Bob Menendez

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it stand adjourned until 10 a.m. on Tuesday, September 12; that following the prayer and pledge, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the morning hour be deemed expired, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and morning business be closed; that upon the conclusion of morning business, the Senate proceed to executive session to resume consideration of the Bradsher nomination postcloture; further, that all time be considered expired at 11:30 a.m. and, following the cloture vote on the Cummings nomination, the Senate recess until 2:15 p.m. to allow for the weekly caucus meetings; that if cloture is invoked on the Cummings nomination, all time be considered expired at 2:15 p.m.; finally, that if any nominations are confirmed, the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session and be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to speak about a horrific set of events that are taking place in a part of the world that we could do something about. In this photo, this dead man's body is completely emaciated. The skin, tight over his bones, barely covers his skeleton. Bruises and scars stretch across his chest. This is not a victim at the side of the road during the Ottoman Turks' Armenian genocide. It is not a holocaust survivor lying on the ground as allies liberated Buchenwald. It is not a human carcass left in the wake of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia or the Hutu in Rwanda or Serbian forces in Bosnia. It is from the Human Rights Defender's Office in Nagorno-Karabakh, and it is from August--only weeks ago. Because, right now, as the Presiding Officer sits here on the dais and I stand here in the Chamber, the Aliyev government in Azerbaijan is carrying out a campaign of heinous atrocities that bear the hallmarks of genocide against the Armenians in Artsakh. They have purposely and viciously trapped an estimated 100,000 to 120,000 Christian Armenians in the Karabakh Mountains. There is only one road out connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia for people, food, medicine, and basic supplies. And the Azerbaijanis have blocked it since December of last year. Now, despite some reports yesterday, no aid has moved. They have tried to deny their role, but make no mistake--the Azerbaijani government is now wholeheartedly embracing this brutal blockade, denying the Armenian community food and fuel and medicine. Aliyev and his regime are trying to starve these people into death or political submission. ``There are no cemeteries and there are no machete attacks,'' wrote the former prosecutor at the International Criminal Court, Luis Moreno Ocampo, in a recent report. But he said: Starvation is the invisible genocide weapon. Without immediate dramatic change, this group of Armenians will be destroyed in a few weeks. This group of Armenians--we're talking about over 100,000--will be destroyed in a few weeks. Not my observations; the observations of the former prosecutor at the International Criminal Court. In Artsakh, the shelves at stores are empty. Children wait in lines for the chance of finding bread to feed their grandparents who are too weak to leave the house. There is no gas for ambulances. According to the head doctor at one maternity hospital, miscarriages have nearly tripled. And the BBC reports that one in three deaths in Nagorno- Karabakh is from malnutrition. For months, Azerbaijan was just doing the bare minimum, allowing the International Committee of the Red Cross limited access. But in July, Aliyev blocked even the Red Cross. And in complete defiance of the Geneva Conventions, Azerbaijan detained medical patients the Red Cross was transporting through the corridor. This is not only outrageous at face value, but an insult to the international community and a threat to brave Red Cross workers around the world. In addition to arresting sick and elderly residents a few weeks ago, Azerbaijan also detained university students who were trying to go to Armenia to start the school year. Azerbaijan's foreign ministry says: Oh, there is nothing to worry about. These concerns are just a result of ``propaganda and political manipulations spread by Armenia.'' Really? They are blaming Armenia for this? That is a flat-out lie. It was Azerbaijan, with Turkish backing, that launched the war in 2020--a war that uprooted close to 100,000 Armenians from their homes in Nagorno-Karabakh; a war that killed 6,500 people. Now Aliyev blocks the Lachin corridor and says: I am ``not organizing ethnic cleansing.'' The same Azerbaijani President who has also threatened to ``chase away'' Armenian separatists ``like dogs,'' whose government issued a commemorative postage stamp showing a worker in hazmat gear spraying disinfectant on the region. We have seen and heard this kind of propaganda throughout history. It is the work of a regime intent on destroying and erasing this ancient Armenian community's history