Mitch McConnell

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 707.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, people of faith across my hometown of Louisville gathered recently to mark 50 years of fighting for the unborn in the Bluegrass State. Together, they celebrated the Louisville Right to Life Association and its inspirational work for the most vulnerable in our society. I was proud to offer my congratulations to these champions for life. Today, I would like to look back to the group's founding and a remarkable Kentuckian's choice to pick up the phone. One evening in 1970, Margie Montgomery watched a troubling editorial on the local news. The segment argued for the removal of legal restrictions on abortions. To say my friend was shocked would be an understatement. She called the station to voice her strong opposition. Before long, Margie appeared on that same news program to deliver a genuine and heartfelt defense of life. That broadcast was just the beginning. What followed was a campaign of advocacy, organizing, and hard work. Margie spoke up, and she began a movement. Her passion ignited people of faith and conscience across our Commonwealth. The Louisville group grew into a statewide organization, the Kentucky Right to Life Association. Margie helped create a grassroots network of pro-life volunteers who give voice to the voiceless. Their work is certainly making a difference. Today, the majority of Kentuckians proudly stand on the side of life. Margie's courageous witness led thousands to join her cause. For decades, I have had the privilege to work with Margie on many pro-life issues. I look forward to our frequent meetings, both in Kentucky and our Nation's Capital. Along with so many Kentuckians, I am constantly inspired by her passion and drawn in by her compassion. The movement is lucky to have a steadfast and loving leader like Margie. Tragically, innocent life is still under threat in our Commonwealth and our Nation. There is more work that must be done so all people can enjoy their God-given right to life. As we continue fighting for those who are unable to fight for themselves, I am grateful Kentucky has Margie to champion our cause. It is an honor to join all those who celebrate her golden anniversary of advocacy, and I wish her many more years of celebrating the gift of life. Mr. President, the Courier-Journal in Louisville recently published a profile of Margie's leadership for the sanctity of life. I ask unanimous consent that the column by former Kentucky State Representative Bob Heleringer be printed in the Record.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the en bloc consideration of the following nominations: Executive Calendar Nos. 567 and 629.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate vote on the nominations en bloc with no intervening action or debate; that if confirmed, the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table en bloc; and that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, this week, the Senate will pass the 60th annual National Defense Authorization Act. Every year, this legislation lets the Senate make our top priorities for protecting our homeland, our allies, and our global interests into law, and, certainly, the recent behavior of our adversaries world over shows why this task is as urgent as ever. Even as our Nation is focused on fighting the pandemic at home, our servicemembers have contended with dangerous behavior from would-be competitors all around the world. The Russian military has kept probing the bounds of U.S. airspace, and Putin's regime has kept its sights on cyber war and destabilization by proxy. China continues to treat international commercial lanes like its own private pond, choke freedom and autonomy out of Hong Kong, and try to ethnically cleanse Xinjiang. Both countries continue to modernize their military capabilities from sea to space. And Iranian meddling, North Korean saber-rattling, and the persistent violence of terrorist groups like ISIS and al-Qaida demand our attention as well. Amid these threats and many others, the American people and the entire free world look to the men and women of the U.S. military to preserve order and peace. The open and bipartisan process led by Chairman Inhofe and Ranking Member Reed has produced strong legislation that will advance their missions. It is the product of intense committee work; it contains more than 200 bipartisan amendments; and it builds on the historic progress which this administration and this Republican Senate have secured over the past 3 years. After years of cuts to our military that weakened readiness, imperiled modernization, and called into question our commitment to preserving our global interests, we have reversed the tide. We have invested in strength. We built a new national defense strategy and are investing in rebuilding and modernizing our military to help achieve it. This legislation will carry the progress even further--more support for defense research and