Mitch McConnell

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, America's example and the threats posed by Russia and China are leading major allies and partners in Europe and Asia to step up their commitments to collective security and dramatically increase investments in their own defense. It is worth pointing out once again that the United States is not--I repeat ``not''--shouldering the burden for European free riders. In fact, when it comes to security assistance to Ukraine as a share of GDP, 14 of our European allies are actually giving more. Lithuania--a small nation by any measure--has sent tens of thousands of rifles, handguns, and grenade launchers and millions of rounds of ammunition. Denmark and Estonia have sent their entire inventory of certain critical artillery. Larger allies, like the United Kingdom and France, are making remarkable contributions themselves, including longer range systems than the United States has provided. Even Germany, despite slow and sometimes agonizing decision making, has provided historic support to Ukraine and is the continent's largest provider of security assistance to Ukraine. Europe has more than doubled American economic and humanitarian assistance, not to mention the massive cost of hosting millions of Ukrainian refugees. But, like America, our allies are not in the business of philanthropy. As far away as Tokyo and Seoul, leaders are making a sober calculation about their interests. Our friends are making historic new investments in growing their arsenals and modernizing their militaries. More than half of our NATO allies are now on track to hit the alliance's 2 percent spending target by the end of next year. Sweden, not yet a full-fledged NATO member, is increasing its defense spending next year by nearly 30 percent to invest in modern capabilities and meet its 2 percent of the GDP target. Lithuania, which spent less than 1 percent of its GDP on defense back in 2014, is set to spend over 2.5 percent next year. To bolster their security, many of our allies are buying American. Since Russia's escalation began last February, our allies and partners across the globe have purchased over $120 billion in advanced, American-made weapons systems. Germany, Switzerland, Finland, and the Czech Republic have all moved quickly to sign contracts to purchase F-35s. Indonesia has signed up for nearly $14 billion in F-15 fighter aircraft made in St. Louis, MO. Bulgaria--an economy roughly the size of the State of Maine--has spent $1.5 billion on Stryker combat vehicles that are produced in Lima, OH, and Anniston, AL. Poland has ordered $12 billion worth of Apache helicopters produced in Mesa, AZ, and is planning to buy 486 HIMARS launchers. They will have the biggest HIMARS inventory in the world. Here is the most important part: When our friends and allies ``Buy American,'' they are buying into a closer security relationship with the United States. They are building more interoperable militaries to strengthen deterrence. They are also lowering costs for the American taxpayer as we rebuild our own capabilities. They are sharing the burden of collective defense. These investments are not a coincidence; they are a demonstration of the confidence our allies have in American leadership. But make no mistake, that confidence is perishable. As we saw with the disastrous retreat from Afghanistan, America can lose trust far more quickly than we can earn it. If we pull the plug on our commitment to stand with Europe, our largest trading partner, I can guarantee it will shred our credibility as a security partner worldwide. It will make it harder to convince our allies to stand together against Chinese aggression--the single biggest threat to our own security and prosperity. Tribute to Mike Duncan Mr. President, today, I join folks in my home State in thanking Mike Duncan for his decades-long service to the Kentucky Republican Party as he steps down as our national committeeman. In Washington, it is rare to find an individual equally skilled at navigating the worlds of business and politics, but my good friend Mike is just that rare hybrid. Despite his success in standing up a chain of community banks, Mike chose to commit his considerable talents to public service. He would serve terms as Governor of the U.S. Postal Service, chairman of the Republican National Committee, and chairman of the Tennessee Valley Authority, on top of a number of impressive positions under five Republican Presidents. In my home State, Mike has served as a national committeeman for the Kentucky GOP since 1992, advising the Republican leaders at the local, State, and national levels his entire career. Early on, Mike had a gift for giving that he shared generously with the people of my home State. When Mike and his wife Joanne first moved to East Kentucky, they committed to spending at least 1 day a week doing something to benefit their community. Since then, Mike has devoted decades to student mentorship, training young people in Appalachia, and sponsoring their continued education. His lifetime of civic service has been recognized by a number of prestigious organizations. Somehow, between raising a family and serving his country, Mike found time to develop a close circle of friends, which I am grateful to be a part of. Mike has been a trusted source of counsel, and I am thankful to always have him in my corner. So as Mike steps away from his national role, I am grateful he will continue to be a leader in our State party and in his own community. Thank you, Mike. Thank you for your decades of friendship and your service to our country. Elaine and I wish you and Joanne all the best.