Mitch McConnell

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, last week, the House passed the Water Resources bill with broad bipartisan support. Today, it is the Senate's turn to act. Thanks in large part to the leadership of Ranking Member Capito and her team, the sensible legislation before us will strengthen our Nation's water infrastructure from the Everglades, to the Port of Los Angeles, to the inland waterways that course through Kentucky. It is good news for communities across the country. From clean drinking water, to ecosystem maintenance, to storm resiliency, to navigable waterways for trade and commerce, the bill before us takes a comprehensive approach. Because our communities understand their challenges better than any bureaucrat in Washington, this bill will provide the flexibility to tailor solutions to each community's unique needs. I am also pleased it will authorize several projects important to the health and well-being of Kentuckians. One will build out infrastructure for water and wastewater treatment in Appalachia--always a concern of rural communities across America's heartland. Another will help secure safe and reliable drinking water for the growing number of families in Scott County. Finally, another will update Greenbrier Lake Dam, which supplies water for Kentuckians across Montgomery County. So far, an impressive, broad coalition has thrown their support behind this bill, from ports and shippers, to farm groups and unions, to dozens of industry leaders who rely on our waterways to move goods, protect jobs, and keep costs low for the American people. I appreciate the House's work to move this must-pass bill forward in bipartisan fashion. Obviously, I hope the Senate will do the same today. Biden Administration Mr. President, President Biden's decision earlier this month to pardon his son may well have set a unique and unfortunate precedent. But abuse of the Presidential pardon doesn't stop there. Last week, the President went on to commute 1,500 sentences, and the way liberal activists see it, he should have done even more. More than 20 liberal, retired judges--including the Boston radical who recommended the disgraced, pro-crime U.S. attorney Rachael Rollins--have now urged the President to turn his eye to Federal death sentences. They claim that the Federal death penalty is ``rife with fundamental problems,'' including race discrimination and poor representation of defendants. But this is not just some theoretical recommendation about systemic injustice. If the President heeded these former judges' call, it would mean commuting the death sentences of the mass murderer who slaughtered Black churchgoers at Mother Emanuel in Charleston and the perpetrator of the massacre at the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh. Are these men the victims of systemic racism? Did they have inadequate counsel? Of course not. They are mass murderers, guilty beyond any doubt whatsoever. Let's be clear what commuting these sentences would mean. It would mean that the laws passed by Congress and applied by our judges and juries have no value. It would mean that progressive politics is more important to the President than the lives taken by these murderers. It would mean that society's most forceful condemnation of White supremacy and anti-Semitism must give way to legal mumbo jumbo. The irony of claims of systemic racism causing the President to spare Dylann Roof is ludicrous--ludicrous--to the point of tragedy. This is no legacy a President should seek. Tribute to Kyrsten Sinema Now, Mr. President, on an entirely different matter from the President's unfortunate legacy, I would like to close with just a few words about another of our departing colleagues, the senior Senator from Arizona. It is, perhaps, unconventional for the leader of one party to pay formal tribute to a departing Senator who caucused with the other side, but then Kyrsten Sinema has never had trouble with bucking a trend. For one thing, she has spent her 6 years in this body earning levels of influence, respect, and command of policy that are uncommon among Senate freshmen. She has thrown herself into worthwhile projects, done the heavy lifting of legislation, and kept at it when longer tenured colleagues might have thrown in the towel. Needless to say, Senator Sinema's maverick streak extends to her efforts to broaden the Senate's fashion horizons as well. But the cornerstone of our colleague's legacy in this Chamber will be her willingness to defend the Senate, the Senate itself, when saying nothing would have been a great deal easier. Arizona's senior Senator stood up in the face of a grave threat to this institution's defining characteristic, and she said no--no--and in doing so, she sent a message that will resonate long after her departure from the Chamber. I admire our colleague for the courage, wisdom, and clarity that have guided her service for the people of Arizona and for the entire Nation, and I wish her the very best in her next chapter.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, for many years running, a familiar morning ritual has played out just a few steps from my desk here in the Capitol. A lamp turns on, illuminating a shelf where an embroidered pillow reads ``Not my circus, not my monkeys.'' Invariably, a cold Diet Coke is cracked open. Perhaps a moment of reflection on Peggy Noonan's timeless observation that ``the constant possibility of quiet revenge keeps one peppy.'' Then my deputy chief of staff for operations, Stef Muchow, opens her office for business. Stef works at a busy crossroads. Just about everything time- sensitive, confidential, or otherwise important that is headed my way stops at her desk first, and that is by design. There is no one else who can spend and accumulate institutional capital in my name with Stef's confidence; no one else who commands such a comprehensive awareness of my interests and priorities; no one else who embraces ``other duties as assigned'' with her unwavering devotion. Now, this might sound like the sort of high praise any one of our colleagues would hope to give to a close adviser of two decades. I am sure it is what each of them would want to say about a bright, instinctive, effusively patriotic staffer who finished college a year and a half early and poured herself into public service at the highest level. I don't doubt that each of our colleagues is fortunate to enjoy the fierce loyalty to their staff, but I am quite certain that I am the only one in the Senate who has been blessed by the furious loyalty of Stef. There is no portfolio--or more accurately, no collection of portfolios--anywhere in Washington quite like the one I have handed to Stef. And that makes sense because there is no one else who could handle it quite like her. Around my office, the bench in Stef's office is where colleagues come for guidance and gut checks. Across the entire Senate, any number of people can think of times when it was Stef's wisdom, discretion, candor, loyalty, diplomacy, tact, or political savvy that made all the difference. I can think of hundreds. No one else sees the whole board--from policy objectives, to political considerations, to protocol sensitivities, to personal circumstances--like Stef does. That may have something to do with the fact that she has seen my Senate office operations from just about every vantage point over the years. For Stef, there has been no task too small, no job that wasn't worth doing right. As it turns out, this approach has been contagious. Stef's role so often demands uncompromising efficiency and the utmost discretion, and yet she still seems to seize every opportunity to bring the McTeam closer together as family. Of course, Stef's other duties as assigned include covering much larger groups than the professionals I am proud to call my staff. In every corner of the building, her name is synonymous with mastery of the ceremonial protocols that transform the Capitol into a national stage. This is the place where America inaugurates our Presidents, bids farewell to fallen heroes, and bestows our highest honors, and very little of it takes place without Stef's knowledge, input, orchestration, or blessing. When you