innovation, resources for military housing and healthcare, tools to deepen our commitments with regional partners in Europe and the Pacific. For most Americans, investing in the greatest fighting force in the world is not controversial. It is a no-brainer. But lest we forget, the radical energy on the far left is sparking some truly extraordinary behavior among our Democratic colleagues. Case in point, later today, we will vote on an amendment that was advertised in an opinion essay by the junior Senator from Vermont titled ``Defund the Pentagon: The Liberal Case.'' This is the junior Senator from Vermont--an essay titled ``Defund the Pentagon: The Liberal Case.'' You heard correctly. We have moved on from defunding local police to defunding the U.S. Armed Forces. Maybe we will be sending social workers on overseas deployments, when they aren't too busy responding to violent crimes. I am not sure. Senator Sanders' amendment would literally decimate the defense budget. It would rip 10 percent of it right out and pour the money into all the socialist fantasies--free rent, free college, free everything for everyone. Now, in light of the long-held views of our colleague from Vermont, a proposal like this may not be particularly shocking. What is remarkable is that the Democratic leader--the leader of their caucus--felt pressured into endorsing it. Let me say that again: The Democratic leader, who in almost every floor speech tries to accuse this administration of being too soft on America's adversaries, wants to literally decimate our defense budget to finance a socialist spending spree. This turns out to be something of a pattern. On the Democratic side, it sometimes seems like we have hawks when it comes to speeches but chickens when it comes time to make policy. When they are on the sidelines, there is plenty of bark, but whenever they actually call a shot, there is zero bite. Lots of bark, little bite; all hat, no cattle. That is how we end up with spectacles like the Democratic leader play-acting as a Russian hawk, when about a decade ago, he was publicly arguing we should cozy up to Putin, send Russia billions of dollars of cash, pull the plug on NATO missile defense pacts that hurt Putin's feelings, and concede to him, ``Russia's traditional role'' in the Caspian Sea region. That was the Democratic leader in 2008. Pay off Putin, and let him have his sphere of influence. And now today, he wants to decimate defense spending. But in between, he spent years insisting that Democrats want to get tough--want to get tough on foreign policy. You see how the game works: sound like hawks on television, act like chickens when making policy. Defense spending demonstrates our will to defend ourselves and our interests in a dangerous world. Keeping our Nation safe is our foremost constitutional duty. We cannot shirk it. My colleagues who profess concern over Putin's efforts to interfere in our politics, or Xi's efforts to rewrite the rules of the international system, must know that we will never--never be able to deter such behavior if we sell our own soldiers short and surrender our technological edge. I assure you, Beijing and Moscow will be watching this vote. I ask my colleagues on the other side of the aisle to reject this far-left fantasy. Defeat this amendment. Throughout the Cold War, we maintained a bipartisan commitment to American strength, American alliances, and a global peace built on American values. We will reinforce that stand when we sink--sink the reckless Sanders-Schumer amendment and again when we pass this bipartisan bill.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, on a final matter, since the spring, our Nation has engaged in important conversations about racial justice in policing. Most people understand that continuing our Nation's tremendous progress toward justice does not mean battling against American principles or American history. Progress means fulfilling our values, not attacking them. Yet a group of radicals have latched onto this moment to say we should repudiate our country itself. We have watched as mobs have dragged statues of Washington, Jefferson, and Grant through the dirt. And, in parallel, inside many elite institutions, self-styled intellectuals say we should similarly discard the basic principles they fought for. One of the key pillars of our Nation is the rule of law. In a civilized society, the same laws need to apply to everyone. The times our Nation has fallen short on this score, particularly for all the years when Black Americans were completely denied the equal protections of law, it has been to our great shame. This has been central to the cause of civil rights. There is a reason the 14th amendment insists on ``the equal protection of the laws.'' Yet, in recent months, local leaders have violated this basic tenet. As riots rocked major cities, we saw politicians decline to act. They seem to fear far-left critique more than looting and chaos. And we saw the uneven application of other rules, like when mayors cheered on