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, as I outlined yesterday, the Senate's pending business on appropriations is tremendously important to America's farmers, to our veterans, and to the future of our airports, roads, bridges, and ports. My home State of Kentucky is certainly no exception. The Commonwealth is home to a host of important and overdue infrastructure projects. As a transportation and logistics hub, my home State boasts an impressive network of roads, ports, railroads, and waterways that keep our economy and the American people literally on the move. Overhauling this infrastructure strengthens the essential link folks in Kentucky have to the rest of the Nation while making those transit resources faster, more efficient, and more reliable for everyone. I am also proud of Kentucky's diverse agriculture industry, made up of over 75,000 farms, an overwhelming majority of which are family- owned and family-operated. Kentucky's rural communities understand the importance of efforts like expanding rural broadband deployment and protecting livestock from diseases that can financially devastate small family farms. Certainly, our work in the coming days will also impact Kentucky's Army installations and National Guard facilities. Investments in military construction ensure our brave men and women in uniform have access to the world-class training facilities they need to defend our country. Maintaining Kentucky's premier fighting forces is critical to deterring aggression from our adversaries and protecting American strength. So, as the Senate continues to make progress on regular order appropriations, I am pleased to see Kentucky take center stage in solving some of the real issues that face our people. National Security Mr. President, America's defense industrial base is in the middle of a historic transformation. This is something Republicans have been working toward literally for years. It is good news for America's national security. In fact, it is essential for our strategic competition with communist China; and, today, I would like to talk a bit more about what exactly is making this urgent progress possible. Over the past year and a half, the lethal U.S. aid helping Ukraine defend its sovereignty and degrade Russia's military has consisted, in large part, of aging weapons stocks that were sitting in our own arsenal--in many cases, literally collecting dust. The security assistance money appropriated ``for Ukraine'' isn't just buying weapons for Ukraine; it is also replenishing and modernizing America's own arsenal, and the vast majority of it is going to American defense manufacturers. This includes funding to expand production lines of munitions needed by the U.S. military as well as vulnerable allies in both Asia and Europe that want and need American weapons. That is tens of billions of dollars directly supporting tens of thousands of jobs in at least 38 States so far. Support for Ukraine is driving historic investments in the communities that we all represent. Take the 155-mm artillery round. Replenishing America's stockpile of this critical munition has meant sending $3.6 million to producers in Nevada, $48 million to Florida and Illinois, $65 million to Ohio, $141 million to Arizona, $174 million to Tennessee, $181 million to Virginia, $355 million to Pennsylvania, and $519 million to Texas. That is nearly $2 billion worth of direct investment in American industry, American jobs, and American strength. And, contrary to critics who say Ukraine is a distraction from China, this investment isn't flowing in spite of our support for Ukraine but actually because of it. A West Virginia facility that supports 1,600 jobs has significantly increased production of motors and warheads for guided multiple-launch rocket systems, for which there is increased global demand; and a St. Charles, MO, facility that employs 1,300 workers--so-called Ukraine money--has funded a vastly expanded production line to build fresh stocks of extended-range, JDAM precision-guided munitions. These are actually transformational investments, and they wouldn't have happened without the supplemental funding that we approved last year. We are not just talking about buying new stocks but about expanding production capacity to meet U.S. and allied demand. This is a critical piece of our race to compete with China. In fact, that same Missouri munitions production line is also set to fulfill orders from some of America's closest allies and partners in Asia. That is right. Japan, Singapore, South Korea, and the Philippines are arming themselves with American munitions to deter China. And the same is true for other critical munitions. Thanks to Ukraine funding, we are on a path to double the production of critical weapons like Stingers and Javelins, along with innovative new weapons like the ground-launched, small-diameter bomb, which will be produced in Arkansas and New York. This expanded production capacity will benefit America as well as partner militaries from European to Asia. I will have more to say in the coming days about the historic investments our allies are making here in the United States as a direct result of American leadership, but, for now, I am tremendously proud of our own work to invest in American industry, American workers, and American strength. Inflation Now, Mr. President, on one final matter, I spoke yesterday about the Biden administration's war on American energy and how working families are feeling it at the gas pump, but energy prices are not the only reason it has been so hard to balance household budgets on Washington Democrats' watch. Just this morning, the Bureau of Labor Statistics announced that inflation increased by 0.6 percent this month, putting year-over-year inflation at 3.7 percent. That is well above the Federal Reserve's 2- percent target, and it puts cumulative inflation since President Biden took office at over 17 percent. But as the American people continue to struggle against rising costs, the President appears to be taking a victory tour, touting Bidenomics as one of his crowning achievements. Over the Labor Day weekend, President Biden told voters that Bidenomics ``is working.'' The American people are not fooled by this. They can feel the pinch in their wallets, and they know that Washington Democrats' runaway spending is the reason for it. As one woman told reporters recently, ``I don't think [President Biden] has the everyday people's best interests in mind. . . . Everything has gone up--electricity, groceries, fuel. . . . It's not fair to the American people.'' Well, she is not alone. According to one recent survey, a large majority of Americans disapproves of the President's handling of the U.S. economy. Families are paying 20 percent more at the grocery store. Credit card debt has surpassed $1 trillion for the first time ever, and overall real wages are down 2.3 percent since 2021. The numbers do not lie. Even Biden's Secretary of Commerce has said that inflation is ``still a challenge'' and ``something that people still see on a daily basis when they go to the grocery store or pay their mortgage.'' Bidenomics may be working, but it is working against working Americans. