Mitch McConnell

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, as in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent that the cloture motion on the motion to proceed to H.R. 3877 be withdrawn and that at a time to be determined by the majority leader in consultation with the Democratic leader, the Senate proceed to the consideration of H.R. 3877. I further ask consent that notwithstanding rule XXII, if cloture is filed on H.R. 3877, there be up to 2 hours of debate, equally divided between the leaders or their designees. I ask consent that the only amendment in order be Paul amendment No. 932 and that following the use or yielding back of that time, the Senate vote on the amendment with a 60-affirmative-vote threshold needed for adoption. Finally, I ask consent that following the disposition of the Paul amendment, the Senate vote on the motion to invoke cloture and that if cloture is invoked, all postcloture time be considered expired.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the consideration of the Norquist nomination, as under the previous order.

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider the Jordan nomination be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session for a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I have 11 requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate: Committee on Armed Services The Committee on Armed Services is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 8:30 a.m., to conduct a hearing on pending nominations. Committee on Armed Services The Committee on Armed Services is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing on the nomination of General John E. Hyten, USAF, for reappointment to the grade of general and to be Vice Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs The Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Environment and Public Works The Committee on Environment and Public Works is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 9 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Finance The Committee on Finance is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 10:15 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on Foreign Relations The Committee on Foreign Relations is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing on the following nominations: John Leslie Carwile, of Maryland, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Latvia, Erin Elizabeth McKee, of California, to be Ambassador to the Independent State of Papua New Guinea, and to serve concurrently and without additional compensation as Ambassador to the Solomon Islands and Ambassador to the Republic of Vanuatu, Anthony F. Godfrey, of Virginia, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Serbia, and Herro Mustafa, of California, to be Ambassador to the Republic of Bulgaria, all of the Department of State. Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions The Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 11:50 a.m., to conduct a hearing on the following nominations: Sharon Fast Gustafson, of Virginia, to be General Counsel, and Charlotte A. Burrows, of the District of Columbia, to be a Member, both of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs The Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 10 a.m., to conduct a hearing. Committee on the Judiciary The Committee on the Judiciary is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing. Select Committee on Intelligence The Select Committee on Intelligence is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 2:30 p.m., to conduct a hearing. Subcommittee on Regulatory Affairs and Federal Management The Subcommittee on Regulatory Affairs and Federal Management of the Committee on Energy and Natural Resources is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Tuesday, July 30, 2019, at 2:20 p.m., to conduct a hearing.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of S. Res. 293, which was submitted earlier today.

Mr. McCONNELL. I further ask unanimous consent that the resolution be agreed to, the preamble be agreed to, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be discharged from further consideration of S. 929, and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be read a third time and passed and the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of the following Calendar bills, en bloc: Calendar Nos. 85 through 89, 121 through 124, and Calendar No. 162.

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the bills be considered read a third time and passed, and the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table, all en bloc.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs be discharged from further consideration of H.R. 1250, and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 9:30 a.m., Wednesday, July 31; further, that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, morning business be closed, and the Senate proceed to executive session and resume consideration of the Pittman nomination under the previous order.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. If there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I welcome all Members back to the Senate for a busy week, but first there is something I need to address. Over the last several days, I was called unpatriotic, ``un- American,'' and essentially treasonous by a couple of leftwing pundits on the basis of bold-faced lies. I was accused of ``aiding and abetting'' the very man I have singled out as an adversary and opposed for nearly 20 years: Vladimir Putin. This was less than 24 hours after the outraged industrial complex was disappointed yet again by Special Counsel Mueller. Partisan Democrats and their media allies were crushed a few months ago, when Mueller's report cleared the President of conspiring with Russia during the 2016 campaign. Now their frantic hyping of the special counsel's congressional testimony has fallen flat once again, but the conspiracy theories and reckless accusations had to continue. Too many people had invested too much time in the hysterical echo chamber to simply wind it down and join the rest of us in the real world.