Bob Menendez

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, Zan. Zendegi. Azadi. Jin, Jiyan, Azadi. ``Women, life, freedom.'' These words of protest have echoed through Iran's streets and across the world for 4 months--because 4 months ago, the Iranian Morality Police arrested Mahsa Amini at a highway entrance in Tehran. Their charge? Not wearing her hijab ``properly.'' They stopped her. They forced her into their van. They beat this 22-year-old woman until she was brain dead. And when word of her death got out, the chanting and protests began. I rise today to express my profound disappointment that the Senate has failed to pass S.Con. Res. 47, which commends the bravery of these Iranian protestors who have stood their ground against the Iranian regime for over 100 days--and counting. We have seen women defiantly burn their hijabs and cut off their hair in public. We have seen Iranian soccer players on the global stage at the World Cup risk everything to stand in solidarity with their brothers and sisters back home. We have seen famous Iranian actors and actresses, singers and other popular figures, refuse to back down, even as the regime has arrested them--like Amir Nasr-Azadani, Taraneh Alidoosti, Toomaj Salehi, Mona Borzouee, Mahmoud Shariari, and so many others that I could name. We have seen ordinary Iranians of all walks of life risk imprisonment and death to gather in squares and march through the streets to confront the misogyny of this regime--too many to name here--but we must remember their names. How has the Iranian regime responded? With tear gas, with torture, with live gunfire and death. They have killed hundreds of protestors and arrested tens of thousands more. As someone who has been closely following the Iranian regime for over three decades since my time as a Representative in the House, their actions don't come as a surprise. We all know how brutal the Iranian regime has been both at home and abroad. We see it with Iranian drones that are killing Ukrainians. We see it in the missiles aimed at our Gulf partners and Americans in the region, in the threats to wipe Israel off the map. We see it in the assassination attempts on former U.S. officials. For decades, the Iranian regime has repressed and tortured anyone who opposes them. They have massacred innocent political prisoners. And now--on full display across social media--we are seeing how ruthless and desperate they are to keep their grip on power. The only difference between their violent actions in the past and those unfolding this year is that, despite the internet shutdowns, today, the world is watching the events unfold in real time. According to the organization Iranian Human Rights, the regime has killed over 600 people, including dozens of minors, and detained at least 18,500 people since protests began in September. Eighteen thousand--that is about the same as the population of Weehawken, NJ. In less than 1 week, the Iranian regime hanged two protestors without due process after sham trials alleged they ``waged war against God.'' Majidreza Rhanavard and Mohsen Shekari, they both were 23. The regime has sentenced at least 11 others to death, the majority of them in their 20s. Reports suggest at least 30 others are facing sham charges that could carry the death penalty as well. The world sees clearly the depravity of this regime. That is due to the incredible bravery of the Iranians who are speaking out. And we need to stand shoulder to shoulder with them because, contrary to what some may say, it is not American meddling in internal Iranian politics to support the Iranian protestors. It is not American meddling when we raise up Iranian voices. These are voices coming from those inside Iran who are risking everything to pursue their basic human rights, when they know they are putting it all on the line. They know the nature of the regime they confront. And they go out into the streets anyway. They do it today, even as the regime shuts down internet access inside the country, so the world cannot see. But the United States and the international community cannot be silent in the face of their courage. We cannot look away. Speaking up when we see the spilling of protesters' blood is the very least we must do. And that is why I rise today to express deep disappointment that my colleagues did not join me in passing S. Con. Res. 47. The resolution calls on the international community and the private sector to look for every opportunity to support the protesters. It calls for cooperation to hold the regime accountable as it represses, detains, and murders its citizens. This resolution is not controversial. Indeed, it is the minimum message that the U.S. Congress should be sending. But we all need to do more. That is why I introduced this resolution to amplify the voices of Iranian protestors around the world using social media and other technologies, as well as American surrogate networks. It is why I think the United States needs to be raising this issue in every international forum--as we have successfully done in the UN Human Rights Council and the UN Commission on the Status of Women. But we should not stop there. We should be using the tools we have to help circumvent the regime's efforts to jam communications of its own people. And we should invoke the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act and other provisions against those who are perpetrating these heinous acts. No one should underestimate the deep and real grievances of Iranian protestors. Their chants against the Iranian regime reflect decades of pent-up frustration. That sense of desperate longing for the kinds of things many of us take for granted comes through in the viral protest song ``Baraye'' by Shervin Hajipour, a musician that the Iranian regime also has detained. The Iranian protestors' demands for justice and fundamental rights are inspirational, especially in the face of the Iranian regime's response. All they want is to live life in peace and prosperity. So let's keep standing shoulder to shoulder with the protesters as they stand up to the regime's human rights violations and violence. Let's help them keep fighting against the senseless repression of women and girls. Let's keep the world's eyes on Tehran's ruthlessness. And remember the lyrics of Baraye: Women. Life. Freedom. Because if we do, we not only honor the memory of Mahsa Amini and every Iranian yearning for freedom and justice, we honor our own democratic values and principles which we all hold so dear. We have not done that today. This is no time for hesitation or equivocation. I urge my colleagues to join me in ensuring quick passage of similar legislation in the new congressional session.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, let me, first, praise Senator Wyden for his continuing effort on behalf of the Baha'is. As he has mentioned, we have worked together on this in the past. I am strongly supportive. I am in complete agreement with what Senator Wyden wants to do in terms of shining a spotlight on the abuses that the Baha'is face at the hands of the Iranian regime and taking steps to protect that community. I believe that religious freedom and support for religious minorities is a fundamental right, one we have to defend both at home and abroad. For decades, Iran has persecuted religious minorities, ethnic minorities, women--as we have seen most pointedly of late--and anyone who does not toe the regime's line. Senator Wyden's resolution addresses an important issue. My challenge here is that we have a flood of requests to release the committee both of resolutions and legislation, including of members of the committee, and we have said no in order to preserve the opportunity to have the imprint of the committee's process on any given resolution or piece of legislation. In order to preserve that, we ultimately have a challenge. If we were to allow this to happen at this point, there would be an enormous number. So what I can commit to the Senator is that at the very beginning of this new session, the committee will take up your resolution. I will work with the ranking member, as we have comity, but we will take up the resolution, look to pass it out, and then work with you to make sure it passes to the floor.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Sure.