mass demonstrations but continued to prohibit religious gatherings. That is the rule of law in jeopardy. Of course, the last example is also a First Amendment issue. And the freedom of expression itself is another principle that has come under threat. As I said a few weeks back, this goes deeper than just constitutional law. America has always prized the spirit of the First Amendment. We citizens must want to protect an open, civil discourse--a true marketplace of ideas. But, lately, the political left has embraced something totally different. Today's far left is not interested in winning debates with better arguments. They prefer to shut down debate all together. They don't try to win the contest. They just harangue the referees to stop the game. If they don't like an op-ed, they want it unpublished. If they don't like a tweet, they want to track down the author and get them fired. If they don't like a tenured professor, they throw around Orwellian accusations that his or her ideas make them feel unsafe. This hostile culture is getting results. According to one brand-new survey, it is only the far-left Americans who do not feel compelled to self-censor their views because of a hostile climate. Everyone but the left feels the threat. And 50 percent of self-identified strong liberals say that simply contributing to the Republican Presidential candidate ought to be a fireable offense for a business leader. Let me say that again. Fifty percent of self-identified strong liberals say that simply contributing to the Republican Presidential candidate ought to be a fireable offense for a business leader. In this country? We recently saw the New York Times apologize for publishing a straightforward policy argument from a U.S. Senator. Since, an editorial staffer resigned from the paper because even center-left opinions were not liberal enough and led to her constant harassment. That was a recent editorial staffer resigning from the New York Times because her center-left opinions were not liberal enough and led to her constant harassment at the times. You see, the safe spaces only go in one direction. On elite campuses such as Princeton, we see faculty turning on their tenured colleagues and even administrators weighing in to chastise people with unpopular views. We see online platforms such as Facebook threatening to ban political advertising altogether, chilling our democracy, because far-left employees and outside pressure groups berate them for letting the very speakers use their platform. Even at a time when there is significant appetite in Congress to take a second look at the legal protections afforded to those supposedly neutral platforms, they still contemplate giving an angry minority of agitators a veto over Americans' political speech. The author Salman Rushdie, who was himself threatened with death for controversial speech, once said this: Two things form the bedrock of any open society--freedom of expression and rule of law. If you don't have those things, you don't have a free country. Free expression and the rule of law--exactly the two things we have seen eroded in recent months. Rushdie recently signed an open letter with other intellectuals--many liberals--sounding the alarm on this cultural poison. ``Editors are fired,'' they wrote, ``books are withdrawn . . . journalists are barred from writing on certain topics . . . professors are investigated . . . steadily narrow[ing] the boundaries of what can be said without the threat of reprisal.'' Well, you can guess what happened next. The grievance industrial complex came after the letter itself. The authors were accused of advancing bigotry and the cycle of nonsense started all over again. The United States of America needs free speech. We need free expression. And all of us, from all perspectives, need the courage to speak up and defend it

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Mr. McCONNELL. I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory quorum call be waived.

Mr. McCONNELL. I yield the floor.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 643.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Madam President, our Nation stands at a crucial midway point in our battle against this terrible virus. The heroism of healthcare professionals, essential workers, and families from coast to coast got our Nation through a springtime like no other. Communities across America put normal life on pause to buy breathing room for our medical system. We essentially had to winterize the world's largest economy for weeks on end and spare our people as much of the resulting pain as possible. The task was historic, and so was the Senate's response. We wrote and passed the CARES Act--the largest rescue package in American history. Our legislation helped pull both our health system and our economy back from the brink. Tens of millions of jobs were saved. The hallways of our hospitals did not become Italy. The Senate's leadership helped the Nation endure the first phase of this, but this crisis