think about it, this diplomatic grace and eye for detail make sense coming from someone who probably hasn't missed a British royal wedding or an Olympic opening ceremony in her entire life. Don't worry--Stef cheers for Team USA, loud and proud. But I would be remiss in talking about grace without mentioning the ways she has shown it in the face of the most demanding challenges we have seen together. When the pandemic arrived, Stef's ability to balance sensitive considerations and competing interests was invaluable--not just to me but to the entire Senate. Her approach to big, thorny questions about protecting Senators and staff while upholding our duties helped us make the right calls when there were any number of ways to make the wrong ones. In truly unchartered territory, Stef's poise was decisive. As leaders across the institution faced a blank page and a daunting, once- in-a-century task, she took action--not because it would be easy but because it had to be done. For years, this has been something of a theme: If it had to be done, it had to be Stef. If it had to be airtight and discreet, it had to be Stef. If it had to navigate political and personal sensitivities just right, it had to be Stef. In this job, it is important to have a few people around you who really do know every aspect of your life, who you can trust without question, who will guard your confidences, and who will give you honest feedback. I am tremendously fortunate and proud of the countless ways Stef rises to these responsibilities over and over again. But I am hardly the only one who gets to take pride in what Stef has accomplished. I share that distinction with the family who makes Stef who she is today--with her parents Gary and Dianne, her sisters Abbey and Leslie, and with the ones she rushes home to when the immense demands of the Senate grant a brief respite: her husband Scott and their beloved daughter Lily. I am not sure my words here can ever begin to capture the significance of the first and last person I speak to every day, but there is perhaps no better illustration of Stef's love for our country and for the Senate than her sacrifice of time with the ones she loves the most. So, to Stef, I am so grateful to you for everything you have done both for the Senate and for me.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, as is typical this time of year, the Senate's attention is focused squarely on a long list of business, with deadlines fast approaching. Extending government funding by Friday is our top priority. Shutting the government down is a one-way ticket to needless disruption of important functions. It has never been a winning proposition, and this time is no different. Delivering urgent disaster relief is a nonnegotiable. As communities across the country continue to pick up the pieces from a devastating storm season, they are watching closely for the Senate to deliver on the promise of a much needed helping hand. And after months of unnecessary delay, the Senate will finally vote on the National Defense Authorization Act. The Armed Services Committee reported this year's NDAA 6 months ago by an overwhelming bipartisan vote. The fact that it has only reached the floor a week before Christmas is really inexcusable; so is the absence of a vote on defense appropriations legislation. And the blame for this neglect will rest squarely on the outgoing Senate majority. Ranking Member Wicker and our colleagues on the committee tried mightily to ensure that the final bill--Congress's main annual opportunity to shape national defense priorities--backs tough talk on growing threats with the tools required to meet them. But the NDAA, like all major legislation, is a compromise product, and the absence of the Senate-backed increase to topline investments will go down as a tremendous--tremendous--missed opportunity. Artificial budget restraints mean that major bill provisions, like a pay raise for enlisted servicemembers, will come at the expense of investments in the critical weapons systems and munitions that deter conflict and keep them safe. For all the talk about growing threats to America's national security, it is past time for an honest conversation about the military requirements to meet those needs. And if this NDAA offers any valuable lesson, it is that we have a tremendous amount of work to do. Tribute to Mike Braun Madam President, on an entirely different matter, my earliest participation in politics was wearing an ``I like Ike'' pin on school picture day. But, last month, the State of Indiana was chanting: ``I like Mike.'' Mike Braun's fellow Hoosiers like him so much, in fact, they have decided to steal him back from Washington to be their Governor. And if I know anything about Indiana's junior Senator, he is probably looking forward to trading in the trappings of this institution for a job a lot closer to home. But I would like to say just a few words before he goes. Years ago, a local reporter asked Mike Braun about his approach to life and work. He told them: You live like you are going out of business every day, and it makes you healthy. For a spry, former three-sport athlete like Mike, that much checks out. But, needless to say, in the process of keeping him young, our colleague's mantra also brought a fair bit of political success. Sure, a cushy, white-collar gig and a predictable corporate ladder would have been the natural next step for a high achiever fresh out of Harvard Business School. But where is the fun in that? For Mike, in order to live like you are going out of business, you have to run a business yourself. You have to build a team and take risks. And what better place to do that than in your own hometown. Most of us are familiar with at least some of what came next for Mike and his high school sweetheart Maureen. The life and professional lessons of Mike's dad Amos, a decorated World War II vet; steering a 15-person operation through the aftermath of the 1980s farm crisis and turning it into a national team spread across 38 States; for years, running that success, with sleeves rolled up, from a trailer office; and raising four kids along the way, three of whom have found their own callings in the family business--as I understand it, we have Maureen to thank that this incredible story of hard work and entrepreneurial spirit took a turn into politics in the first place. When friends around Jasper tried drafting her to run for the school board, she offered Mike instead. And so began two decades and counting of life in politics. Here in the Senate, Mike's ``going out of business'' approach to public service made an early impression. Careful observers ranked him, at one point, the most effective freshman in the Chamber. He dove head first into legislation that mattered to him and to Indiana. He advocated passionately for farmers and for families impacted by rare diseases. He fought for outcomes, and he stood on principle. But Hoosiers will be proud to know that he still doesn't like dressing up here on the Senate floor. And who can blame him? By Mike's own admission, most of what he likes to do--tend the farm, fish, and hunt both animals and mushrooms--he can do within 60 miles of Jasper. So it speaks to Mike's commitment to his neighbors that, even though he is leaving Washington, he is not quite going home just yet, nor will he be able to hang up the coat and the tie. The trust of the people of Indiana is rightly a great source of pride for our colleague, second only to his pride in the family he and Maureen built, and I know he can't wait to get to work for all of them in Indianapolis. So I know I speak for our colleagues when I thank Mike for his service these past 6 years. We wish him all the best in his next chapter.