Mitch McConnell

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, today I would like to pay tribute to my friend Candance Castlen Brake, president and CEO of the Greater Owensboro Chamber of Commerce. Candance is retiring this year after a decade leading the chamber, and I ask my colleagues to please join me in recognizing Candance for her devotion to serving the public and making her community a better place. Candance graduated from Brescia College in Owensboro in 1993 with a bachelors in history and went to work in her first job for the Greater Owensboro Chamber of Commerce as community program manager. The experience she gained in this role ignited her love for the chamber's work and continues to drive her to this day. While completing her master's in public administration from Western Kentucky University, Candance began her next career step that involved a 5-and-a-half-year period helping run the Daviess County Fiscal Court as chief of staff to county judge executive W.M ``Buzz'' Norris. There, she assisted in the management of a $35 million budget and 200 full- time employees. This was only the beginning of her robust service in local and county government that built a foundation for her tremendous success as a leader. Candance's affinity for the chamber brought her back in 2000 as vice president of workforce development and education. She worked with local businesses addressing workforce issues and helping workers transition into new jobs. Candance quickly rose to the rank of executive vice president overseeing a broad swath of operations which focused on economic development in Owensboro. In November of 2004, Candance was elected city commissioner, where she began the first of three consecutive terms advocating on behalf of Owensboro and facilitating one of the most important developments in city history in the riverfront revitalization project. I was proud to help secure $50 million in Federal funds to renovate Owensboro's riverfront, turning this space into a magnet for economic development. Candance played an integral role in this project, encouraging community and business leaders to think big. What started as just an idea was made into reality through the persistence and tenacity of public servants like Candance. In 2015, she returned to the Owensboro Chamber as president and led the organization through some of its most pivotal moments with a laser focus on bettering the lives of small business owners. Advocacy efforts under Candance led to the widening of highway 54, lighting of the William H. Natcher Bridge, and countywide broadband. In addition to these infrastructure accomplishments, Candance has worked tirelessly on talent building and retention through the chamber's young professionals group and by founding the Greater Owensboro Leadership Institute. She believes in young talent and has seen firsthand how valuable it can be to a city. In addition to her career accomplishments, Candance has served on numerous boards such as Kentuckians for Better Transportation, the American Chamber of Commerce Executives Board, and the Brescia University Board of Trustees. She has also received status as a distinguished alumnus from her alma mater for making a difference. While Candance's career accomplishments are beyond impressive, there is much more to her life. Inspired by her grandfather and motivated by current and past local entrepreneurs, Candance leads with selflessness, always striving to give back. She frequently attributes her successes to the team and ensures those around her feel valued for their work. Candance gives it her all and inspires others to get involved too. I know that she will succeed in the next chapter of her life and is looking forward to spending more time with her husband Nick and adult children Nicholas and Caroline. Once again, I ask my colleagues to please join me in applauding Candance's career of service to the public and to the business community in Owensboro.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, as sports lovers, we all have our local columnists who are the go-to source for the ins and outs of our favorite sports teams. In my hometown of Louisville, KY, Rick Bozich, is one of my favorite go-to guys. For 50 years, the Hall of Fame journalist reported on local and national sports in Kentucky and Indiana, 47 of those years covering sports in Louisville. But on July 1, 2025, Rick will be retiring following a long and accomplished career in sports media. And for us sports fans, it is like losing our favorite player. He will be missed. Rick began his career in Gary, IN, delivering the newspaper to households in his neighborhood. He attended Indiana University, earning a journalism degree in 1975. Following graduation, he worked for a few years at local papers in Indiana, before moving to the Louisville Courier-Journal and Louisville Times. He must have realized quickly that, for a career in sports journalism, few places offer such enthusiastic fans or such deep-seated rivalries as Louisville, KY. After 34 years at the Courier-Journal, Rick decided to make the jump to television, joining WDRB-TV in 2012. At the TV station, he, alongside his friend and former Courier-Journal colleague Eric Crawford, helped expand the on-air sports department. Every time there was a major sports story, Rick was there, writing about the University of Louisville Cardinals, the University of Kentucky Wildcats, and of course, the greatest 2 minutes in sports: the Kentucky Derby. He has also covered many of the hottest sporting events across the country, including NCAA Final Fours, Super Bowls, World Series, NBA Finals, and the Summer Olympics. During his long career, he earned honors and awards from national and State press associations. This includes Hall of Fame recognitions by the Kentucky Sports Hall of Fame, the U.S. Basketball Writers Association, and the Indiana Sportswriters and Sportscasters Association. He was also awarded the Red Smith Award for Kentucky Derby coverage and won an Emmy Award for his sports commentating at WDRB-TV. His work has appeared on ESPN, Sports Illustrated, and the New York Times, just to name a few. I ask my colleagues to join me and all his viewers and readers in honoring Rick and congratulating him on his retirement. While he plans to keep a close eye on all things sports, I am sure he is looking forward to spending more time with his wife Rhonda and his children and grandkids.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, as a University of Louisville sports fan, Saturday, June 28, 2025, is going to be a memorable day for me. My friend and Louisville legend Tom Jurich is receiving a long-overdue honor from the University he helped build into a national sports powerhouse. From 1997 to 2017, Tom served as athletic director for UofL, my alma mater. During those 20 years, I witnessed firsthand his work to build an athletic department that is one of the best in the country. And on Saturday, he will make his first visit back to campus for a celebration on the street lined by sports facilities that he made possible, Floyd Street. The University of Louisville, Louisville Mayor Craig Greenberg, and many of Tom's family and friends will commemorate him by renaming a portion of Floyd Street as Tom Jurich Way. I wish I could be there in person to celebrate my friend, but I know that he and his family and all those that love him will cherish the memories that he helped create at the University of Louisville. As Tom told a local Louisville reporter in 2023, ``I just wanted Louisville to become a destination . . . not a place you passed through--but one people aimed for.'' Well, Tom got his wish, and now, that destination takes us to Tom Jurich Way. Mr. President, the WDRB-TV sports journalist Eric Crawford paid tribute to Tom Jurich in a recent article. I ask unanimous consent that the article be printed in the Record.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, when Iran's proxies launched a full- scale war on Israel, October 7, 2023, President Biden pledged an unwavering commitment to Israel's security. That was the right message in the moment. But as I warned publicly at the time, Israel needed more than just rhetorical solidarity. Like Ukraine, Israel needed precious time, space to maneuver, and materiel support to defeat a shared enemy. And yet, as in Ukraine, America's commitment has indeed wavered. Our support has not been ironclad. Instead, under the previous administration, American support was delayed, restricted, and paired with attempts to micromanage Israel's operations and even interfere with Israeli politics. And at every turn, the progressive left and isolationist right hyperventilated about the specter of so-called forever war. Fortunately, Israel held its ground. Israelis certainly weren't enthused about a ground war in Gaza. Their leaders knew that war would be difficult. But they knew it was unavoidable so long as Hamas terrorists still refused to release its hostages. They also knew lasting security meant changing Iran's calculus, not just responding to attacks from proxies. So Israel decided to turn Iran's terrorist assets into liabilities. Despite the pearl-clutching here in Washington, our allies simultaneously decapitated Hezbollah and crippled Hamas. Their bold operations created a new opportunity for Lebanon to claw back its sovereignty from a terrorist state within a state. Meanwhile, the collapse of the brutal Assad regime in Syria brought down a Russian vassal and Iran's favorite corridor of weapons and terrorist finance. These are the circumstances President Trump inherited. What to do with them has been the subject of quite some debate. Some of his advisers and supporters came with Obama-Biden-era talking points, ready to urge him to continue his predecessor's policy of constraining Israel. Some had argued publicly that America had no vital or existential interests in the Middle East or claimed the region was a distraction from other priorities. They warned of forever war. Some seemed to push for nuclear negotiations with parameters eerily similar to the nuclear deal the President withdrew from his first term. They even proposed Iran could keep enriching uranium, until the President, rightly, correctly, quashed that idea. These mixed messages emboldened Iran and its proxies. After all, why give up if administration officials saw the Middle East as little more than a distraction or if they seem as fearful of restoring deterrence as the previous guys? So Hamas kept holding hostages. The Houthis kept targeting Israel and Red Sea commerce. And the Islamic Republic kept marching toward a nuclear weapon. And in response, Israel took the next logical step to restore deterrence. Once again, innovative and decisive strikes destroyed Iran's air defenses and imposed immediate--immediate--costs on Tehran. Leaders across Israel's politics stood united behind the daring operations. Ah, but here