in Nagorno-Karabakh. And right now, the United States is failing. The United States is not meeting the humanitarian needs or publicly putting enough pressure on Aliyev to stop the campaign of ethnic cleansing. I sincerely hope the State Department is not considering renewing the 907 waiver which allows for security assistance to go to Azerbaijan. I don't know how the United States can justify spending any kind of support--security or otherwise--to the regime in Baku. We have seen a video of Azerbaijani forces killing unarmed Armenian soldiers in cold blood. We have reports of Azerbaijani soldiers sexually assaulting and mutilating an Armenian female soldier. So to send them assistance makes a mockery of the FREEDOM Support Act. Section 907 of this act is meant to ban security assistance to Azerbaijan until it is ``taking demonstrable steps to cease all blockades and other offensive uses of force against Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh.'' That is the end of the quote from section 907. But still, the Department of State has waived section 907 over and over and over again. Suffice it to say, I am strongly opposed to having any aid going to a fighting force known for war crimes and the violation of human rights. I understand the dynamics of the broader region are complicated, but our fundamental principles underlying security assistance should not be. When the United States untethers our security assistance from human rights and American values to focus on short-term tactical military assistance, it not only damages long-term American national security interests, it flies in the face of our duty to honor the victims and survivors of the Armenian genocide and our duty to ensure that history does not repeat itself. We cannot look away from a systematic attempt to eradicate and erase an entire people from the face of the Earth. In 2021, as my colleagues witnessed here on the Senate floor, I was overcome with emotion to see President Biden join us in recognizing-- for the first time of any American President--the Armenian genocide. More than a century ago, Ottoman Turks perpetrated a systematic campaign to exterminate the Armenian population through killings, through forced deportation, and, yes, through starvation. What the Turks did is an irrefutable historical fact. The recognition of this fact was a huge step forward, and I am proud to have played a role in that effort. I am proud that I spoke up as many American leaders stayed silent; proud that I pressured State Department nominees and officials to acknowledge this historical reality; proud that I introduced or cosponsored resolutions recognizing the Armenian genocide since before I came to the Senate in 2006. Make no mistake, fighting the denial of Armenian genocide is not only about the past, it is also about the present. That is why I am calling on Aliyev to immediately release the Armenian prisoners of war. It is why I have been working on legislation to address the current humanitarian crisis in Artsakh. And it is why when USAID Administrator Power came before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee earlier this year, I pushed her to get humanitarian assistance to the people of Nagorno-Karabakh. I believe the United States can--and must--play an active role in addressing this conflict because the so-called Russian peacekeepers, who have supposedly been enforcing a ceasefire following Azerbaijan's 2020 invasion, have been--to no one's surprise--wholly ineffective. As Azerbaijani forces began an incursion in September of 2022, these Russian forces stood idly by. Moscow will, no doubt, exploit any instability to its advantage, but they have also proved their lack of worth, which is all the more reason that the United States must continue to play a role. Now, we have been facilitating talks between Armenia and Azerbaijan, but we need to change our approach. We cannot continue to simply facilitate talks. We have a responsibility to mediate, to pursue a meaningful enforceable agreement with the guaranteed rights, security, and dignity of Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh as a central tenet. We must also encourage--and if necessary--broker direct discussions between political leaders in Stepanakert and Baku. Of course, to be an honest broker means we need to tell the truth about Azerbaijan's atrocities. We need to call out those individuals perpetrating this campaign of ethnic cleansing. We need to target them--including President Aliyev--with sanctions. We need to be cutting off their access to the wealth and oil money they have stashed away in financial institutions around the world, to their yachts and mansions across Europe. The evidence is there, and we must preserve it so Aliyev can be held accountable for these atrocities. I have called on the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations to introduce a resolution at the UN Security Council enforcing an end to Aliyev's blockade. I am pleased to see that Secretary