the Federal Government in 2018, we were ready. Clearly, that is progress. The Mueller report will help us as will the upcoming report from the Select Committee on Intelligence. These threats and challenges are real. Our responsibility to strengthen America is serious, and it requires serious work. Speaking of serious, seriousness is not what we have seen from the Democratic Party in recent days. What we have seen is a meltdown--an absolute meltdown. We have seen an inability to accept the bottom-line conclusion on Russian interference from the special counsel's report, which read that the investigation did not establish that members of the Trump campaign conspired or coordinated with the Russian Government in its election interference activities. That was the conclusion--2 years of exhaustive investigation and nothing to establish the fanciful conspiracy theory that the Democratic politicians and TV talking heads had treated like a forgone conclusion. They told everyone there had been a conspiracy between Russia and the Trump campaign. Yet, on this central question, the special counsel's finding is clear--case closed. This ought to be good news for everyone, but my Democratic colleagues seem to be publicly working through the five stages of grief. The first stage is denial. Remember what happened when the Attorney General released his preliminary letter that described the special counsel's bottom-line legal conclusion? Denial. Immediately, there was totally baseless speculation that perhaps Attorney General Barr had not quoted the report properly. Then comes stage No. 2--anger. Welcome to Washington in recent days. The Democrats are angry--angry that the facts have disappointed them, angry that our legal system will not magically undo the 2016 election for them. They have opted to channel all of their partisan anger onto the Attorney General. They seem to be angrier at Bill Barr for doing his job than they are at Vladimir Putin. This is a distinguished public servant whose career stretches back almost 50 years. He is widely respected. Nobody claims he has any prior personal allegiance to this particular President. Why are they angry? Why are they angry? Did the Attorney General fire the special counsel or force him to wind down prematurely? No. Did he sit on the Mueller report and keep it secret? No. He quickly reported out his bottom-line legal conclusions and then released as much as possible for the world to see. Did he use redactions? Did he use redactions to mislead the public? No. Working with the special counsel's team, he released as much as possible within standard-- standard--safeguards. So it is hard to see the source of the anger. Maybe our Democratic colleagues are thinking of some strange new kind of ``coverup'' where you take the entire thing you are supposedly covering up and post it on the internet. The claims get more and more utterly absurd. There are baseless accusations of perjury and laughable threats of impeachment. We all know what is going on here. This is the whole angry barrage that Democrats had prepared to unleash on President Trump--except the facts let them down. The facts let them down. So the left has swung all these cannons around and fired them at the Attorney General. It is not for any legitimate reason but just because he is a convenient target. There is this ``outrage industrial complex'' that spans from Capitol press conferences to cable news. They are grieving--grieving--that the national crisis they spent 2 years wishing for did not materialize. But for the rest of the country, this is good news. It is bad news for the ``outrage industrial complex'' but good news for the country. So now they are slandering a distinguished public servant because the real world has disappointed them. Instead of taking a deep breath and coming back to reality, our colleagues across the aisle want to shoot the messenger and keep the perpetual outrage machine right on going, even undermining the institution of the Attorney General itself in the process. Remember, Russia set out to sow discord, to create chaos in American politics, and to undermine confidence in our democracy. But on that front, given the left's total fixation on delegitimizing the President Americans chose and shooting any messenger who tells them inconvenient truths, I am afraid the Russians hardly need to lift a finger--hardly need to lift a finger. The last stage of grievance is acceptance. For the country's sake, I hope my Democratic friends get there sometime soon. There are serious issues the American people need us to tackle. There is more progress for middle-class families we need to deliver. For 2 years, the Democratic Party held out hope that the legal system would undo their loss in 2016. They refused to make peace with the American people's choice. But the American people elected this President. They did. The American people voted for change. The American people sent us here to deliver results for their families. That is what Republicans have been doing for the past 2 years and counting. That is what Republicans will continue to do. Whenever our Democratic friends can regain their composure and come back to reality, we look forward to their help.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I understand there are two bills at the desk due for a second reading en bloc.