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, this week, the Senate will begin consideration of the first package of full-year appropriations for the coming fiscal year. This is an important milestone and a downpayment on our goal of funding the Federal Government through regular order. Our progress on this front has been due in large part to the leadership of Senator Collins and Senator Murray of the Appropriations Committee. For months--months--our colleagues have worked diligently to build consensus and process as many bills as possible with deadlines looming large. The legislation before us this week is designed to address a trio of important commitments--to America's farmers, to our veterans, and to investing in transportation infrastructure. Seven percent of American adults are veterans of the Armed Forces. Ten percent of American jobs are supported by agriculture. And our entire economy hinges on safe and efficient airports, roads, bridges, and ports. So it is difficult to overstate the importance of this legislation, but it is especially important that we get it right. To that end, I hope and expect that all Senators will receive ample opportunity to offer amendments for consideration. Ultimately, our work will need to earn the support of a divided Congress and earn the President's signature. So I am grateful to our colleagues' commitment to regular order appropriations, and I look forward to supporting a sensible step forward in the coming days.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, today marks 22 years since terrorists shattered a peaceful morning in New York, Pennsylvania, and here in Washington; 22 years since enemies of America's freedom and leadership killed 2,977 innocent people; 22 years, but the shock of that day and the pain of loss are still every bit as real. Today, we remember the parents and the children and spouses and siblings who never returned home. We thank the first responders who ran toward danger in service of others. And we honor the servicemembers, intelligence professionals, and law enforcement officers who kept America safe since that awful day. But today is not just about remembering the past. Year after year, September 11 is a reminder of our commitment to confront growing threats from global terror and to preserve the tools and authorities our national security community need to carry out this essential mission.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, last week, the Biden administration rolled out the first targets of the scheme it has been working on for years--prescription drug socialism. Ironically enough, Washington Democrats' plan to fix prices in the market for world-leading medical innovations is baked into legislation they produced after their own runaway spending sent consumer prices through the roof. As we know, the Inflation Reduction Act did nothing to reduce inflation, and by one estimate, the government price controls it created may well cost the American economy 676,000 jobs. Before Democrats rammed the IRA through on party lines, the average net prices for drugs were actually stable or falling, but that didn't stop the Biden administration from storming ahead with a drug-by-drug Federal power grab. So let's be clear about what this means. Companies that don't comply with the administration's scheme will be forced to pay an unprecedented and excessive fine or withdraw their products from Medicare coverage, leaving American seniors with fewer options for lifesaving treatments. Meanwhile, researchers will have less certainty to dedicate years to creating the high-quality, consumer-friendly, affordable medications American industry is known for. Research from the University of Chicago estimates that prescription drug socialism will result in 135 fewer new drugs--135 fewer new drugs, 188 fewer new treatments, and a $663 billion drop in innovative research and development. It will impact 60 percent of cancer medications on the market today and inevitably freeze innovations on future treatments. To make matters worse, limits on price increases will force manufacturers to launch new drugs at much higher prices to cover future rising costs and leave many low-income and elderly Americans simply out of luck. Price fixing is not some bright new idea cooked up on a liberal college campus. It is the sort of decrepit socialism that has been tried with disastrous results in places like China, Cuba, Venezuela, and the former Soviet Union. We cannot afford for America's world-leading medical innovators to be next on the leftwing chopping block, and the millions of Americans living with rare and aggressive diseases can afford it least of all.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, on another matter, the loudest critics of American assistance to Ukraine tend to rest their case on three dubious claims: first, that somehow our support for Ukraine is a distraction--a distraction--from China, when, in fact, there are many reasons to believe exactly the opposite; second, that there is no accountability of lethal U.S. assistance when, in fact--in fact--we have unprecedented visibility into how the weapons and vehicles we are providing Ukraine are being utilized; and third, that somehow this whole thing is a zero-sum proposition, that support for Ukraine or European security comes at the expense of American prosperity and security, that we are spending too much. I will discuss each of these faulty arguments in detail in the coming days, but today I would like to discuss this last one, in particular. Set aside the fact, recognized by the previous administration's National Security Strategy, that ``a strong and vital Europe is of vital importance to the United States.'' Standing with our allies against Putin is directly and measurably strengthening the U.S. military, growing the U.S. industrial base, and supporting thousands of good-paying American jobs. The overwhelming majority of the money that we have appropriated is being spent here in America, right here in this country. This is especially true for the security assistance we have appropriated for Ukraine. This assistance falls into two basic buckets. The first, smaller portion is for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative--USAI for short. USAI predates the Biden administration. It was used by the previous administration to enhance Ukraine's military capabilities. The second, larger portion isn't even for Ukraine. It is referred to as ``backfill'' or ``replenishment'' money, and it is used to purchase new versions of weapons and vehicles to replace the old--sometimes very old--versions the United States has taken from stockpiles and warehouses and transferred to Ukraine. Now, the Biden administration often announces tranches of assistance as though it is new, direct aid to Ukraine. In fact, it is previously authorized or appropriated assistance that is only too slowly actually being disbursed. But, in both cases, the money we are talking about doesn't go to Ukraine; it goes to defense manufacturing facilities all