is far from over. The virus that has claimed 140,000 American lives has not gone anywhere. As some places step back toward normalcy, infections are climbing again in hotspots across our country. The start of our economic recovery has been sharp and impressive, but in absolute terms, we still have just begun to pick up the pieces. Our progress so far has been encouraging, but it remains fragile and far from sufficient. I would argue that our country's job now is even more complex than it was back in March. Now, as then, we need to keep our health system robust, but now, instead of locking down the country to do it, we want to stand up a society that functions somewhat more normally at the same time. The American people cannot completely stop building their lives until the vaccine is available. The United States of America was not built for a defensive crouch. We need to stand up an educational system and an economy that works for workers and families in the meantime. We need to find the right sort of middle ground--middle ground that is smart and safe but also more sustainable. It is another historic set of challenges and another opportunity for the U.S. Senate to deliver. For weeks now, I have made it clear that further legislation out of the Senate will be a serious response to the crisis. We will not be wasting the American people's time like the House Democrats, with their multimillion-dollar proposal for high taxes on small businesses, cut taxes for blue-State millionaires, and send diversity detectives into the cannabis industry. I have said we will start with the facts and develop real, targeted solutions on the subjects that matter most to American families. It turns out that means three things: kids, jobs, and healthcare--kids, jobs, and healthcare. Surveys show the American people's top priorities for reopening are childcare and K-12 schools. This country wants its kids back in the classroom this fall--learning, exploring, making friends. Their educations depend on it. In some cases, their safety depends on it, and so do the livelihoods of working parents. The American Academy of Pediatrics stated unambiguously that our goal must be in-person--in-person instruction. But of course, parents, teachers, and doctors all agree it has to be as safe as possible. That is where the Senate comes in. This majority is preparing legislation that will send $105 billion so educators have the resources they need to safely reopen. That is more money than the House Democrats set aside for a similar fund, by the way, and that is in addition to support for childcare needs. It is amazing how you can find room to fund serious priorities when you take a pass on the far-left daydreams. Second, the economic slowdown has hurt millions and millions of Americans. Before this crisis, we had never had 7 million Americans receiving unemployment at the same time. Today, we have 17 million. More than a million people have filed new unemployment claims every single week for more than 4 months now. The American job market needs another shot of adrenaline. Senate Republicans are laser-focused on getting American workers their jobs back. Our bill takes several specific incentives to hire and retain workers and turn the dials on those policies way up. The legislation will help reimburse for safe workplaces so Main Street can afford the PPE, testing, cleaning, or remodeling to protect workers and entice customers. The ingenuity and spirit of America's small business isn't possible to overstate, but they still face a tough road. With the majority of businesses expected to exhaust their initial Paychecks Protection Funding this summer, we will also be proposing a targeted second round of the PPP with a special eye toward hard-hit businesses. Speaking of building on what worked in the CARES Act, we want another round of direct payments--direct payments to help American families keep driving our national comeback. Helping to create more Americans jobs is an urgent, moral priority, and these are just some of the policies we are discussing that will help that happen. In addition to kids and jobs, our third major focus is healthcare. The reason is obvious. The reason is obvious. If we lose control of the virus or if research stalls, then everything else will be window dressing. Our proposal will dedicate even more resources to the fastest race for a new vaccine in human history, along with diagnostics and treatments. Our bill will also protect seniors from a potential spike in premiums. And the Federal Government will continue to support hospitals, providers, and testing. These are just some of the elements that Senate Republicans are discussing among ourselves and with the administration. There is one more central proposal that ties kids, jobs, and healthcare all together. As I have said for months, the next recovery package will include strong legal protections for the healthcare workers who save strangers' lives and the schools, colleges, charities, and businesses that want to reopen. The American