Mr. MENENDEZ. And because of that, I object at this point.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, a few days ago, in front of a townhall in northern Turkey, President Erdogan threatened a missile strike on Athens. Greece is afraid of our missile. They say that the Typhoon Missile will hit Athens. Then he addressed the Greek people directly and said: It will, unless you stay calm. This is a NATO member directly threatening to target Athens, a city of 3 million civilians. According to the United Nations, an intentional attack on civilians--an intentional attack on civilians--is a war crime. I come to the floor today to condemn the recent actions of the Turkish President, which are not only disturbing, they are totally unacceptable. For years, Erdogan has pursued repressive, anti- democratic policies at home and abroad, from criminalizing insults of Turkey and freedom of expression, to the suppression of dissent and political opposition figures. Erdogan has jailed and silenced so many pro-democracy and human rights activists that at one point, there were more lawyers and journalists in Turkish jails than anywhere else in the world. His government continues to try to hide the truth about the Armenian genocide, prosecuting writers and historians. In 2008, one of the journalists who wrote about the genocide was assassinated on the streets of Istanbul. As violent as Erdogan's tenure has been at home, his foreign policy has been absolutely awful. On the eve of Baku's war in Nagorno- Karabakh, Turkey sold Azerbaijan $77 million of military equipment that was used to attack innocent Armenians. It is no surprise that Erdogan met in Tehran this summer with the Russian and Iranian Presidents, some of the world's most brutal dictators. Just look at the leaders he collaborates with. It is because he shares their world view, and you can see this clearly in the way he approaches the region. Five decades after Turkey's illegal occupation of Cyprus, Erdogan is still stoking divisions on the island. Last year, he proposed reopening the Cypriot town of Varosha in an attempt to spread Turkish influence. That is a violation of U.N. Security Council resolutions that was condemned by the European Union. This September, Erdogan threatened to reinforce the already 40,000 Turkish troops in Cyprus with more land, naval, and aerial weapons, ammunition, and vehicles. Clearly, Erdogan looks at Putin's illegal annexation of parts of Ukraine and is taking note. That is what makes President Erdogan's recent comments about launching missile attacks on Greece so disconcerting. We have seen Erdogan challenge Greek sovereignty repeatedly. This summer, he sent fighter jets over the Greek islands in the Aegean Sea. His threats to strike Athens fit a pattern of Turkish claims to what is Greek territory. He has said Turkish forces may land in Greece ``suddenly one night.'' He seems to be increasing his illegal autocratic behavior in the runup to the elections in Turkey next year. In November, he launched an air, artillery, and drone assault on Kurdish cities in northern Syria and suggested ground forces would soon follow. ``Payback time,'' Turkey's Ministry of National Defense tweeted, announcing the operation against the Kurds who have long been a target of Erdogan's wrath, attacking the very forces that are essential U.S. partners in combating ISIS, and in doing so, putting at risk U.S. troops in Syria. He has been out for revenge at home too. Just last week, one of Erdogan's political rivals, the popular mayor of Istanbul, was sentenced to prison for 2\1/2\ years. The charge? Insulting members of the Supreme Electoral Council. The charge was insulting members of the Supreme Electoral Council. That would be the equivalent of an American being put in jail for 2\1/2\ years for insulting some State electoral commission or the Federal Election Commission or any entity as such. And in case the prison sentence didn't send a clear enough message, the court also imposed a political ban on the mayor. Erdogan might be using this aggression and oppression as a diversion, no doubt, from the dire failure of his own economy, he might be doing it out of spite, or he might be doing it because he is a thug. But one thing is clear: The United States must take the Turkish President's actions seriously. Those who just simply say: Oh, well, he is a lot of bluster--they do so at risk. They said Putin was bluster, and we have a war in the European continent. We need to hold Erdogan accountable for his behavior when he violates international laws or challenges democratic norms or allows his forces to commit human rights abuses. That is why I am calling for free and fair elections in Turkey. I am asking the international community of democracies to condemn Erdogan's jailing of his political opponent. I want our allies to use their leverage to try to prevent further incursions into northeastern Syria. And I am demanding that Erdogan end all overflights of Greece and pull every last Turkish soldier out of Cyprus. I think, given all of his recent behavior, the United States should not be putting F-16 fighter jets in President Erdogan's hands. That is why, as chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, I will not approve any F-16s for Turkey until he halts his campaign of aggression across the entire region. I am sure this won't make me many friends in Ankara, and President Erdogan has criticized me personally, calling me an enemy of the state. But if standing up to human rights abuses makes me an enemy of Erdogan's; if calling out Turkey, under Erdogan, for arming Azerbaijan and enabling the massacre of innocent Armenian civilians makes me an enemy of Erdogan's; if demanding Turkey recognizes Greek and Cypriot sovereignty makes me an enemy of Erdogan's, that is a badge I will wear with honor. So to my colleagues here in the Senate, I will close by saying do not be afraid to stand up for American values in the face of Erdogan's aggression. To the international community, do not hesitate to hold Turkey accountable for violating international law. To the citizens living in the shadow of Erdogan's Typhoon missiles, do not forget the United States stands shoulder to shoulder with you. To those people in Turkey who still hope for a free, democratic future, do not give up. One day soon, with your bravery, peace and prosperity will return to your homeland. I yield the floor.