in America, the same restrainers, anti-Israel progressives, and self-proclaimed realists warned again of regional conflagration if the President intervened alongside or even supported Israel's strikes. The President's own--his own--Director of National Intelligence traveled to Hiroshima to record a bizarre video, not as a warning against Tehran's nuclear ambitions but presumably against American or Israeli operations to blunt them. Now, fortunately, the President rejected the pleas of appeasers and isolationists. The strikes he ordered dealt a massive blow to Iran's nuclear program, bolstered American credibility, and strengthened U.S. and Israel leverage to end Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons and its support for terrorism for good. Thanks to Israel's historic efforts for more than a year and a half, Iran's ability to threaten regional stability is massively degraded. Not since before the Islamic Revolution has there been such an opportunity for America, Israel, and our Arab partners to reset regional dynamics on such favorable terms. Achieving it has required no large-scale deployment of U.S. ground forces. It required only supporting our friends. Israel is a close ally and a strategic asset, not a liability. And the strategic return on our investment in assisting Israel is incalculable. Standing with our Israeli friends offers a powerful lesson about American leadership, the value of alliances and partnerships, and the real nature of peace through strength. And this lesson extends far, far beyond the Middle East. If America refuses to apply it elsewhere--like Ukraine--we do so at grave risk to our own interests. But that is exactly what some in Washington seem to be doing. Congress recently learned that a senior DOD official conducted a review of DOD security assistance efforts and--listen to this-- concluded that the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative, among other programs, was wasteful. This is a Republican administration panning a program created by the Republican Congress in 2015 to counter President Obama's toothless response to Russia's initial invasion of Ukraine. I would like to see the analysis behind the administration's decision to zero out USAI in its fiscal 2026 request. I would like to hear them try to explain away the massive return on investment of America's security assistance to Ukraine and the previous lessons we have learned from our Ukrainian partners. The Secretary of the Army has, rightly, called Ukraine--listen to this--``the Silicon Valley of warfare.'' Do his colleagues at the Pentagon think this assessment is wrong or do they just not think access to cutting-edge, modern combat is valuable? Well, here is the truth: USAI and other security efforts have helped us, measurably, address shortcomings in strategy, capabilities, and production capacity that would have gone ignored until it was too late. It is an inconvenient reality for isolationists and restrainers, but for a tiny percent--a tiny percent--of our defense budget, we helped a smaller military resist invasion by a vastly larger one and degrade a major U.S. adversary. As with Israel, Ukraine is fighting an adversary of the United States. Our support does not entangle us in a far-off foreign conflict. For Russia, Iran, China, North Korea, America is the main enemy, the Great Satan. If these adversaries beat our friends, the threat to America becomes a thousand times greater. We should be grateful for friends so willing to defend our collective interests against common folks. Partnership with Ukraine is teaching us what modern warfare could mean for U.S. forces when they do face direct conflict. It has tested our assumptions about munitions inventories, expenditure rates, electronic warfare, and the duration of conflict. Without Ukraine's experience with U.S. weapons, we would have been surprised to find some advanced systems quickly rendered inoperable on future battlefields. The money we invest in USAI on weapons for Ukraine expands our own production capacity in the process and will improve the quality of our own munitions. Supplemental appropriations on Ukraine and Israel, in turn, backfill our own stocks with brand new capabilities--not just 155-mm rounds but air defenses and long-range fires, with specific investment in solid rocket motors. These investments help us prepare for conflict in the Indo-Pacific, and production would be slower in the absence of our partnership with Ukraine. Not doing more to address our growing defense needs isn't a failure of foresight. It is a failure of political will. Everyone wants to see an end to Russia's war in Ukraine, but the price of peace matters. If we want enduring stability in Europe, we can't fall for an illusory peace. We should know enough history not to dismiss this as merely ``a quarrel in a faraway country, between two people of whom we no nothing.'' It is a major war of conquest in Europe--the most significant since the days of Nazi Germany--and allies and adversaries half a world away are watching it closely for clues about America's resolve. Certainly, Europe's deepening commitments to collective defense will make real peace more enforceable. The President's insistence has driven much of this progress. Putin's brutality has reinforced it. Since 2022, our European NATO allies have made historic--historic-- investments in defense, often buying from us. Many are preparing to make even larger commitments at this week's NATO summit. All of that is good news. But we can't expect allies to continue signing up for 3.5 and 5 percent commitments if America insists on falling further behind. Likewise, we can't expect Putin to end his aggression if he thinks America's abandonment of Ukraine is just a matter of time. And we can't expect anyone to take America's threats and commitments seriously if we are content to let our own strength atrophy. A base budget request that cuts defense spending in real terms doesn't show Moscow we are serious, let alone Beijing. Leading from behind would be bad enough, but this is just plain falling behind. The strongest deterrence is denying an adversary's objectives through military means. Israel is restoring this deterrence in the Middle East. Ukraine is achieving it by holding its own against Russia, but it needs help. Recently, I have asked administration officials simple questions, like: Who is the aggressor in the conflict? The answer is pretty obvious. But a second, equally simple question seems to actually trip them up: Who do we want to win? Who do we want to win? The President made the right call to stand with Israel. I hope he will also decide to stand with Ukraine, prevent Russian victory, and start reversing a dangerous downward trend in our defense budgets. I hope he will recognize Russia's attempt to ``tap him along'' for what it is. Putin is getting mixed messages from us. He thinks he has time. He believes the West is weak and divided. But the President, at very little cost, can shatter that illusion. It is time to impose sanctions, raise the price of Russia's aggression, redouble security assistance to Ukraine, and drive the Kremlin to seek peace. It is time for deterrence through denial. There is no surer path to a just and enduring peace, no better way to demonstrate that peace through strength actually means something, no clearer sign to allies and adversaries watching closely, from the Western Hemisphere to the Indo-Pacific, that America still has the will to lead. I yield the floor.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, on March 11, 2025, Kentucky lost a distinguished athlete, businessman, and mentor to many. Ulysses Lee Bridgeman, known to most as ``Junior,'' wrote history on the basketball court, throughout Kentucky and beyond. His dedication for championing others' successes and imprinting a substantial difference on our community will not be forgotten. I ask my colleagues to please join me in honoring the life of Junior Bridgeman. Junior was a renowned athlete who helped lead the University of Louisville men's basketball team to their third Final Four during his senior year in 1975. He then was selected eighth in the NBA Draft by the Los Angeles Lakers, then quickly traded to the Milwaukee Bucks, where he spent 10 out of his 12 seasons playing professional basketball. He played 711 games and scored 9,892 points, where he holds the record for third most games played and the ninth most points in franchise history. In addition to his historic playing career, he was a mentor to many rookies, teaching them how to manage and navigate their newfound salaries as professional athletes. During his time in Milwaukee, he began investing in fast food companies. As he left the league, his business ventures dramatically grew and so did his philanthropic efforts. He focused his service on youth education and community development. He was a key driver in opening Louisville's West End School, a tuition-free boarding school that instills academic rigor, character development, and responsible action in students. At the heart of Junior's legacy rests a profound desire to empower others to great success. Junior made meaningful contributions to Louisville throughout his career, including during his time serving on the board of trustees for the University of Louisville and Simmons College of Kentucky. He served on many local boards such as PGA of America, Churchill Downs, Inc., Fifth Third Bank, Jackson Hewitt, Governors Scholar Program, Crusade for Children Foundation, Louisville Arena Authority, and others. His passion for Louisville spread throughout the Nation as he would host one of the most notable charity fundraising galas the night before the Kentucky Derby. These events brought together many celebrities and public figures, widening the audience of the event. In each of these endeavors, Junior was committed to opening doors and fostering growth for those that would otherwise not have the opportunity. Although Junior was known for his athletic career and vast business ventures, his dedication to his faith is what set him apart. He was an active member of the Southeast Christian Church in Louisville, and his service to the Lord can be seen in each of his good works. Through his commitment to serving those in need, his eagerness to give graciously, and his immense sense of humility, we remember him as a trailblazer of benefaction and progress in the Commonwealth. I would like to express my personal condolences to Junior's wife Doris, his three children, and all those who knew and loved him. The impact and legacy Junior Bridgeman leaves behind is a testament to the instrumental role we can all play in each other's lives and our communities.