people will not see their historic recovery gobbled up by trial lawyers who are itching to follow this pandemic with a second epidemic of frivolous lawsuits. Gross negligence will still be actionable, but we are creating a safe harbor for institutions that make good-faith efforts to follow the guidelines available to them. Doctors and nurses clearly deserve this protection, and school districts, universities, nonprofits, and small businesses will need it, as well, if we want any genuine reopening at all. The legislation that I have begun to sketch out is neither another CARES Act to float the entire economy nor a typical stimulus bill for a nation that is ready to get back to normal. Our country is in a complex middle ground between those two things. We can't go back to April, and we can't snap our fingers and finish the vaccine overnight. We need to carve out a new normal. Senate Republicans are continuing to discuss these and other ideas among our conference and with the administration. The majority will be laying down another historic proposal very soon. Here in the Senate, an outcome will require bipartisan discussions. I do not believe there will be anything in our bill that our Democratic colleagues should not happily support, but we will stand ready and eager to work together and produce a bipartisan outcome. As I said yesterday, in March the Senate gave a historic master class in how to pass major bipartisan legislation. The CARES Act, the largest rescue package ever, was drafted by Republicans, promptly negotiated across the aisle with Democrats, and then passed urgently without a single dissenting vote. Last month, in June, we recorded a master class in how not to make a law. Instead of amending Senator Tim Scott's JUSTICE Act, our Democratic colleagues flat-out blocked him. They filibustered the issue of police reform altogether. Well, for the sake of America's kids, jobs, and healthcare, let's hope our Democratic friends bring their bipartisan urgency and good faith to the process and leave the partisan poses behind. The Senate has led every step of this crisis. We need to rise to the task one more time.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, on Friday, the Nation lost a monumental figure, someone who made huge personal sacrifices to help our Nation move past the sin of racism and align more with the principles of our founding. John Lewis had secured his place among the giants of American history before his career in Congress had even begun. From a sharecropper's farm with no electricity or running water, John Lewis rose to share the stage with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., as a founding leader of the mid-century civil rights movement. His unwavering example of nonviolent resistance became a powerful rallying cry, swelling the ranks of marches and sit-ins and commanding the attention of the Nation. As a young student, John demonstrated wisdom beyond his years and unimaginable patience and dignity in the face of harassment and brutal assaults from the champions of segregation. From boycotts and sit-ins to Bloody Sunday in Selma, he suffered, and suffered, and suffered. But he kept working. He was unshaken in the belief that our Nation could do better, and he was willing to pay for that progress with his own blood. The cause of justice called John Lewis to the vanguard--from organizing the lunch counter sit-ins that made Nashville the first southern city to begin desegregating public places to leading the first historic Freedom Riders across the South, to chairing the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee that helped mobilize a generation, to addressing the March on Washington from the Lincoln Memorial. By the time he turned 25, John had already lent his voice and his body to a full lifetime's work. But he wasn't finished yet. That same spirit of urgency followed him here to Washington. Whether the day's issues found you on his side of the policy debate or on the opposite side, his warmth, friendliness, and dedication to his neighbors in Georgia's Fifth District made an impact on everyone. I am reminded particularly of joining hands with him at a ceremony here in the Capitol honoring his friend, Dr. King, in 2008. As Members of Congress sang ``We Shall Overcome,'' it was humbling to reflect on what the man standing next to me had suffered and sacrificed so that those words could be sung, at such an occasion, in that place. The memory of our colleague brings to mind Dr. King's own words. He famously said: ``The arc of the moral universe is long, and it bends toward justice.'' It would be a mistake to read those words and assume that he meant this bending is inevitable. Our society has only marched toward justice because great figures like Congressman John Lewis took it upon themselves to lead the way. The Nation mourns his passing, and we celebrate the life of this American hero.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I understand there is a bill at the desk due for a second reading.