Blinken is personally engaging in the crisis now, but the message he delivers must be crystal clear. At the same time, the EU needs to step in too. Now, I was pleased to see the High Representative Borell's statement in July that the EU is ``deeply concerned about the serious humanitarian situation'' in Nagorno-Karabakh. But I hope that actions accompany those words. Instead of just taking Azerbaijani gas and praising the country as a ``crucial energy partner,'' they must also bring pressure to end this blockade. How many leaders have solemnly promised to learn history's lessons and prevent future genocides? How many people have come to the floor of the Senate and said: Never, never again? How many people will have to die of starvation before we act? With Aliyev potentially moving troops along the border, we cannot say we didn't see it coming. This time must be different. In the past, plans to carry out genocide were clouded by distance or geography. But this time we know. We know Aliyev is doing it right now. We must not only hold him accountable for his actions, we must stop him from succeeding in erasing this Armenian community. We must stop him from starving these Armenians to death or imposing political control by opening only the Aghdam corridor. This is not a substitution for opening the Lachin corridor. It is not upholding the commitments of the 2020 agreement. Using basic humanitarian food and medical supplies as a political weapon is not acceptable. We have the power to do it--if we act now. Given the chance, who here among us would not go back and stop the Turks from rounding up the first Armenian victims of the genocide who were hung in the streets of Istanbul or the Serb forces who gave Bosnian Muslims a 24-hour ultimatum to surrender or the Rwandan radio broadcasts inciting violence? Unlike those times in the past, we are living on the brink right now. So to the Biden administration, I would say, now is the time to step up and protect this vulnerable population; to the international community, now is the time to work together to bring pressure to stop this tragedy from unfolding in front of our very eyes. To the Armenian people trapped in this blockade with no food as winter approaches, know that you have friends and allies here in the U.S. Senate and around the world who will not rest until you are safe and secure. Hang on. Hang on. And to the men organizing and carrying out this brutal campaign, we will hold you accountable for your crimes even if it takes a lifetime. You will pay a price. You will face justice, and I certainly will not rest until you do so. I yield the floor.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, every so often, this Chamber is granted an opportunity to alter the course of American history. These rare opportunities allow us to pick up the torch, hoist it high like those who came before, and carry it forward as we strive to create a more perfect Union. Today, we have such an opportunity. In a few minutes, this body will consider the nomination of a preeminent economist, Dr. Adriana Kugler, to serve on the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve. Already, she has broken barriers and blazed new trails--the first Hispanic American ever nominated to serve in that critical role. But for my colleagues who will soon cast their votes on her nomination, I would just like to highlight what this means for the 62 million Latinos who call America home. Simply put, we see ourselves reflected in her story and her nomination. Dr. Kugler is a first-generation American, the daughter of immigrants from Colombia. To hear her tell her story is to listen to the American dream come to life, from her grandparents who overcame tremendous obstacles--whether it was fleeing religious persecution, being orphaned at the age of 3, or dropping out of high school to help a widowed mother raise five siblings. Dr. Kugler's family instilled in her the importance of grit and resilience alongside an unwavering work ethic. As a result, her life's work has been to help others similarly rise above their station. For more than 25 years as an economist, she has conducted essential research on labor markets, worker mobility, and firm productivity-- three areas that are essential to the Federal Reserve's mandate. She currently serves as U.S. Executive Director at the World Bank after previously serving as Chief Economist at the Department of Labor, bringing a domestic and international perspective at a time when global economies have never been more connected. Because of this work, because of her sterling credentials and outstanding reputation, Dr. Kugler's nomination has earned the endorsement of 33 peer economists from across the political spectrum. In a joint letter, they called her ``a brilliant, objective economist who takes an evidence-based approach to decision-making and is an expert in policy evaluation.'' Make no mistake, Dr. Kugler is eminently qualified for the role she has been nominated for. At