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, on January 20, 2021, President Biden broke with longstanding precedent and fired the general counsel of the National Labor Relations Board. I guess if you campaign on establishing ``the most pro-union administration in American history,'' then replacing duly appointed officials with Big Labor acolytes is certainly a day one priority. As we know, this was an area where the President really did do his level best to make good on his campaign promises. Setting aside his Acting Secretary of Labor's record presiding over perhaps the biggest state UI fraud in American history, President Biden's NLRB has worked overtime to pollute employer-employee relations across the country with vague new standards, distort longstanding free speech principles, and wage all-out war on small business franchisers. The NLRB member who has held primary responsibility for executing on the Biden Big Labor agenda is its Chair, Lauren McFerran, and she is up for confirmation to another term. If the Board's public actions over the last 4 years are not telling enough, I would urge our colleagues to consider the gross mismanagement on Ms. McFerran's watch that took an independent inspector general report to uncover--serious violations of electoral procedures and coverup attempts, to boot. This is to say nothing of the fact that her confirmation would give a lameduck President control of an independent Board well into his successor's term. In this case, there are any number of reasons not to reward bad behavior, and whichever our colleagues choose, I hope they will join me in opposing the McFerran nomination tomorrow.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, in a matter of weeks, President Biden will hand off his authority to a new Commander in Chief, and his administration will submit its stewardship of U.S. foreign and national security policy to the judgment of posterity. Already, the contours of history are coming into focus. On this administration's watch--and, frequently, at its tacit invitation--the gravest threats to America, our allies, and our global interests have grown and aligned more closely. Senior administration officials insist that the exact opposite is true and that they are preparing to hand off a world that is safer and more stable than they found it. This sort of spin isn't surprising; it is just profoundly untrue. And nowhere is the administration's revisionist gaslighting more blatant or bizarre than in its account of events in the Middle East. Yesterday's collapse of the Assad regime in Syria was a stunning close to a half a century of authoritarian rule and 13 years of senseless slaughter, torture, and innocent suffering. Bashar Assad is an agent of Iran, an ally of Russia, and a butcher whose hands are stained with so much innocent blood that the death toll defies precise counting. The destination of this butcher's flight from Damascus over the weekend is telling. Fellow dictators still find a warm welcome in Putin's Moscow, and, I might add, so do unrepentant traitors like Edward Snowden. It is quite clear that the recent lightning success of Syrian rebel groups is due, in part, to the distraction of the Assad regime's essential patrons. For more than a decade, assistance from Russia and Iran has shored up the twin pillars of Assad's rule: oppression and fear. But today, Russian attention and resources are tied up in a protracted war of aggression over in Ukraine, and Iran is busy propping up a network of terrorist proxies that Israel has dealt savage blows. If you ask the Biden administration, this was all part of the plan. The President himself said as much yesterday. He noted that the Assad regime's strongest backers--Russia, Iran, and Hezbollah--are weaker today than they were 4 years ago, as if to suggest that it was his administration's policy that made these events possible. But my colleagues--and, for that matter, America's allies and partners--know a lot better than that. We know that, to the extent that our adversaries are weaker today than they were when the President took office, it is in spite of his chronic hesitation and half measures in the conduct of American foreign policy. Ukraine has blunted Russian military power, in spite of this administration's unfounded fear of escalation and repeated withholding of lethal assistance. Israel has put Iran and its proxies on the back foot, in spite--in spite--of this administration's repeated efforts to dictate the terms of Israel's military operations and its ongoing freeze on the transfers of essential precision munitions. If the Assad regime's brutality was an abiding concern for the President or if the ongoing plight of the Syrian people factored meaningfully into his administration's policy, then his National Security Advisor's description of the Middle East, last fall, as ``quieter than it has been for decades'' is even more incongruous than the horrors of October 7 already made it. If the President now intends to claim credit for bringing a potential end to Syria's grinding civil war, it begs the question why, as Vice President, he agreed with President Obama's decision not to enforce his self-imposed redline on Assad's use of chemical weapons. The last Democratic administration's approach to Syria helped Russia displace American influence and helped Iran turn it into its staging ground for its terrorist proxies' war on Israel. The current Democratic administration's scolding and hectoring of the Jewish State has made defending against this war more difficult. The Commander in Chief's record will speak for itself. History will reflect that, if this administration wanted to heed the urging of leaders of both parties in Congress and deliver the sort of lethal capabilities and permissions Ukraine needed to defend against Russian aggression at the speed of relevance, it was fully empowered to do so. And had this President even once expressed a willingness to take a serious bipartisan approach to the Middle East's primary agents of chaos in Tehran--and its proxies and vassals from Yemen to Syria--it would have found willing partners on this side of the aisle. I made this much crystal clear from the first days of his administration. At best, the Biden administration has been an impassive observer. At worst, it restrained America's friends from defending themselves and hampered the otherwise transformational success of Israel's operation against the enemies who actually started the war. In spite of the administration's fixation on deescalation, Israel decimated Hezbollah, the crown jewel of Iran's terror web. While the administration obsessed over the illusion of returning to the stable status quo, Israel actually turned the tables on Iran and its proxies. Today, there is no longer such a status quo in Syria. After years of war stoked by Russia and Iran, the prospects of a beleaguered Syrian people are certainly complicated and uncertain. But the fall of the Assad regime is an opportunity for our partners in the Middle East to chart a new future and to press the advantage earned by Israel's decisive operations and uproot Iran's remaining influence throughout the region.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, every year, scores of bright young people arrive on Capitol Hill to begin careers of public service. On the whole, they tend to be bright, ambitious, principled, and patriotic. I have been fortunate to have the best of them on my team. But I am certain no one has ever shown up on day one better prepared to advocate for a State he is not from than my deputy chief of staff of policy, Scott Raab. From the moment he walked in the door in 1999, Scott knew as much about my legislative record and about Kentucky's priorities as anyone on the team. Before long, he was fluent in the Commonwealth's smallest towns and counties. Somewhere along the way, he turned into a rabid fan of Kentucky basketball. And for years, new arrivals to my staff in the Republican leader office have consistently mistaken this honorary son of the Bluegrass for a native one. I say all this to make it clear the kind of person we are dealing with. This is the sort of friend and adviser that simply doesn't grow on trees: the natural whiz who still studies relentlessly; the wonk whose expertise runs both deep and wide; the man for whom loyalty is not a transactional currency but a way of life; and, of course, the champion of ``Blue Shirt Thursday'' and the only member of my staff who can pull off the bow tie. This exceedingly rare breed--this is Scott Raab. As my policy director, there is no topic that falls outside his portfolio. And there is no problem that isn't, in some way, his to