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, the outraged industrial complex needed a new target, and that is where I come in--Mitch McConnell--the hawkish foreign policy conservative who has spent decades pushing back on Russia every way I can think of, was accused of what amounts to treason by multiple media outlets within a couple of hours. These absurd smears weren't thrown out there by anonymous Twitter accounts or fringe bloggers. Oh, no. This modern-day McCarthyism was pushed by big-time outlets. The smear that I am ``a Russian asset'' ran in the opinion pages of the Washington Post. The accusations that I am ``un-American'' was broadcast on MSNBC. This is the state of leftwing politics in 2019. It is like an inflationary crisis but with outrage instead of dollars. These people have worn out the volume knob so badly that they have nothing left but the most unhinged smears. Welcome to modern-day McCarthyism--McCarthy-like tactics out in the open for everyone to see--in Dana Milbank's column in the Washington Post and on a major cable channel run by NBC. What started all this? Here was my crime--bless me, for I have sinned: Last week, I stopped Democrats from passing an election law bill through the Senate by unanimous consent, a bill that was so partisan it only received one Republican vote over in the House. My Democratic friends asked for unanimous consent to pass a bill that everyone knows isn't unanimous and never will be unanimous, so I objected. These theatrical requests happen all the time in the Senate. I promise that nobody involved, including my friend the Democratic leader who made the request, actually thought he would get a Republican Senate to instantly unanimously pass a bill that got one Republican vote over in the House. This kind of objection is a routine occurrence in the Senate. It doesn't make the Republicans traitors or un-American; it makes us policymakers with a different opinion, but the outraged industrial complex doesn't let a little thing like reality get in their way. They saw the perfect opportunity to distort, tell lies, and fuel the flames of partisan hatred, and so they did. It started with the angry lies on MSNBC. The host lied and said I have dismissed Russia's interference in our 2016 election as ``a hoax.'' Of course, I have never said any such thing--ever. I have spoken extensively and often about Russia's unacceptable interference in 2016. I have constantly discussed all we have been doing to correct the Obama administration's failures to respond more assertively to the Russian threat, including on election security. So let me make this crystal clear for the hyperventilating hacks who haven't actually followed this issue. Every single Member of the Senate agrees that Russian meddling was real and is real. We all agree that the Federal Government, State governments, and the private sector all have obligations to take this threat seriously and bolster our defenses. Claims to the contrary--claims that anybody here denies what Russia did on President Obama's watch--are just lies. They are not partisan distortion, not clever spin, just total fabrications. At least this show is honest about what it offers--and it isn't journalism. Immediately after the host finished his angry string of false claims and calling me ``un-American,'' another panelist chimed in to applaud the remarks, and here is what he said: We are at war. It's time for the Democrats to wake up. . . . [And] we're not necessarily going to play fair. ``Not necessarily going to play fair''--well, I should say not. Let's remember how deep MSNBC waded into the conspiratorial fever swamp over the past 2 years. They gave airtime to individuals like one guest who has publicly tweeted, among other things, that a former White House adviser was close to being executed for espionage and that Chief Justice Roberts had sent the Marshal of the Supreme Court to the White House to threaten the President. That is utter nonsense. They hosted these kinds of conspiratorial voices. Just a few days ago, one former host at the network pointed out that ``MSNBC built segment after segment, show after show on building anticipation for a big reveal,'' but then the Mueller report took some of their most unhinged stories right off the table. Then, just last week, the special counsel's in-person testimony disappointed the political left yet again, so the conspiracy theories needed a new target. A few hours later came the Washington Post column. It was authored by Dana Milbank, a pundit who spent much of the Obama administration carrying water for its failed foreign policies and excusing President Obama's weakness on Russia. Here is the headline: ``Mitch McConnell is a Russian asset''--a shameful smear and based on more lies. Mr. Milbank repeatedly claims that I have blocked all efforts to raise our defenses against Russian meddling. The truth is, I have championed the coordinated work between Congress, the administration, and the States, which are primarily responsible for our elections, and the Senate has passed several major provisions on this subject this year. I have spoken frequently on the floor about the need to keep up the progress and to stay vigilant. What is more, one of the specific pieces of legislation he claims I have blocked is something I literally have never opposed. His online column links directly to a bill, and it is something I have never opposed. You would think a columnist leveling these kinds of smears would at least consult a fact checker before accusing an elected official of ``aiding and abetting'' Vladimir Putin, but, alas, it is not even a competent hit piece, just sloppy work. Ironically, Mr. Milbank has frequently written pieces lecturing Republicans who he feels has impugned others' patriotism. Back in 2013, the same guy wrote a piece insisting that ``in America, a political opponent is not the enemy.'' In 2015, he criticized ``nutters'' for questioning the President's patriotism and said that ``such beyond-the- pale-rhetoric'' had to be thrown out ``to have a civilized debate.'' So you get the picture. When a liberal politician is