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to a driven and highly accomplished Kentuckian Alecia Webb-Edgington. Alecia was recently named 2025 Person of the Year by the Covington Education Foundation in honor of her work impacting the northern Kentucky community as president of the Life Learning Center. I ask my colleagues to please join me in applauding Alecia on her award and recognizing her outstanding career of public service to the Commonwealth of Kentucky. Alecia spent the bulk of her career on the frontlines of our communities with the Kentucky State Police, where she served for 15 years. The Governor's security detail and undercover narcotics were just two of Alecia's many assignments as a trooper. It was during this period when she met her husband and greatest supporter Ted. She finished her time with KSP working in the role of chief information officer. After her retirement, Governor Ernie Fletcher appointed Alecia to be executive director of the Kentucky Office of Homeland Security, making her the first woman to hold the office. When her political appointment came to an end, Alecia knew her call to serve was far from over. From 2009 to 2013, Alecia represented the 63rd District in the Kentucky House of Representatives, climbing the ranks and eventually becoming vice-chair of the Education Committee. As the daughter of a career educator, Alecia values and prioritizes the advancement of education. Her passion is abundantly evident in her work. Alecia's success in Frankfort pushed her to run for Congress, and although her campaign fell short, she knew there was more she could do to serve the public. An opportunity was presented to Alecia that would take her to Washington, DC, to serve at the State Department as a senior police adviser in the Bureau of International Narcotics and Law Enforcement. With excitement for the job and an enthusiastic push from Ted, Alecia made the jump, commuting back and forth to DC in this new adventure. Within the old Yugoslavia and North Africa portfolio, she specialized in issues of trafficking and rule of law in post-conflict countries. She worked with folks who had suffered through tremendous conflict, striving to turn their lives around. While the position was a complete mystery to Alecia when she started, the work was fascinating and very rewarding. She eventually decided to put her newly developed skills from the State Department to use helping Kentuckians at the Life Learning Center. Since 2016, Alecia has been the president of the Life Learning Center in Covington, KY, leading a team focused on helping the at-risk population receive the education and skills necessary to succeed in the workforce and in life. Her work has made a significant impact on the northern Kentucky community and has won her many well-deserved awards, including the Covington Education Foundation's 2025 Person of the Year. Along with her two Kentucky State Police commendations, Alecia has received several other significant distinctions like the Kenton County Pioneer Award and the Northern Kentucky Chamber of Commerce Community Award. Alecia's also serves on the board of Notre Dame Academy and the Northern Kentucky Workforce Investment Board. Community is the heart of her focus in all her endeavors. She is a proven leader with exceptional experience whose talent inspires her peers and colleagues to follow her with a high level of confidence. Her impact on the lives of others is inspirational, and I am grateful for her devotion to our Commonwealth and our Nation. Again, I ask my colleagues to please join me in congratulating Alecia on her award and recognize her outstanding career of service.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I rise today to honor Dr. Robert ``Bob'' Jackson, the 14th president of Murray State University, who will be stepping down from the helm after more than 6 years of leadership. Dr. Jackson is a true public servant who has devoted much of his career to serving Kentuckians through his efforts to transform Murray State University and improve higher education across the Commonwealth. I ask my colleagues to please join me in congratulating my friend Bob on a well-deserved retirement. After graduating from LaRue County High School, Bob began his journey at Murray State University 43 years ago last fall. He studied finance and quickly developed an affinity for the institution, joining Pi Kappa Alpha Fraternity and meeting his wife Karen. Together, the couple shared fond memories of Greek life, attending Racer sporting events and competing in ``All Campus Sing'' on the steps of the Pogue Library. No doubt, Bob and Karen's time as students instilled in them a strong sense of pride for Murray State. Both have used their exceptional talents to give back to the university and community. Corporate finance and investment banking are part of Bob's diverse work background, but his passion for higher education in Kentucky is evident by the public service that fills his resume. Bob was elected to the Kentucky State Senate in 1997 and used his term in Frankfort to focus on postsecondary education and pension reform, garnering praise from legislators on both sides of the aisle. In another role, his deep knowledge of State and Federal policy allowed him the opportunity to advocate for Murray State University as its senior adviser for government relations. Bob also served as the head of the Murray State University Foundation before being tapped to lead his alma mater as interim president in 2018. Less than a year later, Bob was officially appointed president, and his tenure has been nothing short of pure excellence. Nearly every aspect of Murray State University has seen generational change under Bob's leadership. The university shifted its focus toward recruitment and retention during his administration, leading to an overall increase in enrollment of 5 percent between 2018 and 2024. Working with six board chairs and 26 regents, Bob helped solicit some of the largest private donations in school history, while cementing the planned additions of a new school of nursing, veterinary sciences building, and residential hall on campus. Success has been abundant for Bob even amidst significant obstacles like the pandemic, during which I was proud to work with him to help secure over $6 million in Federal funding for Murray State. Bob showed tremendous resilience shepherding the university through this difficult time, and for that, we are all grateful. Bob's vision for Murray State has always focused on putting the success of its students first. His selfless demeanor in each task at hand is a testament to his character, always giving credit where it is due. Optimism drives Bob's leadership as he often says, ``Our best days are ahead of us.'' While this may be true, the days of his presidency will be hard to beat. I wish Bob well in his retirement and know he will enjoy spending more time with family and traveling to new places. Again, I ask my colleagues to join me in celebrating Dr. Bob Jackson's career of public service.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, pursuant to Senate Rule XXXIII, the Committee on Rules and Administration adopted the U.S. Senate Health and Fitness Facilities Regulations, on May 6, 2025, which supersede and replace the current ``Guidelines for Senate Tennis Courts,'' ``Regulations for the Senate Health Facility in the Office of the Architect of the Capitol,'' and ``Regulations Governing Use of the Senate Health and Fitness Facility.'' The updated regulations consolidate rules for the use of the fitness facilities, including the Senators' gym, staff gym, and athletic courts. The updated regulations define eligible staff for membership purposes and reflect current operational practices. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the regulations as adopted be printed in the Record.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, pursuant to Senate Rule XXXIII, the Committee on Rules and Administration adopted the U.S. Senate Hallways and Balconies Regulations, on May 9, 2025, which supersede and replace the current ``Display of Flags and State Senate Seals in Hallways Outside Senator's Offices.'' The updated regulations include a new scope and definitions section, updated language for unobstructed hallways and the display of flags, and memorialize the renumbering and policies for the use of Senate balconies. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the text of the regulations as adopted be printed in the Record.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I want to take a moment today to recognize a friend and leader from western Kentucky, State Senator Danny Carroll, who continues to represent his home district, Kentucky's second District, so well since elected in 2014. Earlier this year, Senator Carroll announced his retirement as president and CEO of Easterseals West Kentucky, where he led an organization dedicated to providing services for children with disabilities and special needs for the past 15 years. As Danny prepares to step down as president, I would like to honor his years of service and dedication to this important organization. Danny began his path of public service in the Paducah Police Department. The Paducah community is very grateful for his 24 years of public protection, eventually working his way up to assistant chief. He retired from law enforcement in 2012 and was soon after recruited to become the president and CEO of Easterseals West Kentucky. A couple years later, Danny was elected to the State senate, but his devotion to the Easterseals West Kentucky never faltered. Over the past 15 years, Easterseals West Kentucky was transformed into a reliable resource for children with disabilities and their families. Danny played a pivotal role in the nonprofit's success, leading it through many milestones. In 2013, Danny and his team opened the Lily Pad, a facility providing pediatric care for those most in need throughout the region. In 2023, they opened the Lori Center, which assists children with autism. These essential resources will continue to serve the children and families of west Kentucky long after Danny's retirement. Under Danny's leadership, the nonprofit underwent drastic improvements to existing services helping lead to an increase in the number of Kentuckians served. I am proud to say that because of Senator Carroll's hard work, he is leaving Easterseals West Kentucky equipped and ready to continue all their incredible services. Along with his impeccable service to Kentucky, Danny remains an active member of his community along with his loving wife Teressa and two children. While Easterseals West Kentucky will miss his constant devotion and positive attitude, his retirement is well-earned. I know Danny will continue serving the Commonwealth as a Kentucky State Senator, and I ask my Senate colleagues to please join me in recognizing his years of service leading Easterseals West Kentucky.