solve. This is hardly a recent development, and it is certainly not by accident. After just a few years on my personal office staff, through steady and unassuming competence, Scott became a clearinghouse for input on important decisions. Our entire team leaned on his encyclopedic knowledge, his good judgment, and, of course, his upset picks for March Madness brackets. For much of Scott's tenure, his colleagues turned to him as a resident expert on healthcare policy. He had to protect my blind side on a set of issues I confess have always confounded me. But when you are as good as Scott is at boiling complex problems down to their essence, you wind up pulling extra duty. It didn't matter if an issue wasn't in his portfolio. If it was really hard and really important, it, of course, would wind up on Scott's desk. Eventually, as is often the case with the greatest flying aces, it fell to Scott to lead the whole squadron, to marshal the strengths and expertise of my entire team, and to deploy them in pursuit of an outcome. There have been very few outcomes Scott has pursued and not achieved. And that is because he is one of the very few people in Washington who, by their very involvement in an issue, signal that things are probably going to somehow work out. I am speaking, of course, about Scott's daily arrival to light and tend the fireplace in my chief of staff's office. In meetings anywhere in the Capitol, Scott speaks with my authority but a command of policy nuance and procedural nuance entirely his own. Without uttering a word, Scott's patrols along the back wall of this Chamber are a sign to our colleagues things are under control--or at least they will be very soon. Scott, of course, is too modest to acknowledge this. He is too self- effacing to admit the number of times where the price of rescuing must- pass legislation or keeping the Federal Government's lights on has been his nights, his weekends, and his all-hours attention. For a husband and father with a young family, it is difficult to quantify this sacrifice. It is impossible to overstate how the road to high-stakes government funding agreements has so often been paved with missed swim meets and soccer games and with goodnight calls and bedtime stories over FaceTime illustrated with a Cookie Monster hand puppet. So I am grateful to Scott's dear wife Katherine for her patience and to Molly and Lauren for sharing their dad with us so often. There is simply no way to make sense of the quarter century of honorable service Scott has rendered without talking about a certain intangible devotion. You don't stick around that long for the pay. You certainly don't do it for the flexible hours. But if your name is Scott Raab, you might just do it because you love the Senate and believe in the people you work with. As it so happens, Scott's colleagues over the years have believed in him too. They say that ``his input was essential''; that he would be ``the person in my will to take care of my kids''; that he ``does the right thing the right way''; and that they are ``proud to call him [their] friend.'' Well, I am as well. I am going to miss staring down the toughest fights with Scott Raab at my side. But if anyone is entitled to cut the net down and walk out of here satisfied they left it all on the court, it is Scott. So Scott, thanks for everything.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, for just a few minutes, I would like to call our colleagues' attention to a rather rarified milestone in Washington and in our national political discourse--50 years of columns from George Will of the Washington Post. Perhaps in some other biography of some other figure approaching George's intellectual stature, the eye might be drawn to the doctorate in political science. Among the credentials of some impressive journalists, you might notice above all a Pulitzer Prize. But in the story of George Will, the most remarkable thing is the consistent, unrelenting rhythm. Twice a week for half a century, he has commanded a place in the most consequential conversations; twice a week, inviting and sometimes insisting that the most powerful city in the most powerful Nation on Earth actually consider a well-reasoned argument. Of course, George Will's columns are usually a great deal more than air-tight, logical cases; they are full of historical trivia, sharp wit, delicious sarcasm, and more often than not, allusions to or outright lessons in America's pastime. Like Buckley and Reagan, George Will quite evidently enjoys his vocation as a happy warrior. He clearly relishes every chance to gently remind readers that the answers to the biggest questions of the day so often lie in the wisdom and traditions of the past. In his own reflections on 50 years at the Post, George remarked that the great luxury of a columnist is assuming that the mental pantries of one's readers are well stocked with baseline knowledge. Well, the mental pantries of George's loyal readers, in fact, overflow--in no small part thanks to his consistent deposits of earnest produce. As always, we look forward to reading what he has to say next.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, well, the Senate has 3 weeks to complete some of the most important business of the year, and at this late hour, we will have to act on legislation that comes to us over from the House. But let's be absolutely clear: December drama is not the way to demonstrate we are serious about our most basic governing responsibilities. With the exception of urgent supplemental assistance to States and communities hit hard by natural disasters in recent months, essential and predictable annual assignments like the NDAA and government funding are now well overdue. Our colleagues on the Armed Services Committee completed their work on the NDAA back in June. They conducted extensive hearings, considered a wide array of amendments, and, thanks to the work of Ranking Member Wicker, secured an increase to top-line authorization, and they did it with bipartisan support. They handed the legislation off to the Democratic leader with months to spare. Similarly, over in the Appropriations Committee, they worked diligently to present full-year funding bills ahead of the start of the fiscal year. I am particularly proud of the work of committee Republicans, under Vice Chair Collins' leadership, to secure higher top-line funding for national defense. The most important power in the Senate is the power to set our agenda. Only the majority leader holds that power. Last year, the majority leader said publicly that ``the United States is ready to compete vigorously with the PRC.'' The overwhelming consensus of U.S. national security experts contradicts that view. But even if we were once ready to compete and deter aggression from the adversaries who are working together to threaten us, letting critical national security legislation collect dust for months while the Senate rubberstamps radical nominees is one heck of a way to sustain that elusive readiness or project American resolve. The full Senate was denied a chance to work its will on the NDAA. As a result, the ranking member of the Armed Services Committee was forced to negotiate against the House's much lower top line for defense spending from a much weaker position. The same is true for Defense appropriations and Vice Chair Collins' efforts. As Ranking Member Wicker has pointed out repeatedly, we have got a lot of work to do to repair America's military and rebuild our defense industrial base, and finishing urgent business in December certainly is no cause for celebration. It will be just the end of an utterly avoidable delay.