across America and supports tens of thousands of American jobs-- expanding our defense industrial capacity to better compete with China, replenishing America's arsenal with weapons built by American workers. But don't take my word for it. Just look at where some of these resources are going. Nearly $1.4 billion is buying the U.S. military new Javelin anti-tank missiles. These weapons are manufactured at facilities in Troy, AL; Ocala, FL; Farmington, NM; and Tucson, AZ, that employ hundreds of thousands of Americans. Another $3 billion is producing new precision rockets and Patriot missiles for our military. That work is underway at a plant in Camden, AR, that employs nearly 1,000 workers. Dozens of suppliers across the country are doing work to support these high-end weapons. Hundreds of millions of dollars in new air-to-air weapons systems bound for the U.S. military are rolling off production lines across the country--from a Massachusetts facility that employs 400 people to one in Arizona that employs 14,000. And this work is made possible by suppliers all across America, including in Iowa, Missouri, Texas, Florida, Alabama, Utah, and my home State of Kentucky--tens of billions of dollars directly invested in American military strength, directly supporting thousands of American jobs, and expanding our defense industry's capability to produce the weapons needed to deter adversaries like Russia and China. Our support to Ukraine is grinding down one of America's biggest strategic adversaries and showing the other one the strength of our resolve; and it is providing Western forces, from NATO to Taiwan, with valuable operational lessons to apply to their own defense. The value of that to American interests can hardly be measured simply in dollars or jobs; but critics of this investment cannot ignore its returns: American industry and workers are stronger for it; our warfighters are stronger for it; and our Nation is stronger for it.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I would like to begin today by quoting a concise assessment of threats facing the United States and our interests. A central continuity in history is the contest for power. . . . Three main sets of challengers--the revisionist powers of China and Russia, the rogue states of Iran and North Korea, and transnational threat organizations, particularly jihadist terrorist groups--are actively competing against the United States and our allies and partners. . . . China and Russia want to shape a world antithetical to U.S. values and interests. China seeks to displace the United States in the Indo-Pacific region, expand the reaches of its state-driven economic model, and reorder the region in its favor. Russia seeks to restore its great power status and establish spheres of influence near its borders. That was the previous administration's national security strategy back in 2017. If anything, the threats it warned about at the end of its first year in office are even greater today. Russia and China have both become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. Just before Russia's escalation of its war against Ukraine, our two most significant revisionist adversaries announced a ``friendship without limits.'' In the past year and a half, Putin has aligned Russia even more openly with rogue regimes hostile to the United States, like Iran and North Korea. We must not ignore this contest for power. Here is another passage from the 2017 strategy: To prevail, we must integrate all elements of America's national power--political, economic, and military. Our allies and partners must also contribute [to] the capabilities, and demonstrate the will, to confront shared threats. Experience suggests that the willingness of rivals to abandon or forgo aggression depends on their perception of U.S. strength and the vitality of our alliances. In my view, the lessons are clear. Under the previous administration, we began to rebuild America's strength with defense budget increases. Under the current administration, that strength has been undermined by a disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan, desperate diplomacy towards Tehran, and a head-in-the-sand approach to North Korea. Our enemies have been encouraged by meager defense budgets across NATO, including repeated budget requests by this administration that failed to even keep up with inflation. Since Putin's escalation in Ukraine, President Biden has not been as decisive as many of us would have preferred, but this is no excuse for Congress to compound his administration's failures with failures of our own. Now, with NATO unified and Europe awakened from its defense holiday and starting to spend real money on our collective defense, is certainly not the time to go wobbly. Now, with Ukraine bravely defending its sovereignty and eroding Russia's capacity to threaten NATO, is not the time to ease up. Now, with Russia and China's ``friendship without limits'' and Putin's embrace of Iran and North Korea, is not the time for America to step back. I will have more to say on the conflict in Ukraine, how the President hasn't been decisive enough, how our assistance is being used to good effect, and how additional appropriations are critical for our defense industrial base and competition with China, but for now, let's just be absolutely clear about a few things. Helping Ukraine retake its territory means weakening--means weakening--one of America's biggest strategic adversaries without firing a shot and deterring another one in the process. It means investing directly in American strength, both military and economic. Our colleagues will have the opportunity to do all of these when we pass supplemental appropriations before the month is out.