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I rise today to congratulate my friend and fellow Kentuckian Craig Williams for receiving the Defense Community Champions Award. He is one of 18 recipients this year across the country honored for making a difference in the defense community. I ask my colleagues to please join me in recognizing his impressive achievement, which is well deserved. In his early years, Craig dutifully served our Nation as an Army translator solidifying his dedication to our country and to missions bigger than himself. This was only the tip of the iceberg when it came to his career of dedicated public service. After returning to the States, Craig refocused his attention on a pressing local issue that impacted thousands of his fellow neighbors in Richmond, KY, where over 500 tons of chemical warfare agents were stored at the Bluegrass Army Depot (BGAD). President Ronald Reagan's call for a global prohibition on chemical weaponry spurred much needed attention to the disposal of our Nation's stockpile. The Army's initial plan to destroy these weapons through incineration was cause for concern due to potential poison leaks into the greater Madison County community. Craig jumped into action, pursuing the daunting task of taking on the bureaucracy and holding our government accountable for the promise it made to safely dispose of these chemical weapons. While Craig and I may have seemed like unlikely political allies, I believed his cause was just, and I was ready to help him push government in the right direction to keep Kentuckians safe. Our first victory together dates back to my first term in the U.S. Senate, when we put a stop to new munitions entering the Commonwealth. The success continued thanks to Craig's tireless advocacy work. In 1991, he founded a coalition consisting of over 40 representatives from around the world known as the Chemical Weapons Working Group. Within just 2 years, Craig and his group successfully lobbied Congress to delay the incineration of the chemical weapons, forcing a further exploration of safer options. Thus began a 30-year march toward the final goal of total disposal. I am proud to have helped Craig by fighting to bring home over $7 billion in Federal funding to support the responsible destruction of these munitions. This project was nothing short of a team effort. Through Craig's work on the Kentucky Chemical Demilitarization Citizens' Advisory Commission, he served as dependable eyes and ears on the ground, ensuring effective communication and transparency between government and the public. Our relationship was built on trust, and it proved invaluable as we worked together to meet the needs of this project. In July 2023, our hard work alongside community partners paid off as the last chemical weapons at BGAD were destroyed. Craig is well known for his work and was honored in 2006 with the Goldman Environmental Prize, an award inspired by the Nobel Prize. His story is one of true passion for the well-being of his neighbors and community. Our accomplishments together are proof that government functions best when working in tandem with the people it serves. I am confident Craig will continue to tackle the issues that matter most to him and will serve the public vigilantly in all of his future endeavors. Once again, I ask my Senate colleagues to join me in congratulating Craig on this distinguished award.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I rise today to recognize Katy Hagan, who has retired after 18 years of service on the staff of the Senate Appropriations Committee. As a budget analyst at the Defense Subcommittee, Katy dedicated her career to the security of our Nation and the well-being of servicemembers and their families. Her attention to detail and excellent analysis ensured that the Congress passed legislation each year to further our Nation's interests and keep our country safe. Katy Hagan joined the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee in February 2007 under Chairman Ted Stevens and went on to serve under Chairs Inouye, Cochran, Durbin, Shelby, and Tester before I took up the gavel this year. She served each with dedication and performed her duties to the best of her ability. Katy's colleagues over the years attest that her professionalism, analysis, and guidance greatly contributed to every product that the subcommittee produced for the past 18 years. Katy's expertise in the operations and maintenance appropriation was greatly valued and respected by her colleagues, the services, and all whom were fortunate to work with her. She diligently engaged with each of the services and made smart recommendations based on her extensive information gathering. With each passing year, Katy brought an even greater wealth of institutional knowledge to this appropriation, making outstanding recommendations for each continuing resolution, Senate bill, supplemental, reprogramming action, and enactment. It is difficult to sum up the gratitude Katy's colleagues hold for the devotion and care she brought to her work. The billions of dollars under her purview throughout her years on the committee were reviewed with a keen eye toward warfighter needs and the best use of taxpayer resources. Her recommendations, leadership, and counsel were greatly valued by her team. She is already deeply missed. On behalf of all the past chairs, Senators, and staff who have worked with Katy over the years and who know firsthand the importance of her expertise and contributions, I would like to express our appreciation for her service. Katy, we wish you all the best in the next chapter. Thank you.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I want to take a moment today to congratulate Candace McGraw, CEO of Cincinnati/Northern Kentucky International Airport (CVG), on her upcoming retirement. Candace has been a friend and a leader in northern Kentucky for many years, and I would like to join her family, friends, and colleagues in celebrating her great success. Over the last decade, CVG has undergone a complete transformation, today a national leader in aviation and e-commerce. Taking the helm in 2011, Candace brought a big vision to the airport, setting it on an upward trajectory right from the start. At a time when technology was rapidly becoming a part of our daily lives, Candace reimagined CVG as a powerhouse for e-commerce, expanding its cargo operations and forging historic partnerships with major shipping companies across the country. Under her leadership, CVG has not only become Kentucky's busiest airport--serving more than 9 million passengers annually--but also one of the fastest growing cargo hubs in the Nation. Candace's leadership proved invaluable during the pandemic when our airports and their workers found themselves right at the center of this unprecedented crisis. As passenger travel ground to a halt, CVG's robust cargo operations kept essential goods on the move all across the Nation. Even amid the challenges of the pandemic, CVG rose to become a vital e- commerce hub, setting records for air cargo and demonstrating the strength and foresight of Candace's vision. The growth Candace worked so hard to forge at CVG has been a huge source of strength for communities in northern Kentucky. Under her leadership, the airport has nearly tripled its economic impact, today bringing in over $10 billion for the local economy. That has meant more jobs, more commerce, and more prosperity for thousands of families across this growing region. Over the years, I have enjoyed partnering with her on my work in the Senate, teaming up to overhaul airport infrastructure and aviation operations in the Commonwealth. Because of the efforts of Candace and the airport's many dedicated staff, CVG consistently receives national recognition. Skytrax named CVG the Best Regional Airport in North America now eight times under Candace's leadership, and just this year, it earned the title of Best Airport in North America for customer experience by Airports Council International (ACI) World. Today, CVG ranks among the fastest growing airports in the United States. It should also come as no surprise that Candace herself has been widely recognized for her impact on the aviation industry. In 2019, Airport Experience News named her Director of the Year, and last year, she received the Excellence in Visionary Leadership Award from ACI North America. Beyond her work at CVG, Candace also served her community as chairwoman on the board of the Kentucky Chamber of Commerce, our State's largest business association. Here, Candace worked hard to improve the business landscape for workers and job creators in the Commonwealth. Fortunately, even as she steps down from this role and her responsibilities at CVG, Candace's experience and leadership will continue to be invaluable assets to the aviation industry at the World Governing Board of Airports Council International, where she serves as the first female chair in the organization's history. In her retirement, I know that Candace looks forward to spending more time with her husband Joe and their children, time she has certainly earned. I want to thank my friend for her leadership and dedication to CVG and northern Kentucky. Her steady hand has guided the airport through some of its most consequential years, leaving it stronger than ever. When she steps down at the end of June, Candace will leave behind a legacy of innovation, achievement, and extraordinary growth. So I urge my Senate colleagues to join me in celebrating Candace's remarkable career and wishing her the very best in the years ahead.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the rules of procedure for the Joint Committee of Congress on the Library for the 119th Congress be printed in the Congressional Record.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, my views on America's interest in Ukraine are well known. I spent the better part of the last 3 years, here on this floor, pointing out the glaring connections between European security and the security of America's interest all across the globe--core national security interests that determine our prosperity. Ukraine's victory and stability in Europe is squarely in the interest of the United States--our interests. Europe is our largest trading partner. Russia is a thuggish autocracy with an economy smaller than Italy's. The Russian economy is smaller than Italy's. There is simply no equivalence. There is no grand realignment opportunity that has gone unnoticed. So let me start with this. The most harmful possible outcome of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, for U.S. interests, would be this headline: Russia wins; America loses. Russia wins; America loses. We can't let that be how this ends, but look at where we are right now: On one side, fellow members of the most successful military alliance in world history, with a combined GDP of more than $17 trillion, are openly--openly--planning for a world in which America does not call the shots and where our word no longer carries any weight. These are the closest allies and partners who have worked hand in glove with America, bought American equipment, and taken America's lead. But, if America turns its back on them, they will look elsewhere for guidance, for coordination, for weapons, and even for trade. On the other side is Putin's Russia and its $2 trillion GDP, where Kremlin officials now say that America's current ``foreign policy configurations'' now ``largely align with our vision'' and that hiccups in the U.S.