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, well, it is a busy time around Washington. Newly elected colleagues who will join us in January are hiring staff and getting acquainted with the rhythms of the Nation's Capital. I imagine that seasoned veterans are passing along a familiar piece of advice from Harry Truman: If you want a friend in Washington, get a dog. It is an observation colored by exposure to the more cutthroat, double-dealing corners of public policy. It seems to suggest that loyal, devoted counsel that you can trust implicitly is so rare that you might as well quit looking for it. Clearly, the 33rd President of the United States never had the privilege of meeting my friend David Popp. Certain corners of the Capitol press corps may be surprised to learn that, indeed, my communications director actually has a first name. But like most folks in the building, I call him ``Popp'' as well. Around my office and, frankly, across Capitol Hill, this is one word that has become shorthand for fierce loyalty and a peerless capacity for hard work. Early on, it wasn't exactly obvious that the proud son of Wilmington, OH, would end up applying these qualities at the highest levels of American politics. For many years, Popp's highest political loyalty and most significant vote went to his mom Leilani and her campaign for the school board. And at least until college, his appreciation for hard work had him following in the footsteps of his dad Tom, a longtime community banker. But for those of us who have seen Popp on the clock here in the Capitol, it is hard to imagine him winding up anywhere else. By the time I got the chance to hire him, Popp was already a seasoned pro here on the Hill. And being the humble, self-effacing guy he is, I am sure he met the opportunity to join Senate leadership staff with the awe and wonder that the upper Chamber rightly commands. Still, the thought must have crossed Popp's mind that working in communications for a notoriously tight-lipped principal might be a welcome break from the rambunctious world of the House, where he had cut his teeth. That, of course, was not to be. As it turns out, when I stay mum in the hallway and members of the Fourth Estate don't get the answers they are looking for from me directly, they simply go to Popp. One of the immense luxuries of my time as leader is knowing that when you turn to staff to tackle challenges, you get your pick of the very best. I have never doubted that the man with ultimate responsibility for broadcasting my views, eyeing blind spots, squashing rumors, and shaping stories is among the very best. As the very best tend to be, Popp is modest. He often tries to convince his colleagues that he is really not much of a writer, that he couldn't cut it as a pure flack, that he doesn't have an eye for the creative side of political communications. But nobody buys that. Popp is a pro. He is also an incredible teammate. Deflecting praise from his own work usually means showering it instead on the team he leads so capably. Popp treats the rest of my communications staff like his own family. When the Senate pulls a late night, he is quick to send as many of them home as possible. After a long session, he is known to appear with a stack of Italian subs from a favorite spot down Pennsylvania Avenue. If Popp treats team like family, I should note that his real family makes a great team as well. Popp's wife and ultimate teammate, Monica, is herself a proven veteran of Senate leadership. As chief of staff in the whip's office, she was an essential member of our extended team. For anyone who has met Monica, there is no question where Dave Popp learned grace under pressure. My field general for communications brings an invaluable combination of skills. He has both the warrior's instinct to anticipate and prepare for everything that could possibly go wrong and the even keel to stay on course when big waves do inevitably crash across the deck. At moments of immense national importance, Popp is unflinching. In chapters of great personal significance to me, he has my utmost confidence. Around the office, no matter the news of the day, Popp is quick to remind us: all eyes on stakeout. And in the mold of a certain one-named predecessor who was once mistaken for an automated email system, he is even quicker to keep me and my team informed of the latest developments at all hours. But lest anybody worry that I am working Popp too hard, I should point out that he does have hobbies outside of work. After all but the most demanding weeks in the Capitol, he and Monica find time to escape to their happy place on the water. In the near future, I suspect he will have a bit more energy to devote to the hunt for par--and a club championship--on the golf course and to more sundowners on the Bay with Tilly and Captain in tow. Until then, I will relish having such a trusted hand and consummate public servant in my corner. So, Popp, my friend, thanks for everything. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, Congress writes the Nation's laws, and the executive branch sticks to enforcing them. That idea is actually not new. It is written plainly into our article I powers right in the Constitution. But half a century of ceding legislative authority to an unelected bureaucracy has thrown this balance off-kilter. Earlier this year, of course, the article III branch quite clearly restored the boundaries on freelance regulatory interpretation in the executive branch. But there is more work to be done to rein in Washington bureaucrats' expansive interpretation of their powers over working Americans, and fortunately Congress has a powerful tool called the Congressional Review Act that does exactly that. To great effect, Senate Republicans used the CRA to scrap a slew of bureaucratic rules after 8 years of runaway regulation under the Obama administration. Republicans worked to end a coal-mining rule that threatened hundreds of thousands of workers, including many in Kentucky. We took a hammer to a pair of far-reaching and aggressive Obama-era education rules, and we dramatically scaled back DC bureaucrats' control of lands that should be managed with local input. Between 2017 and 2018, Republicans used the CRA 16 times to impose an ambitious regulatory housecleaning that gave farmers and miners, landowners and job creators, small businesses and builders the certainty and confidence to stay producing on American soil. We did all of this with hardly any Democratic support. So it is not surprising that, under the Biden administration, Democrats have worked relentlessly to resurrect the Obama administration's regulatory regime, from student loan socialism to job-killing energy policies, to blatant infringements on property rights. Literally, on day one, President Biden signed an Executive order that began tearing down the regulatory certainty that Republicans had restored. Now, with just over a month left in the year, the Biden administration's 2024 regulations alone amount to the second highest annual total by pages in the Federal Register. On the whole, President Biden's agenda has imposed regulatory costs that, by one estimate, surpass $1.8 trillion. That is trillion with a ``t.'' So it is safe to say Congress once again has an opportunity. Two weeks ago, the American people gave Republicans a legitimate, crystal- clear mandate, and come January we ought to use it to hit the brakes on runaway regulation.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, this week concluded the latest act in a familiar play on the world stage. It goes something like this: First, Russia commits acts of aggression and pounds Ukrainian military and civilian targets with overwhelming force. Then Western observers urge their leaders to equip Ukraine's defenders with decisive countermeasures. Then, setting aside the fact that Russia is demonstrably more likely to escalate in the face of weakness than in strength, the Biden administration refuses, citing unsubstantiated fears of--you guessed it--escalation. Next, precious opportunities for Ukraine to seize the advantage over Russian invaders come and go. Then, after months of dithering, the Biden administration provides belated assistance or permission to use more advanced or longer range weapons on the battlefield. Finally, administration officials brag to the media about the decision and pretend that it is not months--months--late. In earlier acts of this tired production, the administration dragged out the authorization of HIMARS, fighter jets, and long-range artillery, to name just a few. History will record hesitation, indecision, and cowardice as the hallmarks of this administration's Ukraine policy from the beginning. This time, if recent press reports are true, Ukraine at long last has