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Well, Mr. President, I am glad to welcome our colleagues back from the August work period. Spending time back in our States with the folks we represent isn't just part of our job; more than anything else, it is what allows us to be effective here in Washington. Now, one particular moment of my time back home has received its fair share of attention in the press over the past week, but I assure you, August was a busy and productive month for me and my staff back in the Commonwealth. I kicked off the month in West Kentucky and then in my hometown of Louisville, where I met with small businesses and community leaders. We had a candid conversation on the critical issues facing our State, from relentless inflation straining families and business owners to the challenge of finding workers in a lagging labor market. I also had a chance to travel to the eastern part of Kentucky, where I met with healthcare and recovery workers in Manchester. Tragically, the substance abuse crisis has become even deadlier in recent years, especially in my home State. So we discussed what we are doing to combat it and find ways the Federal Government can fill the gaps. I also welcomed Dr. Rahul Gupta, the national drug czar, back to the Commonwealth to hear more about what we are doing to fight back against addiction. I look forward to continue working with Dr. Gupta to make Kentucky a safe and healthier place. Throughout the month, I was pleased to see over $6 million go toward addressing the opioid crisis at home. This Federal funding will go a long way in supporting programs that offer a lifeline to countless Kentuckians who struggle with substance abuse. In Bowling Green, I met with community bankers to discuss what Senate Republicans are doing to put a check on the Biden administration's reckless spending and regulatory overreach. At the Kentucky State Fair I had a chance to indulge in some of the best that the Bluegrass has to offer, like the Farm Bureau's famous Ham Breakfast. This event is a highlight of mine every August, and this year was no exception. I met with farmers from across the State to discuss their priorities and concerns as Congress takes up the all-important farm bill. This input will be vital to our work here in the Senate in the months ahead. In Northern Kentucky, I wrapped up the month with local business leaders to talk about some of our landmark infrastructure investments underway in the State, like overhauling the Brent Spence Bridge and revitalizing our riverports and railroads. From rural farm families to businesses of all sizes, every Kentuckian I met voiced the same message: There is too much government and too little being done to boost the economy and help everyday people. So as the Senate gets back to work in Washington, I will keep these conversations and concerns in the forefront of my mind.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, yesterday, Senate Democrats celebrated the anniversary of their reckless taxing-and-spending spree. As the Democratic leader put it, ``this legislation is paying huge dividends.'' Well, he is right about that, but the windfalls from the deluge of liberal spending are headed all in the wrong directions. Last year, Senate Republicans warned anyone who would listen about the dangers of our colleagues' plan. We explained how green slush funds dreamed up by leftwing activists wouldn't bring on the American industrial renaissance that Democrats were claiming it would, how half- baked climate schemes that relied on Chinese components and raw materials would give American workers and job creators the short end of the stick, and how crucial industries would face even heavier reliance on foreign supply chains. But Washington Democrats paid these warnings no mind. They rammed through their radical spending on a party-line basis. Afterward, the senior Senator from West Virginia boasted that he ``did it to help America.'' The senior Senator from Montana said he ``look(s) forward to seeing the benefits of that bill.'' And President Biden summed up their action by saying: We are going to invest in America again. . . . That's been my economic vision. Well, it is now crystal clear. Either Democrats didn't know what their own bill was actually designed to do or they knew exactly what it would do and decided to sell out American workers and job creators. Here is the inconvenient--and dangerous--truth. Of the $110 billion this scheme has spent on green projects so far, foreign companies are involved in over 60 percent of it. In fact, foreign entities have their hand in 15 of the 20 biggest projects receiving money from the bill, and a full $8 billion is benefiting companies either based in or with significant ties to the People's Republic of China--over $100 billion in leftwing spending, and the majority has some tie to foreign countries, including America's biggest strategic adversary. So our Democrat colleagues sold their reckless spending spree as a ``Made in America'' investment, but the only thing it appears to be making in America is a mess.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, in 2018, we reestablished the Senate NATO Observer Group. I ask for the following Republican Senators to participate in the group: Tillis, cochair; Barrasso, Ernst, Rounds, Hagerty, Moran, and Scott of South Carolina.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I want to associate myself with the remarks of the majority leader. Everybody on this side of the aisle feels exactly the same way.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. The Biden administration has been working overtime to sell the American people a fantasy. The President would like working families who struggled under 2 years of soaring inflation to believe their refrain that ``Bidenomics is working for America.'' The White House Press Secretary declared recently that ``people are feeling better about their personal finances.'' If only that were true. Unfortunately, the American people have too many reasons to believe their financial outlook is worse today--worse--than when the President took office. According to a survey conducted last month, just 24 percent of voters say the American economy is on the right track; less than a third buy the claim that this administration's policies are bringing costs down for working families; and just 22 percent think inflation is getting any better. No matter how many ways the administration officials spin the numbers, folks who work for a living and manage a family budget know that Bidenomics has made their lives harder. They know that prices have risen 16.6 percent since the President took office because they feel it every time they pay their bills. Energy prices, for example, are 38 percent higher than they were in January of 2021, and groceries are 20 percent more expensive. In Washington State, one man reported recently that soaring rent had forced him to move, take on a longer commute, spend more on gas, and put his goal of homeownership on hold. In Illinois, one woman told a reporter recently that she had paid $90 for groceries that would feed her family of three for 3 days. They might have to start visiting food pantries. ``You have no choice but to sacrifice,'' she said. So look at it this way: During the first terms of the last four administrations before this one, year-on-year inflation never cracked 4 percent. Under President Biden, it happened 26 times. To borrow the President's own phrase, that is Bidenomics in action. As one top Democratic economist put it last year, ``This is Biden's inflation and he needs to own it.'' So it is fitting that the President finally slapped his name on our current economic situation. He is right to take credit. Working families wouldn't be in this mess if he hadn't spent his first few months in office cramming $2 trillion in leftwing spending down the throat of our economy. So owning the runaway inflation Washington Democrats helped produce is one thing, but it is about time they focused on fixing it.