being criticized, these leftwing pundits become choir boys calling for civility and decency and high mindedness, but when it is time to smear somebody on the other side, oh, they are delighted to lead the charge. As recently as 2017, this very columnist wrote: [L]et's pause to remember: We are all the American people. And we all love our country. As all of our colleagues know, I have spoken at length about Russia's attack on American democracy. I worked to ensure that Congress sent hundreds of millions of dollars to the States to improve their defenses and applauded the whole-of-government efforts that the administration continues to carry out with States and localities. Good news may not sell any newspapers, boost ratings, or help with Democratic fundraising, but the facts are the facts. The facts are that this administration has made huge strides--huge--on election security since 2016. They made a noticeable impact in securing the 2018 election and are vigilant and proactive as we head into 2020. A few weeks ago, every Senator had the opportunity to attend an all- Members classified briefing that I helped to organize detailing the major work that has been underway since 2016. I have been in a lot of classified briefings over the years. It is not exactly common for Members to break out in spontaneous applause, let alone bipartisan applause, but that is exactly what happened in that classified briefing. Behind closed doors, Democrats joined Republicans in applauding the progress made since 2016. This administration--thanks in large part to our friend and former colleague, DNI Dan Coats, whom I was very sorry to hear is stepping down--has increased and improved our intelligence collection on these threats. It has built better and more functional relationships with State election authorities. It has enlisted more help from the private sector to identify and counter foreign influence campaigns. It has worked more closely with foreign allies and partners who face similar threats from Russia. It has imposed real costs on Russia for its misdeeds and cut down on the ability of Russian intelligence to operate inside our country. In particular, the Department of Homeland Security has employed special capabilities in all 50 States for detecting malign cyber activity. It has deployed cyber security advisers all across our country. It operates the National Cybersecurity and Communications Integration Center and supports the Elections Infrastructure Information Sharing and Analysis Center. Among its many offerings to the States, DHS offers cyber security assessments, detection and prevention tools, training, and career development for election officials, all free of charge. Using the hundreds of millions of dollars Congress sent to the States, which I proudly voted for and supported, the authorities who actually conduct our elections on the frontlines have gotten themselves better prepared. This is a long list of significant achievements--achievements that my Democratic colleagues applauded and cheered behind closed doors when the administration briefed us a few weeks ago. But in public? In public and in front of the cameras, some of my colleagues quickly pivoted right back into hysterical accusations that only fan the flames of this modern-day McCarthyism. These pundits are lying when they dismiss the work that has been done. They are lying when they insist I have personally blocked actions, which in fact I have championed and the Senate has passed. They are lying when they suggest that either party is against defending our democracy. This work is essential, and it will continue. Over 2 years ago, I asked Chairman Burr and the Intelligence Committee to take a hard bipartisan look at all aspects of the Russian threat in 2016 and the steps the Obama administration took or failed to take to defend against it. Here was the headline in December 2016 from NBC news: ``McConnell Backs Senate Investigations of Russian Hacking.'' We wanted a serious, detailed investigation, and not a political sideshow. I am impressed and grateful for the nonpartisan work of the committee staff under the leadership of Chairman Burr and Vice Chairman Warner. The committee's reports on the various aspects of the threat are now being released. They will add vital context and analysis and inform on what to do about this ongoing threat. I am sure all of us will be open to discussing further steps that Congress, the executive branch, the States, and the private sector might take to defend our elections against foreign interference. Any further legislation must be informed by this detailed report and by all the steps the government has already taken. At the same time, you can be sure that I have spoken out against Democrats' efforts to seize on the crisis and use it to advance their other long-held partisan goals for the political process. Some of these changes they have sought since long before the 2016 meddling--long before it. So, no, I am not going to let Democrats and their water- carriers in the media use Russia's attack on our democracy as a Trojan horse for partisan wish list items that would not actually make our elections any safer. I am not going to do that. My opposition to nationalizing election authorities that properly belong with the States is not news to anybody who has followed my career or knows anything about Congress. Even the New York Times' editorial board noted over the weekend that while they certainly don't agree with all my views, they are principles going back decades, and the Times had to admit the Democrats are ``playing politics'' by introducing legislation with--listen to this--``no chance of passing the Senate [that] serves only to harden partisan divisions.'' That is the New York Times this weekend. So my differences with Democrats on complicated matters of election law are the kind of disagreements we used to be able to have without mainstream media outlets screaming that one side is traitorous. This Congress and this entire country only works when we refuse to let baseless smears displace real debate. Benjamin Franklin said we have this Republic if we can keep it, and, among other