permission to use long-range American ATACMS weapons systems against military targets in Russia. Some of our colleagues might be conflicted about this development. I would ask them, would helping Taiwan or the Philippines defend themselves in the event of Chinese aggression be provocative? Was it escalatory to help equip the United Kingdom to defend itself against Nazi aggression before America's entry into World War II? Needless to say, Ranking Member Wicker and I have urged the administration to authorize ATACMS strikes against Russia for months. Starting a full 6 months ago, so has the Speaker of the House. So has a chorus of policymakers on both sides of the aisle who understand that maximizing Ukraine's leverage over Putin's forces will be critical to the resolution of the conflict. It is too early to tell just how much the Biden administration's needless delays have allowed Russia to move weapons they use to strike Ukraine's cities out of range of the ATACMS or let Russia's North Korean mercenaries take over. But one thing is certain: In Europe, as in Asia and the Middle East, the next Commander in Chief will inherit a world of threats made worse by the Biden administration's hesitation and half measures. Next year, it will fall to the Republican government the American people elected this month to shore up America's position in the face of very real and directly linked threats to our interests. After 4 years of proposed net cuts to defense spending, it will fall on us to start investing seriously in the sort of hard power to contend with the coordinated efforts of Russia, Iran, North Korea, and China. Consider just the most recent evidence of overlapping aims of the world's authoritarians. Reports this week indicate that in operations against Iran-backed Hezbollah in Lebanon, Israeli forces have uncovered caches of modern Russian weapons--the same sort of caches on which another butcher relied further east in Syria. Russia and Iran are strategic partners. Russia is using Iranian drones against Ukraine. It is not a mystery how these weapons made their way into terrorist hands. So in the wake of an administration that squandered leverage over the world's most active state sponsor of terror, tied the hands of a sovereign democracy in the face of neo-Soviet imperialism, browbeat a close ally fighting to restore its security against savage terrorists, and met the looming aggression of our greatest strategic adversary with a toothless climate diplomacy, we have our work cut out for us. Of course, an executive branch allergy to deterrence and the exercise of hard power is not our only challenge. Even after January 20, we will still have to contend here in the Senate with efforts to weaken America's commitments to our friends and constrain the authorities that keep our adversaries on their toes. This week, we will deal with exhibit A: resolutions from the senior Senator from Vermont to ban lethal arms sales to Israel. I could lay out yet again why Israel deserves the time, the space, and support to restore its security and why the aftermath of the deadliest slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust requires moral clarity, but instead I would like to take the case Senator Sanders made in the pages of the Washington Post yesterday and respond to just a few of its most outrageous assertions. Our colleague began by characterizing Israel's response to the horrors of October 7 as ``all-out war against the Palestinian people.'' There is indeed a side in this conflict waging all-out war, but it is not the sovereign democracy that issues evacuation warnings before striking targets, knowing the terrorist combatants will escape along with civilians. No, the side waging all-out war is the one for whom civilian casualties are the end goal--the side that butchered, raped, and kidnapped Israeli civilians and continues to use Palestinian civilians as human shields; the side that pilfers humanitarian aid intended for its own citizens. Recognizing this distinction isn't just important to the discussion; it ought to be the price of admission. Let's take another of our colleague's effort to blame Israel's war on an ``extremist government.'' Well, I suspect that would be news to the large shares of Israeli citizens across the political spectrum who have called for even more extensive operations against Hamas and Hezbollah, to the opposition leader who criticized IDF retaliatory strikes against Iran as not sufficiently aggressive, or to diverse members who have served in Israeli's war cabinet and made consensus decisions about the conduct of a war thrust upon them by genocidal terrorists. How about another of his claims--that Israel is ``becoming a pariah nation condemned by governments around the world.'' This one has a shred--a shred--of truth to it, but the hounding condemnations of the Jewish State are hardly news. Since 2015, the United Nations has adopted 156 resolutions condemning Israel. By comparison, the Iranian regime that chants for Israel's extermination has attracted similar condemnation 8 times--156 condemnations of Israel; 8 of Iran--while the Syrian regime responsible for slaughtering its own citizens received 11 condemnations. Some might suggest these figures say more about the U.N. and the scourge of anti- Semitism worldwide than about Israel. Frankly, if Israel is becoming ``a pariah nation'' specifically since October 7, it is because this attack on Jews unleashed a new wave of emboldened anti-Semitism all across the West. And I worry that my colleague's misplaced criticism only provides cover for disgusting anti-Semitism right here in our own country, most visibly on university campuses. Our colleague, for some reason, seems to take the U.N. very seriously. He points out that ``U.N. bodies have called for an end to the arms shipment fueling the conflict.'' Could it be that the senior Senator from Vermont wants us to get serious about Iran's pipeline of support to terrorist proxies? Guess again. But as long as we are discussing international organizations, the best way for the U.N. to prevent ``fueling conflict'' would be to stop putting genocidal terrorists on its payroll. As long as I have anything to say about it, not a single taxpayer dollar will foot UNRWA's bills. Our colleague's case is a maze of internal contradictions. Reasonable people have no need to grapple with it point by point. Those who mourn senseless human suffering should have no trouble assigning blame to the terrorists who exploit civilians, schools, hospitals, and mosques as cover. Those who seek peace should know better than to pretend we can achieve it with such savages holding power. This week, obviously I hope the Senate will reject the Senator's resolutions outright. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I was talking before about the ongoing campaign to undermine the Federal judiciary. Leftwing activists and elected colleagues, alike, continue to make their disapproval of constitutionalist orthodoxy known at all levels, and Federal judges who are worried about where things are headed are in a bind. They can't retaliate using their office because they swore an oath to uphold the law without respect to persons. They can't go on social media to defend themselves or put out press statements. That is because the American people rightly expect their judges to focus on deciding cases and interpreting the law, and not engaging in crisis communications. Of course, the Founders anticipated some of this dynamic by giving Federal judges life tenure. They hold their offices until they give them up, regardless of how loudly law professors may complain. So recent unanswered attacks may not have professional consequences for individual judges, but they do have an alarming effect on the judiciary as a whole. The article III branch lacks Congress's power of the purse. It can't exercise force like the President. Instead, it relies on the legitimacy of its judgments for its power, and these constant attacks are designed to erode that legitimacy. Leftist law professors and journalists attack the courts seemingly with impunity. They know they can affect the institution, while their targets have to just sit there and take it. That