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, in order to place the bill on the calendar under provision of rule XIV, I object to further proceedings.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, on an entirely different matter, it has been half a year since the deadly coronavirus began to spread from China throughout the world. Now, 3.7 million cases have been recorded on American soil. More than 140,000 lives have been lost. Today, our Nation stands at a challenging crossroads. States and localities are trying to balance the need to reopen and foster economic recovery with the need to stay on offense against the virus. Back in March, the American people began a period of historic disruption and heroic sacrifice in order to stunt the spread of the virus. Life as we have known it was simply put on ice. Daily routines were reinvented, not as a permanent solution but as a short-term emergency measure to save our healthcare system. The American people stepped up. The sacrifices saved lives. Nowhere in the United States did hospitals suffer the fate of the medical system in places like Italy. Our Nation met new kinds of American heroes: doctors and nurses, who worked double shifts, washed their hands raw, and endured physical separation from their loved ones so they could continue to treat ours; essential maintenance, delivery, and grocery store workers, who kept clocking in to keep families, communities, and entire industries supplied and functioning; teachers and parents, who tried their best to keep school in session for our Nation's children, from virtual classrooms and kitchen tables all across our country. No generation before us had ever had to pull the emergency brake on national life in quite this way. This historic challenge required historic support so the Senate wrote and passed the largest rescue package in history. The CARES Act puts financial assistance in the pockets of American families. It sent hundreds of billions of dollars so that employers could keep paying workers. It mobilized unprecedented resources for the medical response. Economists and experts across the spectrum agreed that the Senate's bold, bipartisan policies have made a tremendous difference these past months. The question before the Senate this week is, Where are we now? Where are we now? On the one hand, our healthcare fight against the virus itself is very obviously unfinished. New spikes in large and economically central States show that we are nowhere near out of the woods. At the same time, neither economics nor our Nation's sanity would sustain an indefinite total lockdown until there is a vaccine. So even as we continue to fight the healthcare battle, cautious reopenings will need to proceed in ways that are as smart, safe, and data-driven as possible. This is the situation facing the Senate as we discuss and consider the possibility of another recovery package. It would neither be another multitrillion-dollar bridge loan to make up for a totally shutdown economy, nor an ordinary stimulus for a nation ready to get back to normal. The need now lies somewhere in between. We need to continue supporting our healthcare system and harbor no delusion that this virus is behind us because it isn't, while also taking strategic steps to help laid-off American workers get rehired and American families get their kids back to school this fall. That is why Senate Republicans will be putting forward a strong starting point for additional recovery legislation, hopefully, as soon as this week. It will take good-faith, bipartisan cooperation from our Democratic colleagues to actually make a law. That productive spirit is what got the CARES Act across the finish line unanimously, but last month, that spirit was absent. A political determination from our Democratic colleagues led them to block the JUSTICE Act and block the Senate from even turning to the subject of police reform, even as millions had taken to the streets demanding change. So, for the sake of our Nation, if we want to continue helping the American people, the next several weeks will need to look a lot more like March and a lot less like June. Senate Republicans will put forward our proposal soon. I hope our Democratic colleagues will be ready to work together to get an outcome. First, this week, the Senate will complete two other important pieces of the people's business. First, we will confirm the President's choice to head the Office of Management and Budget. Then we will finish and pass the National Defense Authorization Act for the 60th consecutive time. As COVID-19 captured our Nation's attention, we knew our adversaries around the world would not ease up. We knew that those who seek to harm America, our interests, and our allies would use the commotion to show even more of their true colors, and, sure enough, the Russian military has flirted even closer to the boundaries of U.S. airspace. Iran has stepped up its meddling in regional conflicts. China has escalated both its international bullying and its domestic repression, such as in Hong Kong. So I am particularly encouraged that Chairman Inhofe, Ranking Member Reed, and our committee colleagues put forward a robust, bipartisan bill. It will invest in the training and technology that will keep our fighting forces on the cutting edge. It will strengthen our alliances and partnerships with shared systems for containing threats. It will honor our servicemembers and their families with pay raises and top- notch services they deserve here at home. That means new investments in 5G systems and hypersonic weapons, the establishment of European and Pacific defense initiatives for greater cooperation to check Russia and China, and improving military family housing, education, and healthcare. This NDAA will build on the success of the last 3 years in rebuilding and modernizing the world's greatest fighting forces. It will continue to advance our new national defense strategy, putting aside the naive resets of the past administration and continuing to invest in strength instead. I will be proud to vote to advance and pass the NDAA, and I hope all of our colleagues will join me.