things, keeping our Republic means we can't let modern-day McCarthyism win. So here is my commitment: No matter how much they lie and no matter how much they bully, I will not be intimidated. For decades, I have used my Senate seat to stand up to Russia and protect the United States of America. I am proud of my record. I am proud that it is right there in black and white, and liars cannot gaslight it away. In the 1980s, as a freshman Senator, I proudly stood with President Reagan on missile defense and other aspects of his Soviet policy. While the liberal media was shrieking that the Reagan-Bush foreign policy wouldn't work, I was honored to support them with my vote and then watch communism crumble. Then, in the 1990s, I used my place on the State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Subcommittee to sound the alarm when President Clinton was too soft on Russia. Here is the Wall Street Journal on December 1994: ``Kentucky Senator, Handed Keys to Foreign Aid, To Be Most Potent Foe of Clinton's Russia Policy.'' Here is what that article said: ``But the real challenge to the administration's policy is [McConnell's] plan to attach stiff political conditions to that aid. . . . threatening a cutoff unless Russia stops meddling in its neighbor's affairs.'' Let me say that again. As early as the 1990s, I was on record as laser-focused on Russia's meddling beyond its borders and making sure the Russians were held accountable. I ask unanimous consent that the December 13, 1994, article from the Wall Street Journal entitled ``Kentucky Senator, Handed Keys to Foreign Aid, To Be Most Potent Foe of Clinton's Russia Policy'' be printed in the Record.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, on the other end of the Clinton administration, I used hearings to grill Democratic officials who were soft on President Yeltsin and optimistic about President-elect Putin. I didn't share Democrats' faith that Putin would be our friend. I ask unanimous consent that two excerpts of my committee statement from the April 4, 2000, Senate Committee on Appropriations, Subcommittee on Foreign Operations hearing be printed in the Record.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, regardless of who was in the White House and regardless of which way the political winds were blowing, I have consistently treated Russia like the threat that it is. Even under a Republican administration, I spoke out when I was afraid the United States wasn't doing enough to stop the erosion of democracy and the rule of law in Russia. A conference report that I coauthored in December 2003 stated: ``The managers remain gravely concerned with the deterioration and systematic dismantling of democracy and the rule of law in Russia.'' We pushed President Bush's administration--a Republican administration--to do more. And, of course, I helped lead the charge against the Obama administration's completely feckless Russia policies. President Obama mocked his 2012 opponent for taking Russia too seriously. His administration sought a naive reset with the Kremlin, and for 8 years, I helped to lead the charge against that weakness. In 2010, I stood with John McCain and Jon Kyl to oppose the New START Treaty, a watered-down placeholder for the sort of tough stance we knew was necessary. As Vladimir Putin was building up his missile arsenal, we even had to push President Obama to commit to deploying capable missile defenses to Europe. In 2012, I firmly supported sweeping legislation to authorize heavy sanctions following the killing of Sergei Magnitsky in a Russian prison. The Obama administration flinched and tried to tiptoe around our legislation to avoid messing up their charm offensive, but we backed him into a corner, and the President signed the bill into law. In 2014, I and other Republicans constantly pressed President Obama to get tougher on Russia with respect to Putin's aggression in Ukraine. I ask unanimous consent that the news article dated March 4, 2014, entitled ``McConnell: Obama's `Passive' Foreign Policy `Is A Mistake''' be printed in the Record.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, since 2017, I have continued reminding everyone that Putin is not our friend. Russia is going to continue trying to meddle. We need a comprehensive strategy to contest Russian aggression, and alliances like NATO are critical for standing up to our adversaries. Once more, for good measure, I ask unanimous consent that the news article dated August 15, 2018, entitled ``U.S. Senate's top Republican likens Russia to `old Soviet Union' '' be printed in the Record.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I don't normally take the time to respond to critics in the media when they have no clue what they are talking about, but this modern-day McCarthyism is toxic and damaging because of the way it warps our entire public discourse. Facts matter. Details matter. History matters. And if our Nation is losing its ability to debate public policy without screaming about treason, that really matters. In the middle of the 20th century, the original McCarthyism hurt America's strength and diminished our standing in the Cold War by dividing us against ourselves and letting lies, innuendo, and baseless accusations crowd out reasonable politics. The frenetic politicized witch hunt distracted from legitimate efforts to contest the Soviet Union, including more sober efforts to root out real Soviet agents in our midsts. In short, McCarthyism did the Russian's work for them. McCarthyism did the work for the Russians. Now, here we are in 2019. Again, Putin and the Russians seek to provoke fear and division in our country, to undermine faith in our institutions, to exacerbate our political divisions until we tear ourselves apart, and, once again, it seems there are some who blindly take the bait. American pundits are calling an American official treasonous because of a policy disagreement. If anything is an asset to the Russians, it is disgusting behavior like that.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 402.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. I send a cloture motion to the desk.