is why I am so vocal and consistent in my defense of the Federal judiciary. Sometimes--very rarely--the tables turn. Sometimes a judge does get a chance to respond to those who seek to undermine the integrity of the judiciary. It actually happened just last week. At the latest Federalist Society convention, Judge Edith Jones of the Fifth Circuit was on a panel with one of the field marshals of the academic project to undermine the judiciary. Any of our colleagues who know Judge Jones wouldn't be surprised to hear that, in this academic context, she let the law professor have it. When he complained that this is unfair and that he wanted to talk about abstract legal principles of judicial integrity, she pulled out his tweets denigrating conservative judges in Texas. The reaction from liberals in the legal academy--although I repeat myself--was outrage. How dare, they said, the judge give one of their own the sort of tongue-lashing they give conservative judges every day. Well, bullies always cry foul when they are the ones who get punched right in the nose. So kudos to Judge Jones for standing up for her colleagues. She proved yet again why she is a lion of the bench. And even if organizations like the American Bar Association and the American Law Institute continue to refuse to defend the judiciary from partisan attacks, our Federal judges can know that I, at least, will be in their corner.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, since its founding, the Kentucky Farm Bureau (KFB) has been one of the strongest voices for agricultural communities in the Commonwealth, enhancing the quality of life for Kentucky's growers, processors, and all of us who enjoy the fruits of their labors. Each year, KFB recognizes a number of farmers in Kentucky for their longstanding contributions to the industry and their communities. This year, I am honored to join KFB and the Daviess County Farm Bureau in recognizing my good friend Mack Estes, recipient of the Kentucky Farm Bureau Legacy Farm Award. A third-generation farmer, Mack began farming full-time in 1963, shortly after graduating high school. On his family farm in eastern Daviess County, he has devoted his life to carrying on his family's legacy, growing corn and soybeans, two of our State's most prominent and versatile crops. Mack has remained an active leader in Daviess County throughout his life, serving on agricultural organizations like the Daviess County Farm Bureau, the Kentucky Young Farmers Association, and the Kentucky Corn Promotion Council. I first had the privilege of meeting Mack through his many years at the Daviess County Farm Bureau, where he served across its leadership ranks for nearly four decades. As president of Daviess County Farm Bureau, Mack was always ready with recommendations and new ideas to improve the local Farm Bureau's success in Daviess County. He was instrumental in establishing the Farm Bureau's online footprint and building out its growing team, and he has put in countless hours to expand their presence both in the community and beyond Kentucky, traveling to Washington on numerous occasions to advocate on behalf of farm families in Daviess County. He has even taken his outreach beyond our borders to promote American agriculture abroad with farmers in sister countries, like Australia and the United Kingdom. His work earned him not one but two terms as president of the Daviess County Farm Bureau, a first in the county's history. While much of his work lay on preserving farmers' way of life, Mack also understands the deep importance of paving the way for the next generation of Kentucky farmers, establishing the Farm Bureau's scholarship program for local high school seniors and encouraging young farmers to get involved in their communities and make their voices heard. Though Mack has taken a step back from farming full-time after six decades in the business, there is no doubt his friends and colleagues will continue to rely on his good judgement and mentorship for years to come. As one local official put it best, ``I know he's always just a phone call away.'' So I am proud to join the Kentucky Farm Bureau and the Daviess County Farm Bureau in recognizing Mack's lifelong commitment to advancing the agricultural community in Kentucky. On behalf of the Senate, I commend Mack and his entire family for three generations of the Estes Farm and for their stewardship of an industry that none of us could live without.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Yesterday, Senate Republicans elected leaders to steer our incoming majority through the 119th Congress. Senator Thune, Senator Barrasso, Senator Cotton, Senator Capito, Senator Lankford, and Senator Tim Scott have earned the trust and support of their colleagues. I would like to congratulate each of them and reiterate that the entire Republican conference stands united and ready to tackle the important work of the country. As I have said before, I am very much looking forward to taking on this next chapter from a different seat here on the floor. But before the year is out, I would like to continue thanking the many individuals and teams who have served this institution so well during my time as Republican leader. I have had the privilege of working with consummate experts and relying on the professionalism of so many unsung heroes. Take the Office of the Sergeant at Arms. Under the leadership of a distinguished career Army officer, Karen Gibson, and with the deep bicameral experience of senior staff like Jennifer Hemingway, the SAA shoulders enormous responsibilities--from the day-to-day security procedures to telecommunications infrastructure. I am particularly grateful to the staffs of the Protocol Office, whose work helps us navigate the most solemn and visible occasions; the Chief Information Office, telecom, and the Help Desk, who keep essential communications and technology across the Senate running smoothly; Capitol facilities, including Gary ``Tiny'' Richardson, who clean and maintain this magnificent building and the campus around it with unfailing care; the Employee Assistance Program, who help dedicated public servants around the Senate access important resources; the doorkeepers and Press Gallery, who carefully control access to this Chamber and make constituents feel welcome here in the Gallery; the Appointment Desk, who greet and direct a steady stream of distinguished individuals--in particular Patty Reilly, who has made a habit of sharing a daily word of motivation with my chief of staff; the Senate Recording Studio and Photo Studio, who capture the Senate for posterity; the Office of Printing, Graphics, and Direct Mail and State office operations, who put Senate business within reach for the American people; and the Office of Security, Emergency Preparedness, and Continuity, whose careful attention, training, and planning ensure that the Senate is able to discharge its constitutional duties even under the most trying circumstances. So to everyone whose work under the Sergeant at Arms keeps the Senate safe and operating smoothly, thank you very much. Now, every day, my team also relies on the work of several more teams working under the leadership of the Secretary of the Senate, Ann Berry, and her professional staff, like Sydney Butler. Stretching from here on the floor to outposts across the Senate campus, the Secretary's Office is involved in a dizzying array of critical operations. I would like to thank the staffs of the Senate Library, who collect and maintain a rich archive of institutional knowledge and help Senators and staff tap into it; the Senate Historical Office, the Office of the Senate Curator, and the Office of Conservation and Preservation--including the frame shop--who dedicate deep expertise to understanding the Senate's history and maintaining its home here in the Capitol for posterity; the Office of Senate Security, who maintain our ability to conduct oversight and address highly sensitive matters of national security here in the Capitol; the Office of Interparliamentary Services--particularly Sally Walsh--who support Senate delegations and conferences overall; the Office of Printing and Document Services, the Daily Digest, and the