-Ukraine relations are ``useful'' because they drive a wedge between America and our European allies. That is how the Russians look at this. Well, it is not hard to imagine why they look at it that way. Freezing lethal assistance and intelligence support to Ukraine made Russia's job a lot easier. It was easier to hit Ukraine's defenders along with its schools, hospitals, and nurseries; and after 3 years of immense progress toward a stronger and more capable Transatlantic Alliance, with greater commitments to burden-sharing and European leadership, the West that had resolved to check Putin's neo-Soviet ambitions is now in danger of being consumed by internal recrimination. What welcome news for an autocrat whose grip on power depends on the endurance of a wartime economy. The will to force Putin to make serious concessions in the interests of lasting peace is fragmented, and too many on this side of the Atlantic seem to believe, foolishly, that his appetite will be satisfied in eastern Ukraine. His appetite will be satisfied in eastern Ukraine. This is the same mistake made by the architects of the Minsk I and Minsk II agreements. The circumstances are not crying out for a Minsk III. Somehow, this doesn't sound like the makings of a successful deal for America. Somehow, these don't seem like the conditions for advancing America's interests in European peace and security, let alone pretending to mediate a dispute between equals. Russia wins; America loses. It is not too late to avoid that outcome, but it will require that America and our allies operate from the same set of facts. So let's talk about actual facts. First, the dollars and cents: America's total Ukraine-related spending comes in at $175 billion--not $350 billion but half that much. As a share of GDP, 11 European countries have allocated more Ukraine- related spending than the United States. In real terms, total European aid is twice--twice--U.S. spending, with more military aid than America, more budgetary assistance than America--period. Those are the actual facts. Our allies' increasing investments have been good news for American security and the strength of our alliance. They have meant expanding arsenals and industrial capacity along with bigger defense budgets for buying American for now. But what if--what if--even in having established the correct math, you think it is still too much to spend on helping to degrade a major American adversary without putting a single American servicemember in harm's way--not a single American servicemember in harm's way? What if you still think, somehow, we are getting a raw deal? Consider where most of the Ukraine-related spending--$120 billion-- has actually gone: to investing in U.S. capabilities and expanding our own defense industrial capacity. We are already $120 billion closer to restoring the sort of forces and capacity we will need to deter conflict in the Indo-Pacific than we were 3 years ago; or consider-- consider--the value of the operational and tactical lessons the U.S. and our allies are drawing from Ukraine's battlefield experience. The conflict in Ukraine is a battle lab--a glimpse at the future of warfare--and our Ukrainian partners are innovating faster than American industry is often able to. Concerned about the next major conflict? We are learning how to prepare better for it. U.S.-made systems are literally feeding performance data back to us. The American people are not getting fleeced. I am going to say it again. The American people are not getting fleeced--far from it--but if we mistake surrender for peace, we will be risking far worse. China is watching what we do. So are America's allies and partners in Asia. To believe that we can torch our credibility in one region and not tarnish it in another is foolish. When we treat withholding assistance from Ukraine like a cudgel and insist that the victim of aggression is the side that has to make concessions, what should we expect other partners to conclude? Now, I have heard that Ukraine needs to be prepared to ``do difficult things.'' I am curious which difficult thing our frontline partners haven't been doing for the past 3 years, like defending besieged towns and cities, like burying their sons and daughters. Will Russia be expected to do difficult things as well, like ending its onslaught? By what means are we prepared to compel them? War is hell, and the worst consequences are always borne by innocent civilians in flight and by brave soldiers holding the line. Ending the war in Ukraine is a noble aim--preventing war, even more so. But peace is different than surrender, and being honest about who is to blame doesn't hinder lasting peace; it enables it. Why should we be less willing to call Russia out for its brutal aggression than we are to call Hamas or Hezbollah out for theirs? Would we be afraid to call Iran out if it had nuclear weapons? Is that the lesson we want the world to draw from this conflict? Ronald Reagan epitomized peace through strength, not by just saying the words but by action. He called the Soviet Union an Evil Empire at the same time as he dealt productively with Gorbachev. In July of 1983, he spoke to the people of the captive nations of the Soviet Union and communist regimes. He said: [T]o every person trapped in tyranny, whether in the Ukraine, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Cuba, or Vietnam, we send our love and support and tell them they are not alone. Our message must be: Your struggle is our struggle, your dream is our dream, and someday, you, too, will be free. In the fall of the Soviet Union, Ukraine got its chance at freedom. Putin intends to extinguish it. Ukraine is serious about a just and stable peace. How do we know? We know because the Ukrainians preferred it overwhelmingly until their neighbor chose war instead again and again. I will reserve my skepticism, my disdain, and my condescension of the authoritarian thug who treats the slaughter of innocent children like a sport, and anyone who cares about not getting played for a sucker should do the same. In the face of our hesitation, Putin has escalated. He has insulted the sincere pursuit of peace. It is a crystal-clear reminder that what he is after isn't an end to the bloodshed. America cannot afford to get played. So let's not. I yield the floor.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the rules of procedure for the Joint Committee on Printing and the Joint Committee of Congress on the Library for the 119th Congress be printed in the Congressional Record.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, the Committee on Rules and Administration has adopted rules governing its procedures for the 119th Congress. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 2, of the Standing Rules of the Senate, on behalf of myself and Senator Padilla, I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the committee rules be printed in the Record.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I have never liked calling too much attention to today's date, February 20, but I figured my birthday would be as good a day as any to share with our colleagues a decision I made last year. During my time in the Senate, I have only really answered to two constituencies: the Republican conference and the people of Kentucky. Over the years, that first group trusted me to coordinate campaigns, to count votes, to steer committees, to take the majority, and, on nine occasions, to lead our conference. Serving as the Republican leader was a rare and, yes, rather specific childhood dream, and just about a year ago, I thanked my colleagues for their confidence which allowed me to fulfill it. To the distinguished Members of this body I have had the privilege to lead, I remain deeply, deeply grateful. Today, however, it is appropriate for me to speak about an even deeper allegiance and an even longer standing gratitude. Seven times, my fellow Kentuckians have sent me to the Senate. Every day in between, I have been humbled by the trust they have placed in me to do their business right here. Representing our Commonwealth has been the honor of a lifetime. I will not seek this honor an eighth time. My current term in the Senate will be my last. I have been a student of history my entire life. I can't remember the last time I didn't have a stack of biographies or political memoirs on my nightstand, and I know well how tempting it can be to read history with a sense of determinism: assuming that, somehow, notorious failures were inevitable; that crowning triumphs were predestined; and in either case, that lives and careers followed orderly paths. This isn't, of course, how things work, and I have never had to look further than my own life to recognize it. I have never lost sight of the fact that without my mother's devoted care, a childhood encounter with polio could have turned out a lot worse; that unless my father hadn't taken a job in the Bluegrass State, my politics might have run a course somewhere else; that if it weren't for an eleventh-hour, outside-the-box idea on the campaign trail, my Senate career would have been over before it began; or that if not for the people of Kentucky time and again agreeing that leadership delivers and electing to send me back here, it would have been someone else from somewhere else taking that seat at the table where I have had a chance to work, strategize, fight, and win. I grew up reading about the greatness of Henry Clay, but there were times when the prospect of etching my name into his desk in this Chamber felt like more of a long shot than making it to the Major Leagues. I got a front row seat to the greatness of Senator John Sherman Cooper of Kentucky as a summer intern in his office; but in so many moments in my early career, the idea of following in his footsteps felt more distant than the Moon. So the only appropriate thing to take away today, apart from a healthy dose of pride, is my immense gratitude for the opportunity to take part in the consequential business of the Senate and the Nation: gratitude to the people I represent--Kentucky's families and farmers and miners and servicemembers and small business owners; gratitude to loyal friends, dedicated volunteers, and talented staff, who have helped me serve much better; gratitude to this institution that has repaid my devotion so generously over the years and to so many colleagues who have become great friends; gratitude for my family's support and, in particular, to my