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to executive session for the en bloc consideration of Executive Calendar Nos. 605, 721 through 743, 745 through 749, 751, 752, 753, and all nominations placed on the Secretary's desk; that the nominations be confirmed, the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate, all en bloc; that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action and the Senate then resume legislative session.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that at 11:45 a.m. tomorrow, all debate time with respect to the Schatz amendment No. 2252 and the Inhofe amendment No. 2411 expire and the Senate vote in relation to those amendments in that order. I further ask that at 4 p.m. tomorrow, all debate time with respect to the Shaheen amendment No. 1729 and Cornyn amendment No. 2244 expire and the Senate vote in relation to those amendments in that order, with all other provisions under the order of July 2 remaining in effect with respect to these amendments.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it adjourn until 10 a.m., July 21; further, that following the prayer and pledge, the morning hour be deemed expired, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and morning business be closed; further, that following leader remarks, the Senate resume consideration of Calendar No. 483, S. 4049, under the previous order; finally, that the Senate recess following the disposition of the Inhofe amendment until 2:15 p.m. for the weekly conference meetings.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask unanimous consent that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

Mr. McCONNELL

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, before I discuss the legislation before the Senate, I need to spend a moment on something broader. Our country needs to confront the Democratic Party's willingness to threaten our governing institutions themselves. Earlier this year, as the Senate disposed of the least fair, least thorough, and most rushed impeachment in modern history, I offered a broader warning. I said: ``Leaders in the opposite party increasingly argue that if our institutions don't produce the outcomes they like, our institutions themselves must be broken.'' No longer do disappointments for Democrats mean that Democrats need better arguments. Now disappointments for Democrats are claimed as proof--proof--that our country is fundamentally broken or that James Madison messed something up. So while we have far-left mobs attacking statues of our Founding Fathers from coast to coast, we have far-left politicians attacking the institutions those Founders left us. Now, step back and look at the landscape of fundamental changes that leading Democrats or their close allies are demanding: amending the First Amendment to restrict its protections, ending the electoral college, packing the Supreme Court with new Justices, packing the Senate with new States, and, to accomplish all this, destroying the Senate's distinguishing feature that makes radical change hard by design. We have an entire political movement that is telling us--literally out loud--that they have lost patience with playing by the rules and may well declare war on the rule book itself. A coalition of leftwing special interests are explicitly campaigning for ``51 for 51.'' They want Senators to vandalize the rules to pass legislation with a simple majority and then use that ill-gotten power to cement a presumed advantage by awarding the District of Columbia two Senate seats. They want to nuke the Senate to pack the Senate. This is naked politics. No neutral principle could explain why all these special interests prioritize this cause which most Americans oppose. No neutral principle explains why Democrats want the 20th most populous city to get two Senators all to itself when retrocession to Maryland would satisfy their own slogans more cleanly. No neutral principle explains why House Democrats wasted floor time on a potentially unconstitutional show vote. Just days after Democrats used the filibuster power to block Senator Scott's police reform bill, even colleagues who recently defended this important tradition have now bowed to the pressure to flirt with ending it. On a similar note, you may remember that a kind of naked intimidation without modern precedent in modern memory took place a few months ago. The Democratic leader stood by the steps of the Supreme Court and directly threatened Justices if they ruled the wrong way in the June Medical Services case. This display aligned with a whole new tradition of Senate Democrats threatening judges. A year ago, several wrote Justices saying the ``Court is not well [and] perhaps the Court can heal itself before the public demands it be `restructured.' '' In other words, nice judicial independence you have got there. It would be a shame if something happened to it. Right on cue, a number of leftwing groups are agitating to revive the discredited notion of court-packing. Now, following the Democratic leader's display, the Court ruled the way he wanted on that very case. They handed it down on Monday of this week. Our colleague took to the floor cracking jokes, giddy--giddy--he had gotten his way, but just moments later the Democratic leader picked right up where he left off, impugning and pressuring one Justice whose vote he disliked So you see, the improper pressure and the accusations of illegitimacy will never end. No amount of rulings the Democrats like would be enough because the fundamental respect for an independent judiciary is simply not there. This is about outcomes, not institutions, and there is no limit to how far left the goalposts will move. Well, the subject is not going away, but for today I will leave it there. This weekend, July 4, Americans will celebrate our founding. We will celebrate the Framers and the traditions and the institutions that they left us. We cannot let radicals tear down their likenesses or their legacies. We must preserve the gifts and the institutions we celebrate so our grandchildren and their grandchildren can celebrate them as well.