Office of the Official Reporters of Debate, who carefully transcribe, format, and preserve Senate proceedings, and the Office of Captioning Services who make them accessible to all Americans; the Stationery Room and the Senate Gift Shop, who keep every office supply closet well-stocked and offer mementos for every occasion; the Disbursing Office, who diligently process all Senate compensation and patiently answer all manner of staff questions; the faculty and staff of the Page School, under the leadership of Principal Joshua Dorsey, who make the page program such an enriching experience for bright, aspiring public servants throughout the year; and, of course, the Secretary's most visible teams here on the Senate floor, from our formidable Parliamentarian Elizabeth McDonough, and her capable team: Leigh Hildebrand, Christy Amatos, and Josh Moscow; our Bill Clerk Lindsey Gibmeyer and her team: Ryan Lefferts, Mark Amato, and Emily Harris; Enrolling Clerk Cassie Byrd, along with Allys Lasky; Executive Clerk Rachel Creviston, along with Alaina Skalski and Chris Ferrari; Journal Clerk Megan Pickel, along with Adam Gottlieb and Skyler Mansell; and our dulcet-toned Legislative Clerks John Merlino and Mary Anne Clarkson. So to all of you who devote yourselves to the important work of the Secretary's Office, thank you so much. There are, of course, still many more proud members of the Senate family who deserve our thanks, including the youngest members of the institution. Mr. President, if I may speak directly to our impressive class of pages here on the floor, it is not easy throwing a full-time job on top of full-time schoolwork, and we are so grateful for your interest in public service and for all you do to keep this place humming. We are glad you are here, and we will be proud to watch as you step into careers of leadership and service. I also want to thank Chaplain Black--Barry Black--and his staff, including Suzanne Chapuis, an honorary member of the McTeam, who tend with grace and care to the spiritual needs of a flock who so often carry heavy weights, as well as the staffs of the Architect of the Capitol, who manage the many moving pieces of an ancient building and its many occupants; the Rules Committee, who oversee the protocol that keeps the Senate a safe and smoothly functioning environment for conducting the American people's business; the Congressional Budget Office and the Congressional Research Service, whose work informs many of the most consequential votes we have; the Office of Legislative Counsel, who work often in demanding circumstances, under tight deadlines, to put the will of the Senate and the Nation on paper; the Office of Senate Legal Counsel and the Chief Counsel for Employment, whose sober assessments and reliable representation are a tremendous access to the Members and staff of the article I branch; the Office of the Attending Physician, whose care helps the Senate meet mundane ailments and grave public health challenges alike; the Food Service Program, who feed thousands of daily meals, both delicious and nutritious, and greet staff and visitors alike with a smile; and the Training and Development Office, who help cultivate professional excellence among Senate staff at all stages of their careers. Now, I could go on thanking the outstanding members of the Senate staff a good while longer, and in the coming weeks, I will, but for today, I will close with the men and women who form the Senate's first line of defense. The U.S. Capitol Police--and in particular the Senate Division--make all of the other work we do possible. They ensure that the Senators and their staff can work in safety, that members of the public can visit in safety, and that this institution carries on in the face of very real threats to its security. As I look back on my time in party leadership, I am particularly grateful for the devoted service of the members of the Dignitary Protection Division, who safeguard the continuity of our government by surrounding me and other senior leaders with around-the-clock security. Sometimes, it has meant spending long hours on the road. Other times, it has meant making split-second decisions to avert danger. In every case, I have been so fortunate to have these professionals on duty. So to members of my detail past and present, to members of the Senate Division here in the Chamber and across the campus, and to the entire force of the Capitol Police, my staff and I are deeply grateful for your service and your sacrifice. So, as I said, the work of thanking the outstanding staff that have made my job easier over the years continues. I will look forward to paying tribute to more of them very soon. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, a week ago today, the American people stood to be counted. They lined up to make their voices heard, and the message they sent was resoundingly clear. Four years ago, they watched Washington Democrats take an economy that was primed for recovery and douse it in reckless taxing and inflationary spending. Over 4 years, they watched consumer prices rise more than 20 percent. As they made tough choices at the grocery store and felt the pain at the gas pump, they watched Washington Democrats deflect blame for the worst inflation in four decades. And last Tuesday, they said enough was enough. And 4 years ago, they watched Washington Democrats campaign on slashing ICE and halting construction of physical barriers along the southern border. Month by month, they watched as this unseriousness and willful neglect turned into the worst humanitarian and security crisis at the border on record. And last Tuesday, they said enough was enough. Also 4 years ago, they watched Washington Democrats campaign on defunding the police and going soft on crime. In cities across America, their fears of unchecked violent crime were proven justified. And last Tuesday, they said enough was enough. Last week, American voters were desperate for leaders who could deliver safe streets, secure borders, stable prices, and strength abroad. So they chose to hire Republicans. They maintained a Republican majority in the House; they created a decisive Republican majority in the Senate; and by a wide margin, they put the White House in Republican hands once again. The Nation surveyed its problems and decided that Republicans were equipped to put the ship of state back on the right track. Thus far, I have been encouraged by the lack of baseless speculation that Tuesday's decisive result was influenced in any way by foreign interference. Washington Democrats appear to recognize that they are on the losing side of a legitimate, crystal-clear mandate. Here in the Senate, I hope they will work with the new Senate Republican majority as we begin to clean up the messes left over from the past 4 years. The first opportunities to work together are already upon us. The Senate has a great deal of outstanding business that we have to tackle in the coming weeks. We certainly need to pass the long overdue National Defense Authorization Act. Every year, the NDAA gives Congress an indispensable opportunity to set national security priorities. This year, it is a chance to show we appreciate the gravity of an especially dangerous moment. After months of needless dithering, I would urge the Democratic leader to get this must-pass legislation moving without further delay. We also need to work swiftly to deliver urgent supplemental assistance to the States and communities hit hard by natural disasters in recent months. Kentucky knows the power and pain of severe storms and flooding. This year, communities across the southeast recovering from major hurricane and flood damage deserve the Senate's attention and support. And before anyone gets home for the holidays, we will need to extend Federal government funding. As I have said before, there is never a political advantage to be gained from allowing core government functions to go dark. The 119th Congress and the 47th President must not inherit a Federal Government in the middle of a funding crisis. The work ahead of us will require all parties to operate quickly and in good faith. The American people deserve nothing less. I suggest the absence of a quorum.