ultimate teammate and confidante over the last 32 years. Elaine's leadership and wise counsel, in their own right, have made her the most seasoned Cabinet official in modern history. On top of all that, her devotion to me and to Kentucky is a lot more than I deserve. When I arrived in this Chamber, I wasn't coming with a Governor's statewide executive experience or a House Member's appreciation for Washington dynamics. I knew my hometown of Louisville, and I had spent the previous few years working hard to learn what mattered to folks all across the rest of the Commonwealth. And yet, within weeks of swearing the oath, sure enough, I was here on the floor talking with colleagues from other far-flung corners of the country, discussing solutions to a farm income crisis and infrastructure challenges that affected different States in the same ways. I learned quickly that delivering for Kentucky meant finding the ways the Commonwealth's challenges were actually tied to national debates: seeing to it that major agriculture legislation remembered Kentucky farmers, particularly including when they needed extraordinary assistance, like the tobacco buyout; making sure that nationwide steps on transportation infrastructure included resources for modernizing the Brent Spence Bridge, which supports billions of dollars in economic activity in Kentucky and the surrounding region; and, with the trust of the local community, finishing a task first assigned by President Reagan: the safe destruction of America's legacy chemical weapons at the Blue Grass Army Depot. So efforts like these have spanned the length of my Senate career, and I have been humbled by each and every opportunity to help Kentucky punch above its weight. Of course, the Senate has to grapple with foundational questions that reach even more broadly across American life and even further into posterity. We are trusted, on behalf of the American people, to participate in the appointment of the Federal judiciary, to be the final check on the assembly of power in the courts, beyond the reach of representative politics, and to ensure that the men and women who preside over them profess authentic devotion to the rule of law above all else. When Members of this body ignore, discount, or pervert this fundamental duty, they do so not just at the peril of the Senate but of the whole Nation. The weight of our power to advise and consent has never been lost on me, and I have been honored to perform my role in confirming judges who understand their role. On this floor, there is no place to hide from the obligations of article I, the Senate's unique relationship with article III, or our role in equipping the powers of article II. Here, every debate over agriculture or infrastructure or education or taxes is downstream of the obligations of national security. Every question of policy here at home is contingent on our duty to provide for the common defense. One of the first times I spoke at length on this floor as a freshman, I was compelled to join the debate over strengthening the deterrence of America's nuclear triad. Whether to expand the U.S. military's hard- target nuclear capability was an interesting question to pose to someone whose most recent job had been running a county government. But there, of course, was the Founders' brilliance at work: The hopes and dreams of every American are tied up in our ability to protect and defend the Nation and its interests. Every family traveling abroad and every worker and small business owner whose livelihood depends on foreign trade, they depend in turn on the credibility of America's commitments to friends and the strength of her threats to enemies. In turn, the safety and success of the men and women who volunteer to serve this great Nation in uniform depend on the work we do here to ensure that enemies think twice--twice--before challenging them and those enemies never face a fair fight. Thanks to Ronald Reagan's determination, the work of strengthening America's hard power was well underway when I arrived in the Senate. But since then, we have allowed that power to atrophy, and, today, a dangerous world threatens to outpace the work of rebuilding it. So lest any of our colleagues still doubt my intentions for the remainder of my term, I have some unfinished business to attend to. In our work, most of us in this body develop an appreciation for the Senate itself--its written rules, its collegial norms, its pace of play. Yet so often I have watched colleagues depart, venting their frustration at the confines of the institution or mourning what they perceive to be the decline of its norms. Regardless--regardless--of the political storms that may wash over this Chamber during the time I have remaining, I assure our colleagues that I will depart with great hope for the endurance--the endurance--of the Senate as an institution. There are any number of reasons for pessimism, but the strength of the Senate is not one of them. This Chamber is still the haven where the political minority can require debate. It is still the crucible in which jurists are tested for their fidelity to upholding the Constitution and laws as they were written. The Senate is still equipped for work of great consequence. And to the disappointment of my critics, I am still here on the job. I yield the floor.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, earlier this week, President Biden went to the State Department and offered a final assessment of his record on foreign policy. He insisted that his leadership had ``increased America's power in every dimension,'' that we were ``stronger at home, stronger in the world, and . . . more capable . . . than we have been in a long time.'' I suspect the only people who buy that assessment were right there in the room with the President. No doubt, those watching from further afield found those remarks unconvincing. What most of us saw was a final rearguard action to cover for an administration that has been in retreat for 4 straight years. The President's tough talk about Putin is undone by his chronic and well-documented fear of escalation--the hesitation and half measures that kept critical tools out of Ukrainian hands when they could have made a difference. Even his most senior aides inadvertently acknowledged the truth. In a legacy-shopping column in the New York Times, Secretary Blinken and Secretary Austin say it was ``steadfast American leadership'' that rallied the world to ``help Ukraine survive the Kremlin's imperial onslaught.'' To help Ukraine survive. Not to help defeat aggression, not to help restore sovereignty, not to help degrade the power of a major adversary--just to let Ukraine's resistance languish on the slow drip of critical capabilities moving far slower than the speed of relevance. Or take this administration's approach to the Middle East. On Monday, the President was optimistic about the prospects of defeating Iran's terror proxies and restoring credible deterrence under which Israel and its neighbors could live in peace. But absent entirely was any recognition that it was Israel, not the United States, that has created this geopolitical opportunity. And no recognition that Israel has done so in spite of the administration's best efforts to restrain a sovereign ally's self- defense. In the 468 days since the horrors of October 7, the President's public scolding of a close ally under attack and refusal to check the growing anti-Israel streak poisoning his party have exposed his ironclad commitment to Israel as something of a hollow gesture. This, after a disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan had given allies and partners enough reason to doubt the strength of America's word--and his administration's competence. And behind President Biden's bluster about ``winning the worldwide competition'' with China is a record of paltry investment in the hard power America needs to meet aggression and to reassure our allies. For 4 straight years, he submitted defense budget requests that failed to even keep pace with inflation, let alone the pacing threat of the PRC. While America's primary long-term strategic competitor extended its lead in developing and producing lethal capabilities, the Biden administration focused on climate diplomacy. And its signature climate protectionism picked avoidable trade fights with allies and partners we will need to deter or defeat Chinese aggression. In light of the PRC's headway and closer alignment with other adversaries, America's warfighters are no better equipped today to deter and defeat aggression than we were 4 years ago and no more certain that the institutions designed to support them actually have their backs. And from Europe to the Middle East to the Taiwan Strait, the forces that wish harm to America, to our people, to our values, to our interests, and to our allies have seized an opportunity. On Monday, President Biden's foreign policy will end, and a new Commander in Chief will have to contend with his staggering failures. A new administration will have to clean up the mess their predecessors made of American power and American credibility. It is no secret that the incoming national security team will take a distinctly different approach. The President-elect has expressed repeatedly his intention to reorient American national security decision making around a simple guiding principle: peace through strength. And he would be right to do so. His administration's work must begin with restoring American hard power and bolstering our deterrent. The world they will inherit is more dangerous and more hostile to U.S. security interests than the one he left to President Biden 4 years ago. The free world is less likely to trust our commitments, and the authoritarians convening against us are more likely to scoff at our threats. Russia, Iran, North Korea, and the PRC are finding more and more that the desire to weaken the United States and undermine the order we lead is a shared objective and one toward which they are now working together in coordination to weaken the United States. As I have counseled the President-elect already, we cannot afford to discount this coordination. No matter how loudly others press him to embrace retreat and retrenchment, America cannot address grave threats to our interests a la carte. And as I have said repeatedly, there is no language these adversaries understand more clearly than strength. There is no surer way to restore meaningful deterrence against them than by investing in our capacity and proving our willingness to impose devastating costs. It is common to refer to today's challenges as the gravest America has faced since World War II, but we certainly don't invest like we believe that is the case. So here is a good way of looking at it: Beating the axis in World War II meant spending 37 percent of our GDP on defense; in the Korean War, it took nearly 14 percent; the height of