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Now, on a different matter, tomorrow, Prime Minister Meloni of Italy will visit Washington for a series of meetings. I look forward to welcoming her to the Capitol at an important time for our two countries' friendship and for Italy's role in the transatlantic alliance. Prime Minister Meloni took office as Europe faced its first large- scale land war in decades and Italy faced the increasing economic vulnerabilities of reliance on China. By all accounts, she has addressed these challenges head-on. The Prime Minister has repeatedly asserted Italy's commitment to helping Ukraine beat Russian aggression and rebuild its economy. Importantly, like some leaders, she has done so with refreshing clarity to the Italian people about their own country's concrete interest in helping Ukraine defend itself. Earlier this spring, in an address to the Italian Senate, Prime Minister Meloni summed up the reality. She said: We are also sending [arms] to the Ukrainians to prevent the possibility of having to use them ourselves one day. We are sending arms to Ukraine also to keep the war far away from the rest of Europe and our home. Not vaguely defining philanthropy; just cold, hard investments in our own security. At the NATO summit in Vilnius earlier this month, Italy's leader rightly declared: Our freedom has a cost. . . . [W]hat is invested in defence comes back tenfold, a hundredfold, in terms of our ability to defend our national interests. Secretary General Stoltenberg has recognized the Prime Minister's ``strong, personal commitment to NATO, [and] to our trans-Atlantic alliance.'' And the Italian Government has expressed its intention to accelerate progress toward the alliance's 2-percent defense spending program. I hope and expect to see Italy and all NATO allies meet this goal. This shift in Italy's approach to defense and security policy reflects what allies have recognized across Europe: that the long holiday from history is over, and their investments and hard power are overdue. But as Prime Minister Meloni meets with President Biden tomorrow, it is important to remember that our shared interests extend beyond Europe. Italy is rightly concerned about growing instability, terrorism, and migration flows in Africa--yet another area where Russian and Chinese influence has played a corrosive and threatening role. America has a shared interest in keeping pressure on the global terrorist resurgence that has followed the disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan. I am also encouraged that the Italian government is unraveling its involvement with China's so-called Belt and Road Initiative, another indication our European allies are taking steps to protect themselves against China's economic force. So if we are serious about competition with the PRC, we need to work more closely with allies and partners who share our interest in preserving a world of free and fair trade and secure supply chains. I am hopeful that President Biden and Prime Minister Meloni have a productive meeting tomorrow. I look forward to discussing our two nations' common challenges and priorities with her directly. In the meantime, I am hopeful our colleagues will continue to work diligently to provide for common defense and equip America and our allies to meet and deter common threats. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I need to begin my remarks today by acknowledging two solemn anniversaries. Yesterday marked 25 years since a deranged gunman shattered the calm of a summer afternoon here at the Capitol, 25 years since two brave members of the United States Capitol Police--Jacob Joseph Chestnut and Detective John Michael Gibson--paid the ultimate price to keep us safe. The senseless tragedy of July 24, 1998, robbed two families of beloved husbands and fathers. It deprived fellow officers of devoted colleagues and friends. But that day, the sacrifice of Officer Chestnut and Detective Gibson saved lives. They protected the lawmakers and staff who come here to work, the tourists who come here to encounter the heart of our democracy, and the institutions of Congress themselves. And they reminded an entire nation of the vital service the men and women of the Capitol Police render honorably every day. Time will not heal the pain of losing these fine men, but in a special way today, I know my colleagues join me in extending our sympathies to the families of Jacob Chestnut and John Gibson and to their comrades in the Capitol Police. America will never forget their service and sacrifice. Kentucky Flooding Mr. President, tomorrow will mark 1 year since the brave people of Eastern Kentucky endured some of the worst flooding in the Commonwealth's history. Heavy rains and rising water caused mass evacuations and over 40 deaths, including a number of children. Roads turned to rapids, neighborhoods were swept away overnight, and families were left stranded. In communities like Lost Creek, where I stood with Jackson Mayor Laura Thomas, not a single home was left untouched. From Lost Creek to communities and counties like Pike, Letcher, Knott, and Breathitt, I saw similar scenes of devastation and heard the painful stories of families displaced by the floods. But in the face of devastation, Kentucky's first responders rushed to help neighbors in their time of need. As the full scope of the disaster became clear, I worked with leaders at FEMA to cut through redtape and encouraged a rapid Federal response. I made sure that Eastern Kentucky received big investments in recovery and that local leaders got more autonomy to restore communities, rebuild homes, and revitalize the economy. Last year's tragedy tested Eastern Kentucky's resolve, and today, there is still work to be done. But Kentuckians are resilient. We rise up to the big challenges. I will continue to work with folks in Eastern Kentucky to build their communities back even stronger than before. U.S. Supreme Court Mr. President, on an entirely different matter, Democrats on the Judiciary Committee spent last Thursday considering the best way to reach from article I of the Constitution