her confirmation hearing, she reaffirmed a fundamental commitment to the Federal Reserve dual mandate, pledging to continue its efforts to bring down high inflation that is hurting workers and businesses alike. In addition to her qualifications and balanced approach to decision making, Dr. Kugler has demonstrated time and time again that she will uphold the Federal Reserve's long legacy of independent decision making. It is precisely because those decisions affect every community in our country that I am especially proud that Dr. Kugler will finally bring lived experience of being Latino in the United States to the Federal Reserve leadership. That is right. In the nearly 110-year history of the Federal Reserve, there has never, ever been a Latino serving on this Board of Governors. Not once. Simply put, it is an affront to the 62 million Hispanic Americans who meaningfully contribute to our economy. It is out of step with the fact that our economic input as a community is nearly $3 trillion. And it violates the idea that the hopes and dreams of Latinos are essential to the promise of America. So it is time for Latinos to serve the highest levels of the Federal Reserve. It is time for Latinos to be taken seriously as an essential part of our American family and economy. And it is time for us to confirm Dr. Adriana Kugler as a meaningful step towards that goal. Never again should a Latino or Latina have to wonder if they can rise from humble beginnings to occupy seats of power. Today's vote helps us do just that. At its core, it is about changing the face of leadership so that our institutions, these bodies that we entrust with the future wealth and prosperity of our country, can fully reflect the Nation that they serve. In no uncertain terms, Dr. Kugler is a remarkable economist and a fantastic nominee to serve as the first Latina on the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve. I am proud to have championed her historic nomination, and now it is time that we turn it into a historic confirmation. I yield the floor.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that prior to the scheduled votes, I be permitted to speak for 6 minutes, Senator Lujan for 5 minutes, and Senator Cantwell for 5 minutes.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to recognize and celebrate Mrs. Phyllis Salowe-Kaye, an exemplary leader in New Jersey and a lifelong advocate for social and economic justice. Born and raised in Bradley Beach, Mrs. Salowe-Kaye graduated from Asbury Park High School and received her bachelor of arts in education from Boston University. In college, she began staging her first political actions: demonstrating against the Vietnam war and starting a ``food fight'' to protest poor cafeteria options. After earning her diploma, Phyllis began a teaching career in the city of Newark, ultimately rising to become a leader in the Newark Teachers Union. It was in this role advocating for better conditions on behalf of her fellow educators that a fire was lit inside her. After nearly a decade as an elementary school teacher, she transitioned to organizing for more affordable housing. First as president of the tenant association in her building, then with the local tenants association in the city of Orange, and finally as head of the New Jersey Tenants Organization, Mrs, Salowe-Kaye's commitment to social activism and public advocacy was formed. For the last 35 years, Mrs. Salowe-Kaye has capably led New Jersey Citizen Action--NJCA--the Garden State's largest and oldest multi-issue nonprofit organization. As a champion for fairness and justice, she has brought to the forefront many of the quality-of-life issues that are most important to New Jersey's residents. From healthcare to housing, environmental protections to a living wage, Mrs. Salowe-Kaye has consistently marshalled the full force of her organization's 60,000 members to move the needle on issues and push our State forward. Of her many crowning achievements, she has successfully leveraged the Federal Community Reinvestment Act to secure more than $30 billion in commitments from local banks. These commitments have opened doors of opportunities for thousands of low-income families, women, and minorities who have been able to access financial tools including housing counseling, affordable mortgages, and more. In addition to her public advocacy and leadership in civil society, Mrs. Salowe-Kaye has sat on too many councils, boards, and task forces to list. However, among other roles, she has proudly served as a trustee of the Teacher's Pension and Annuity Fund, a commissioner for New Jersey's Public Broadcasting Authority, and a member of the Federal Reserve Community Advisory Council during the Obama administration. In 2012, I was honored to recognize her work by presenting her with a Trailblazer Award at my annual Women's History Month celebration. Since then, not only has she continued to demonstrate visionary leadership, genuine care, and selfless commitment, she has also grown the reach and influence of New Jersey Citizen Action. For this and for all she has done to distinguish herself as a passionate leader, I am honored to recognize her with these remarks which will live on forever in the Congressional Record. Today, I join her loving husband of 47 years, Mr. Stewart Kaplowitz; her children Joanna and Zachary; and her three grandchildren in thanking Mrs. Phyllis Salowe-Kaye for her lifelong service as a community leader who has never stopped fighting for a better New Jersey for all.