Mr. McCONNELL. In order to place the bills on the calendar under the provisions of rule XIV, I object to further proceedings en bloc.

Mr. McCONNELL. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, on behalf of myself and the distinguished Democratic leader, Mr. Schumer, I send to the desk a resolution authorizing the production of testimony and representation by the Senate Legal Counsel, and ask for its immediate consideration. Mr. President, this resolution concerns a request for evidence in a criminal action pending in Nevada State court. In this action the defendant is charged with threatening or attempting to intimidate public officials in voicemails he left with the Las Vegas office of Senator Cortez Masto. A preliminary hearing is scheduled for May 8, 2019. The prosecution is seeking testimony from one of the Senator's staff assistants who listened to the voicemails at issue. Senator Cortez Masto would like to cooperate with this request by providing relevant employee testimony from her office. The enclosed resolution would authorize that staffer, and any other current or former employee of the Senator's office from whom relevant testimony may be needed, to testify in this criminal action, with representation by the Senate Legal Counsel.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, over the weekend we were given yet another tragic reminder of the daily threats that face our friends and allies in Israel. While American families enjoyed a spring weekend, those who make their home in the border regions of the Jewish State were subjected to a barrage of hundreds of rockets and other projectiles launched from within Gaza. The attacks were carried out by Hamas and the Palestinian Islamic Jihad. They targeted civilian populations. They killed a worker at a cement factory, a truckdriver in a border village, a man in the yard of his own home, and a rabbi as he left his car to run for cover. They caused countless Israeli citizens to scurry to bunkers for safety, unsure whether rockets would rain upon their farms, apartment buildings, schools, or hospitals. These attacks, we should remember, are targeted at Israel's innocent civilians. They are intended to kill, to maim, and to terrorize. In the face of such brazen acts of terror, it is of course Israel's right to take swift and decisive action to defend its people. Frankly, it is an existential necessity. And it is the responsibility of every peaceful nation to condemn the terrorist organizations behind them and to continue to expose those governments and private entities that provide illicit support for their actions. Foremost among them is Iran, which has become a critical lifeline for the terrorist activities of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. I know my colleagues will join me in expressing sympathy for the families of the victims and for the communities left to rebuild the wreckage of these latest attacks. Furthermore, I hope this weekend's attacks could at least spur some action here in Congress, where Senate- passed legislation to renew and strengthen our partnership with Israel is still sitting over in the House, where it has not been permitted a vote. That thoroughly bipartisan legislation contains several provisions to strengthen our security ties to Israel and also to combat the scourge of anti-Semitism. Behind these attacks lurks the same hatred that motivated the violence at Chabad of Poway last month and the Tree of Life synagogue last year--the same ugly bigotry that takes refuge within the BDS movement while masquerading as a legitimate political stance. It is the same tide of discrimination that an overwhelming majority of European Jews report is on the rise in their own communities, even as the Holocaust remains a vivid living memory. This disturbing trend has already taken its toll on communities of faith and on peaceful Jews in Israel and around the world, but when America does any less than our level best to confront it, we further undermine the cause of our friends and allies in this free Jewish State. I hope this terrible violence can again spur my colleagues in the House to act on the bipartisan legislation that has been languishing over there for weeks. It was the first item we took up this year. Clearly, the need to reaffirm our commitment to the safety, security, and sovereignty of Israel is just as important as it ever was.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session for a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of S. Res. 190, submitted earlier today.

Mr. McCONNELL. I know of no further debate on the measure.

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the preamble be agreed to and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee be discharged from further consideration of S. Res. 162 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I understand there are two bills at the desk, and I ask for their first reading en bloc.

Mr. McCONNELL. I now ask for a second reading, and I object to my own request, all en bloc.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 10 a.m., Tuesday, May 7; further, that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, morning business be closed, and the Senate proceed to executive session and resume consideration of the Bianco nomination; further, that the Senate recess from 12:30 p.m. until 2:15 p.m. to allow for the weekly conference meetings; finally, that all time during recess, adjournment, morning business, and leader remarks count postcloture on the Bianco nomination.