into article III and tell a coequal branch of government how to conduct its business. The pretext for this latest chapter in Democrats' war on the institution of the Supreme Court was ``ethics and transparency.'' They had a supposedly urgent legislative bone to pick with Justices who take vacations and publish children's books. But for all our colleagues' heartburn over a textualist Court that won't reliably affirm their political preferences, for all of the baseless commotion about undue outside influence, Senate Democrats have proven themselves to be quite thoroughly influenced by the far left's most notorious dark money advocates and discredited causes. Here are some of the recent marching orders our colleagues have received from the activist left: ``Start taking on the court rhetorically as a political villain.'' ``We'd like to amplify anyone who uses this corruption/legitimacy messaging.'' ``Restrain MAGA justices immediately.'' ``Rip the veil off.'' Well, Mr. President, Senate Democrats have dutifully followed their orders. In their words: The Supreme Court is ``MAGA-captured.'' We have a ``stilted, illegitimate'' Court. ``We need to expand the Court.'' One Senator let the cat out of the bag, saying that this supposed ``ethics'' inquiry is just a predicate to Court packing. Quote: ``I don't think we should foreclose that in an amendment.'' Our colleagues understand what the far left expects of them. They know that their party's base has long since discarded any desire to achieve its goals from within our institutions. So last week, they rammed a blatant power grab through the Judiciary Committee as part of their effort to tear down a branch of government they can't control. Well, Senate Republicans are going to keep fighting this dangerous campaign at every step of the way, and in the meantime, our Nation's highest Court should continue to pay it no mind. Ukraine Mr. President, now on one final matter, Russia's violence against civil infrastructure in Ukraine continues, but the consequences of this unilateral destruction extend far beyond Ukraine's borders. Just a week has passed since Vladimir Putin pulled out of the agreement that had allowed critical Ukrainian grain shipments to transit the Black Sea unharmed. But already, Russia has expanded from threatening vessels carrying the world's grain supply to attacking grain storage in Odessa and other coastal cities. Yesterday's attacks are the latest in the wave of violence against agricultural infrastructure that will punish the world's poorest and hungriest nations. Leaders in the developing world who have hesitated to cast blame in this conflict should take a careful look at Russia's unprovoked behavior. But Russia hasn't limited its nonmilitary targets to grain supplies. On Sunday, Russia struck Odessa's largest Orthodox cathedral with a deadly missile barrage. So much for Russian propaganda efforts to present the Kremlin as a defender of the faithful. Of course, Putin, like many of his Soviet predecessors, has already done so much to corrupt and control the Russian Orthodox Church that we should not be surprised by his disrespect for religious institutions. So let's be very clear. A regime that exploits the clerics as propagandists and agents of influence and that destroys historical houses of worship is not--not--a friend to believers. Now, as Ukraine's counteroffensive makes slow progress, the United States and our allies can be sure of a few things. First, our friends are using the munitions we have sent them, including the cluster munitions that are now hammering Russian positions in occupied Ukraine. Second, at every step of the way, the Biden administration's indecision and inaction have meant certain key capabilities have arrived late--late--to the battlefield. And, third, additional long-range firearms would help Ukraine put Russian invaders on the back foot as our friends have already demonstrated by successfully using British Storm Shadow cruise missiles. So the Biden administration needs to start moving at the speed of relevance--at the speed of relevance--and give our friends in Ukraine the lethal tools they need to finish their fight. For our part, as we work to provide for the common defense, the Senate must invest in a defense industrial base that can sustain America's support for Ukraine while equipping our own forces to deter further threats from Russia and China.

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, yesterday, communities across my home State endured another spate of heavy rains. Flash flooding was especially severe in Western Kentucky, where residents are still rebuilding after tornadoes pummeled the region just 19 months ago. First responders have been moving quickly to rescue and evacuate those impacted, and I understand that so far, there are no reported injuries or deaths. I am thankful for the heroic work to keep Kentuckians safe. My team is in touch with State and local officials to help however we can, and later today, I will speak with the mayor of Mayfield to get an update on the situation in her community. Elaine and I continue to pray for the safety of West Kentuckians as they recover and rebuild in this time of need.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, yesterday, President Biden welcomed the President of Israel, Isaac Herzog, to Washington. Unfortunately, some of the loudest anti-Israel voices in the President's own party took President Herzog's visit as an opportunity to call the world's only Jewish state racist, and House Democrats' leftwing boycotted President Herzog's joint address to Congress this morning. These activist theatrics are unbecoming of elected American officials, and they are a distraction from the real threats that America, Israel, and our Arab friends face in the Middle East. I hope these threats were the focus of the conversation between the two Presidents. Of course, threats to our shared interests have grown, in large part due to the Biden administration's naive approach to the world's largest state sponsor of terror, Iran. Over the last 2\1/2\ years, Iran has dramatically increased its nuclear activities and even rebuffed the administration's repeated begging for a return to President Obama's flawed deal. It has consolidated influence in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon. It funds and equips terrorist groups dedicated to Israel's destruction, and the deadly arm of its IRGC extends right up to Israel's borders. In the Arabian Gulf, Iranian military vessels have targeted or seized commercial vessels offshore nearly 20 times since 2021. On the Arabian Peninsula, Iranian weapons have