Vietnam, 9 percent; the Reagan buildup at 6 percent. Today we are spending 3 percent of GDP on the arsenal of democracy. Peace through strength must be more than a pithy phrase--vaguely tough-sounding but functionally benign. It must instead stand for a clear and measurable commitment to rebuild the arsenal of democracy and the most lethal fighting forces in the world. As chairman of the Defense Appropriations Subcommittee, I take the President-elect's commitments very seriously, and I know he knows that deterring a war is cheaper than fighting one. And I stand ready to work closely with this administration in the current urgent work ahead, rebuilding the capabilities and capacity we need in order to credibly pursue peace through strength. That work, of course, begins with assembling an experienced and well- qualified team. The incoming administration is right to expect swift consideration of Cabinet nominations and broad deference on the confirmation of nominees whose credentials and records prove them worthy of the highest public trust and whose policy views align with the administration's goal. Nominees whose professional experience is commensurate with the responsibilities of the office and who have demonstrated in detail their command of relevant policy will certainly have my vote. I intend to support a large slate of nominees who satisfy these conditions. In particular, I will vote to confirm nominees to senior national security roles whose record and experience will make them immediate assets, not liabilities, in the pursuit of peace through strength. Our chance to turn the page on the damage of the Biden administration's record simply cannot come soon enough.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, in the early 1800s, a band of pioneers settled in Kentucky's Jackson Purchase founding what would become McCracken County. At the confluence of the Tennessee and Ohio Rivers, this settlement grew over time into a bustling center for business, agriculture, and the arts. This year, on their bicentennial anniversary, the people of McCracken County will pay tribute to two centuries of rich history and cultural heritage, and today, I am proud to join them as they mark this impressive milestone. The county was named in tribute to Captain Virgil McCracken, a brave Kentuckian who made the ultimate sacrifice in the Battle of the River Raisin during the War of 1812. Like much of the rest of the Purchase, McCracken County was blessed with fertile land and grew, thanks to its easy access to Kentucky's inland waterways. Dry dock facilities for steam and towboats soon cropped up, while Paducah, the county seat of McCracken County since 1832, became an important railway hub. By the turn of the 19th century, McCracken County formed an integral part of Kentucky's commerce, culture, and governance. Around this time, the county produced one of our State's most prominent political figures, Alben Barkley. The story goes that Barkley bought a ``one-eyed horse named Dick'' to transport him all across McCracken County during his first campaign for county attorney. But the secret to Barkley's success was less his mode of transportation than his amiable and empathetic personality. Not one to waste time, Barkley quickly found his footing on the national political stage, rising from Congressman to Senator to Senate majority leader to our Nation's 35th Vice President under President Harry Truman. Barkley continues to cast a long shadow on Kentucky's political history, something I am reminded of daily. I mean this quite literally; this son of McCracken County continues to hold a prominent place in my office, his portrait hanging on the wall of my Capitol office, alongside that of Senator John Sherman Cooper. Another important moment in McCracken's history came in the Cold War, when the community bolstered American security at the Paducah Gaseous Diffusion Plant, which began production of enriched uranium in 1952. For many years, the plant remained the only operating uranium enrichment facility in the United States. While that work has since completed, the plant's employees remain dedicated to their jobs and the important work they perform each day to transition this facility into the future. Today, McCracken County remains the heart of America's inland waterways and a center for creativity and folk art that serves as the gateway to west Kentucky's history and opportunity. Kentuckians from all across the Commonwealth travel to Paducah each year, the cherished home of the National Quilt Museum and other famed attractions like the Paducah Riverfront, the Paducah Railroad Museum, the Tilghman Civil War Museum, the Inland Waterways Museum, and the William Clark Market House Museum, the county's oldest museum. It is no surprise that, every year, more and more families decide to call McCracken County home. With the leadership of Judge Executive Craig Clymer, the Paducah Area Chamber of Commerce, and other dedicated Kentuckians, this vibrant community will continue to succeed in our Commonwealth. I ask my Senate colleagues to join me in honoring McCracken County and its 200 years of history and heritage.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to complete my remarks prior to the next rollcall vote.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, it is not entirely clear yet how or when Congress will conclude its end-of-the-year business. But when the Senate does adjourn, I will just about mark the end of my tenure as the Republican leader. I have made it clear this year that our colleagues haven't seen the last of me. I still fully intend to keep frustrating my critics in the years ahead. But while I still command this particular podium, I thought I might make a few observations I have picked up along the way. Folks come to Washington to do one of two things: either to make a point or to make a difference--to make a point or to make a difference. It is usually not that hard to tell who is doing which, especially in situations like the one we are in right now. The people who are here to make a difference recognize pretty quickly you never get everything you want, but, often, you can get quite a lot. And the folks who prefer to make a point have a funny habit of reminding us out loud how poorly they understand that fact. I don't care to count how many times I have reminded our colleagues-- and our House counterparts--how harmful it is to shut the government down and how foolish it is to bet your own side won't take the blame for it. Recent history doesn't leave a whole lot of room for interpretation on this one: When you try to use normal government function as a bargaining chip, you pay a political price. That said, if I took it personally every time my advice went unheeded, I probably wouldn't have spent as long as I have in this particular job. Getting a legislative outcome in the Senate requires large majorities of people who don't share all of the same views to actually work together toward outcomes where they do see eye to eye. We have had divided government here most of the time I have been in this job; neither side has owned the place. You have a choice: Do nothing or try to find things you can agree on and do them together. With the exception of just one short period of a few months, this place hasn't seen a filibuster-proof Senate in 50 years. Getting things done almost inevitably requires dealing with a lot of people who disagree with you on most things. And in the interests of stable, enduring outcomes, that is actually a good thing. Anyone who comes to the Senate hoping for a rigid, hard- line conformity and prompt action is barking up the wrong tree. I have heard folks who like making a point, they would rather serve with 30 colleagues who all agree than with a majority who didn't. So if you want to accomplish absolutely nothing--nothing--sign up with the group that would rather serve with 30 people who all agree than those who have differences. Everyone I know who is interested in making a difference understands pretty quickly that it requires that kind of interaction in order to achieve something. Leading means letting folks take a walk when they need to and rallying together when we need to. I have been so grateful over the years to lead majorities that embrace these necessary rhythms. I am gratified by the trust they have placed in me, repeatedly, to determine what that moment requires. And I am so proud of the outcomes we have achieved for our country. I am looking forward to spending the next Congress as a member of another majority in a set of capable hands. I am rooting hard for my friend John Thune and the leadership team our conference has assembled around him. There will be no shortage of important work to do, and I will stand ready to do my part. Back in 2007, my first day in this job, I told our colleagues: The Senate has no claim on greatness unless its power is put to great ends. And I stated my view that ``the first duty of government is the defense and protection of its citizens.'' The Senate is great, and so is the Nation that it represents. But today, our Nation faces one great challenge from forces betting on our decline. And so that first duty of government is the task to which I will devote my efforts in the coming years. Our prosperity and security depend on an order forged by American leadership and American strength--both of which require our urgent attention. The arsenal of democracy must be restored. Peace through strength must, once again, actually mean something other than just a slogan, and I am going to do everything in my power to help continue this to be the greatest country in the world. No one can do what we do internationally, and that is where I am going to put my focus for the next 2 years. Thank you all for the opportunity. (Applause, Senators rising.)