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to ask for unanimous consent for Jay Snyder, our nominee to be a member of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy. Around the world today, American values are in direct competition with powerful autocratic regimes. From Iranian protestors struggling against a misogynistic theocracy in Tehran to the African and Latin- American nations combating Russian propaganda, to the information warfare China directs across the Taiwan Strait, in every case, a well- run American public diplomacy program is often the best tool we have to make the case for our vision of the world--a world that respects international law, that supports free speech, and defends fundamental rights. And the members of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy are essential to this effort. Since 1948, the Commission has worked to understand and inform foreign publics. And whether it is our people-to-people exchanges that introduce the world to our country or confronting the deluge of misinformation meant to undermine democracies across the globe, Jay Snyder's perspectives and expertise will be critical. He has a career spanning public service, academia, philanthropy, and the private sector, working throughout the United States, Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. He has served on the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy before, starting in 2003. He has also served as a representative to the United Nations General Assembly and in his home State at the New York State Commission on Public Authority Reform. In 2009, he founded the Open Hands Initiative, a nonprofit organization dedicated to public diplomacy, connecting young leaders and underserved communities across the developing world. He also serves on Georgetown University's College Board of Advisors and the University of Southern California's Center for Public Diplomacy Advisory Board. This is a nominee who will hit the ground running from day one. Russia and China are not sitting idly by. They are throwing money and manpower at an all-out effort to convince the world that democracy doesn't work. We need to be fighting back. Our Nation cannot afford to wait another day without Mr. Synder assuming his post to tackle these challenges. So I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to executive session to consider the following nomination under the privileged section of the Executive Calendar: PN2451, Jay T. Snyder, to be a Member of the U.S. Advisory Commission on Public Diplomacy; that the Senate vote on the nomination without intervening action or debate; that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table; that the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action and the Senate resume legislative session.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I thank my distinguished colleague, the ranking member on the Foreign Relations Committee, for his remarks and for the conversation we had before. I appreciate that, and I look forward to making this happen in the very early part of the new Congress. But I will just simply say that the Board, of course, is comprised of nominees recommended by the majority and the minority, and, ideally, that is how they would move forward. I am ready to be supportive of moving forward on other nominees for this position as well. But as has been said, the reality is that the minority has yet to make their recommendations, despite having had more than 2 years to do so--2 years. So, in a sense, it is not fair to reject those who are waiting and went through the process and did their disclosures and everything else and have been hanging out there because the minority has not chosen to make their nominations. I understand the Senator is objecting on behalf of his leadership. I just hope that this draws attention to the Republican leadership so that they, hopefully, will come up with their two names so that as we start the new session of Congress, we can get this done right away. With that, I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, for the Committee on Foreign Relations I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Record on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to get this body to act in the face of one of the most heinous forms of exploitation on the planet, which is human trafficking. The year is almost over; the Congress is coming to a close; we are running out of time; and the Senate still has not passed the Menendez- Risch International Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act, which was reported out of the Foreign Relations Committee by voice vote over 5 months ago. Therefore, as in legislative session, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of calendar No. 407, S. 4171.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.