rained down on America's Saudi and Emirati partners. In Iraq, Tehran works directly with Shia paramilitaries that threaten Iraq's sovereignty as well as Iraq's neighbors and U.S. forces and Hezbollah, Hamas, and other terrorist groups channel massive flows of Iranian support into increasing attacks on Israeli and American lives. Violent flareups along the border with Lebanon earlier this month have Israel's forces on particularly high alert, but as our friends face growing threats, they need more bipartisan solidarity from Washington, not performative BDS or lectures from politicians in glass houses. Earlier this year, the President warned ominously that Israel ``cannot continue down this road'' in its efforts to pass domestic judicial reforms. According to reports, it is a message he intends to continue delivering to the Israeli Prime Minister in the weeks to come. Well, Mr. President, nobody here in Congress seems to like it when foreign politicians weigh in on American domestic politics and tell us how to do our job, so I try to stay out of the domestic politics of fellow democracies. I have confidence in the Israeli people and their democratically elected leaders, including President Herzog, whom we welcomed to the Capitol today, and Prime Minister Netanyahu, who will travel soon to Washington. Ironically, the radical House Democrats who crowed about boycotting the President's historic address are the ones who could benefit the most from his perspective on guiding a coalition government and a diverse nation toward greater security, prosperity, and peace. President Herzog's remarks were a reminder to anyone willing to listen that, even in the face of growing threats, Israel and its Arab neighbors continue to offer tremendous opportunities to actually promote peace. I was in the region earlier this year, and I can assure any skeptics that the promise of the Abraham Accords is real. It is changing the geopolitical and economic climate of a region that remains extremely important to the United States. I hope President Biden will seize on this progress and help Israel and Saudi Arabia improve their relationship--an achievable and transformational goal. Here in Congress, we have a tremendous opportunity before us to demonstrate our commitment to Israel by prioritizing American strength with the NDAA. I hope our colleagues will continue to work swiftly to finish this essential business. U.S. Supreme Court Mr. President, now, on another matter, while Democrats like President Biden may not like the Israeli Government's attempts at judicial reform, they are obsessed with doing it themselves here in the United States. For the past several months, when they are not rubberstamping radical nominees for the Federal bench, Senate Democrats have been laser- focused on pushing a coequal branch of government and bending it to their political will. To do so, our colleagues plan to steer the Judiciary Committee onto the thinnest constitutional ice. This week, the committee will mark up what Democrats are calling the Supreme Court Ethics, Recusal, and Transparency Act. But in the interests of actual transparency, let's discuss what our colleagues' intentions here actually are. For months now, the Justices of the Court have been the subject of an uptick in pearl-clutching and hysterics from the political left and their media allies. We have been told we should be outraged that the Justices dare to buy and sell property and take vacations, that they speak at universities and write children's books, and that their spouses dare to pursue careers of their own. As I have said before, I believe in the integrity and honesty of each member of the Court, and the Justices and their families should continue to ignore desperate attacks peddled by Democrats and organs of yellow journalism. But no matter which headline is chosen as a pretext on any given day, it is the same old intimidation campaign by the left to undermine the Court. By their own example, Senate Democrats have repeatedly told the American people that the entire Federal judiciary exists for no other reason than to fulfill their changing political whims. They have threatened Justices by name from the steps of the Court and threatened the institution itself in unfriendly amicus briefs. In each instance, Democrats have signaled their open disdain for a body that refuses to interpret the Constitution through the lens of their party's platform. They have shown how afraid they are of a Court that upholds our laws as they were actually written, and they have expressed their profound misunderstanding of the Supreme Court's purpose in our Republic. But this week, the same Senate Democrats who recently threatened to strip the Court's security budget would like us to believe that they are driven by nothing more than the pursuit of ethics and transparency. The same Democrats who warn solemnly about defending democracy would like to shatter the independence of a coequal pillar of our government. The partisan bill before the Judiciary Committee this week deserves neither the Court's cooperation nor any Senator's support. I would urge each of our colleagues to reject it.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, later today, the Senate will vote to begin consideration of this year's National Defense Authorization Act. The NDAA is our most significant opportunity to set priorities for competition with adversaries like China and Russia. It is our chance to keep the Biden administration focused on critical missions, like rebuilding America's defense industrial base, instead of the woke partisan agenda of political appointees. It is our time to lay the groundwork of robust investments in hard power. For 62 straight years, from the thick of the Cold War through the Global War on Terror, the Senate has used the NDAA to match tailored solutions to evolving national security challenges. This year is no different. Ranking Member Wicker, Chairman Reed, and our colleagues on the Armed Services Committee considered 445 amendments and adopted 286 of them. Here on the floor, the full Senate should do the same. Senate Republicans are committed to exceeding the President's woefully inadequate defense budget request and delivering the resources our Armed Forces actually require. So I expect the Democratic leader to allow thorough consideration for a range of important amendments as we begin that work with the NDAA. First and foremost, I would like to remind all of our colleagues that the No. 1 piece of business on the Senate's agenda is actually already overdue. So it is especially important that we begin this process without further delay.