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, for months now, I have been calling the Senate's attention to the extraordinary people who have served me, this institution, and our Nation so well and for so long in the Republican leader's office. Today, I have reached the end of the list. My one remaining task is to prepare our colleagues for a Senate without Sharon Soderstrom. To tell the story of my chief of staff, you might start in 2010 when she assumed that title or in 2007 when she joined my team or, perhaps, back in 1999 when she set up in the Republican leader's suite for the first time. But if you want to make sense of the person I have been so fortunate to have at my right hand--the friend and counselor I have trusted so deeply for so long--it is worth starting at the beginning with the people who have made Sharon Soderstrom who she is. Sharon grew up in Stony Brook, NY, on the campus of the Christian school where her father was a teacher and headmaster. In the house on campus, where Karl and Jean Soderstrom raised Sharon, along with her brother Mark and her sister Cheryl, faith and learning were unshakable cornerstones. Quite literally, the windows of Sharon's bedroom looked out on one side to the chapel and on the other side to the classrooms. When you hear about Sharon's upbringing for the first time, everything you know about her starts to make even more sense. My seniormost adviser is a woman of integrity and a teacher who leads by example. And rather than reinvent the wheel, I think the best way to sum up her distinguished service is through some of the lessons that her favorite teacher--her dad--taught in the same way. Lesson No. 1: Do meaningful work for a long time among peers who become lifelong friends. A long time ago--I won't tell quite how long--Sharon began her meaningful work here in the Senate. As a junior legislative aide to a freshman Senator, the prospect of devoting her life to this institution might not yet have crossed her mind, but the Senate was beginning to reel her in and work its will all the same. Sharon likely wouldn't have allowed herself to have imagined that, someday, the Senate's sharpest minds would bring their weightiest questions to her or that, eventually, an entire institution would come to lean on her voluminous legislative knowledge, her plumb-and-true political analysis, and her wise personal counsel. And if she had, her deep humility wouldn't have let it show. Instead, perhaps the sharpest and most singularly capable staff leader the Senate has ever seen chose to invest her time and talents in building teams, in mentoring colleagues, and in making a series of the highest profile principals look a lot smarter than we have deserved. She has spent her time in public service notching accomplishments of the greatest consequence on the most visible stage, all while nimbly deflecting the praise. But what Sharon hasn't been able to dodge is the admiration of legions of colleagues, past and present, who count standing in the trenches with her among the greatest honors of their careers. It is no mystery why Sharon's calendar fills so quickly with invitations to celebrate weddings and birthdays, and it is no surprise how readily she clears her schedule to be with friends and colleagues in moments of grief. Our friend--our chief--has done meaningful work for its own sake, but she has got the admirers to prove it. I will turn now to the second lesson from Mr. Soderstrom: Decide to live as a servant, and take every moment as an opportunity to practice. Public service--it is there right in the name; yet the brand of gracious and selfless leadership that has become Sharon's calling card and the thoughtful courtesy which comes naturally to her, these are exceedingly rare. I was reminded recently of an occasion years ago--at about this time in December--when one of the juniormost members of our front office team brought a familiar concern to Sharon. The cheapest flight she could find to get home for the holidays was nonrefundable, and it was looking more and more like the Senate might have to spend Christmas at work. What should she do? Sharon didn't hesitate. She told this young lady to keep her flight, to get home safely, and the team would make do. In fact, the team did make do, and Sharon was the first to volunteer to cover her shift at the front desk. I am certain that no one who knows her would be surprised to hear this--certainly not any of us who have watched Sharon summon the strength--even when her enormous professional responsibilities have weighed heaviest--to be a loyal sister, a loving aunt to her nephew Karl, and a devoted caregiver to both of her parents in their final years. May the Record reflect that the Senate's most influential staff leader chooses every day to live as a servant. The third lesson is to laugh often and, as I am sure Sharon's dad would add, not just when there is cause to be joyful. That means laughing even when you don't get the reference, as Sharon does good-naturedly when her colleagues use sporting analogies around the office. Of course, it helps that, almost invariably, such references are meant as compliments. It is like when they compare her legislative and procedural chops to Willie Mays' dual threat of speed and power or when a wise former colleague likened staffing the Republican leader's office around Sharon to building a starting lineup around a franchise player. But in a job as strenuous and demanding as Sharon's, laughing often means finding levity in even the most confounding circumstances--for example: the time she and a colleague were leaving the White House after a completely fruitless negotiation in the middle of a government shutdown. As I understand it, after walking out the wrong exit, they heard a guard with a machine gun yelling: ``Stop!'' Without missing a beat, my top adviser turned to her colleague and remarked: If we just keep walking, this can all be over. (Laughter.) Fortunately for me and for the entire country, even in the bleakest of stalemates, Sharon was just joking. Heeding these lessons isn't some simple, surefire formula for producing a prolific public servant in the mold of Sharon. Devotion to meaningful work is always good advice. And, yes, if more people practiced servant leadership and learned to laugh more, the world would be a much better place. But let's be absolutely clear: Sharon Soderstrom is one of one. The combination of unflappable calm, unassailable integrity, unwavering conviction, and unshakable devotion that resides in my chief of staff is greater than the sum of its parts. One of Sharon's former colleagues on that staff once described her office as an emergency room, where colleagues would wheel in stretchers heaped with big, thorny problems and a head doctor with nerves of absolute steel would begin to set things right. Invariably, Sharon's steady demeanor inspired confidence in others. Her resolve bolstered morale, and from the most niche institutional matters to the heaviest questions of national policy, her utter and complete competence carried the day. Now, I will admit I wasn't the first Member of the body to recognize Sharon's talents--not even the first Republican leader--but claiming dibs on Sharon and managing to keep her for so long have been among my proudest accomplishments. Come January, the Senate will convene again. The 119th Congress will bring us a new slate of weighty business, new moments of minor crisis, and new opportunities to better serve the Nation that we all love. But in the most trying moments and the most triumphant ones, a great many of us will feel like something is missing. We will miss having Sharon-- the 101st Senator--on the case and at our sides. Sharon, you have served the Senate with honor. You are the greatest at what you do. You have modeled the lessons of the ones you look up to most, and you have earned countless friends who look up to you. The proudest triumphs of my time in this office have been your doing, and I am forever in your debt.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, on November 29, 2024, the Commonwealth of Kentucky lost a towering figure in my home State's Republican Party with the passing of my dear friend Bob Gable. Today, it is my privilege to honor his extraordinary life and legacy. A proud member of our Greatest Generation, Bob served his country as an officer in the Navy shortly after earning a degree from Stanford in industrial engineering. Bob had a deep sense of patriotism and an instinct to lead early in life. Soon after his service, he and his beloved wife Emily settled in Stearns, KY, where Bob joined the family business, the Stearns Lumber and Coal Company. Known as the ``last company town'' in the Commonwealth, the business supported thousands in Kentucky's coal country and was an anchor of the region. Bob's interest in politics began during these early years, working on the first Senate campaign of former U.S. Senate Republican Leader Howard Baker. Under Baker's wing, Bob made his political bones and discovered what would become a lifelong passion: serving the people and advancing conservative values. Eventually, Bob and Emily moved to Frankfort, where he served as an appointee of Kentucky Governor Louie Nunn, the Commonwealth's only Republican Governor for over half a century. Though Republicans in the Commonwealth faced steep odds, Bob stepped up to lead, launching spirited bids for Senate in 1972 and for Governor in 1975. Never one to take himself too seriously, he became an early sensation on his first campaign for Governor with his now infamous truth bell, which he rang each time his opponent told a lie. Bob lost his bid for Governor, but his candidacy brought energy and dynamism Republicans in the Commonwealth desperately needed. Most of all, he was an optimistic champion of Republican values when the polls, voter rolls, and election results gave Republicans every reason to feel otherwise. In 1986, Bob became the chair of the Republican Party of Kentucky, inheriting a party that held only one statewide seat and reportedly had only $300 in the bank. As chairman, he planted seeds wherever and whenever, convincing budding Republicans across the State to get involved in races at every level. Slowly, brick by brick, his quiet, diligent work transformed our party from a super minority to a competitive minority to a majority. Bob would also serve our party on the Republican National Committee, where he became the longest serving State chairman of any State in the country. Needless to say, much in our party and the Commonwealth has changed since Bob's entrance onto Kentucky's political scene, largely thanks to his unflappable focus and the groundwork Bob laid during his decades of service. While we remember Bob's trailblazing runs for higher office fondly, his true legacy lies in his relentless commitment to building our party and advancing the Republican cause in Kentucky. Whether it was a local race for county judge-executive or a statewide bid for U.S. Senate, Bob cast a wide net when it came to supporting his fellow Republicans. For so many distinguished leaders in Kentucky, Bob was the first call in a budding career, the early endorsement on a new campaign, or the quiet, steady voice encouraging them to run and serve. For Bob, politics was truly a labor of love, but none of this work would have been possible without Bob's greatest love, his family. We owe Bob's late wife Emily and their three children James, Elizabeth, and John our gratitude for the time Bob gave to serving others. Anyone who was lucky enough to know Bob could see the immense pride he had in his family, his faith, and his country. On behalf of the Senate, I send sincere condolences to Bob's many friends and loved ones. We are grateful they shared him with us for so many years. Kentucky was made better as a result. Mr. President, the ``Kentucky Lantern'' recently published an article on Bob's life and service. I ask unanimous consent that a copy of the article be printed in the Record.