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise today to recognize the tireless efforts of one man to protect and defend the beating heart of the American economy: our manufacturing industry. Over a long career of service, Mr. John W. Kennedy of Madison, NJ, has advocated for greater prosperity and economic security in the Garden State. In particular, I want to thank Mr. Kennedy's outstanding work at the New Jersey Manufacturing Extension Program, or NJMEP. Since 2012, Mr. Kennedy has led NJMEP, first as chief operating officer and then as chief executive officer, working to advance their mission of providing U.S. manufacturers with the resources they need to succeed. Supported by the National Institute of Standards and Technology, NJMEP has spread innovative technologies and best practices across New Jersey, boosting operational excellence, innovation and growth, and workforce development. Studies have shown that for every dollar invested into NJMEP, they have in turn generated over $13 of added value. This remarkable return on investment goes hand in hand with the mission-oriented focus of the program which seeks to serve those who serve others. Today, Garden State residents can thank NJMEP for creating hundreds of thousands of highly skilled manufacturing jobs and contributing more than $7 billion in economic value. Make no mistake, NJMEP has been able to succeed thanks to Mr. Kennedy's shining leadership. When his colleagues speak of him, the first thing they mention is his signature emails fired off every morning at 5:30 AM. This unflagging work ethic and unbridled passion for improving the lives of those around him is an inspiration to us all. He is the reason that NJMEP was able to grow from a 12-person operation to a well-oiled machine of more than 50 employees, catapulting it as the top-rated manufacturing extension program in the country. Three years ago, when the first COVID wave reached our shores, John and NJMEP were swift in identifying critical actions that governments could take to shield manufacturers from bearing the brunt of the impact. Whether it was prioritizing the health and equipment needs of frontline workers or advocating for manufacturers to be properly deemed as essential businesses, John's expertise and decisive leadership was invaluable. In a similar way, Mr. Kennedy was immensely involved when Congress was drafting the CHIPS and Science Act last year. He provided strategic clarity about how to best protect and secure our domestic and international supply chains, the lifeblood of our Nation's economy. Thanks to him and his insightful recommendations, we included provisions in the bill that established a National Supply Chain Database, a landmark program that accurately tracks American manufacturing capabilities and inventories in real time. Because of John, our economy is now more secure against not only global pandemics, but also natural disasters, cyberattacks, foreign adversaries, and a myriad of other threats. Beyond his professional career, Mr. Kennedy takes time to give back to the community. Prior to serving at NJMEP, he founded and sold two manufacturing businesses which provided him firsthand knowledge of the sector. He has also served on the local and national executive board for the Boy Scouts, the New Jersey Special Olympics, and the board of directors of the Park Avenue Club Foundation. Today, I join his loving wife Cecelia, their son Sean, and all New Jerseyans in congratulating Mr. John W. Kennedy on his storied career and selfless service. Thanks to his dedicated leadership, not only has our economy created untold prosperity, we have also secured that prosperity for future generations. He is a shining example of why ``Made in the USA'' and ``Made in New Jersey'' are the best labels in the world.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, as a strong supporter of U.S. assistance to Ukraine, I am keenly aware of the important role that appropriate and effective oversight plays in ensuring that support can continue. I support independent, effective oversight and believe we should be doing all that we can to make sure those oversight mechanisms are strong and that our inspectors general have the resources they need to carry out their work. But given that we have an existing framework, given that there are three inspectors general who have been working day in and out, effectively, to conduct such oversight, I do not think we should create new offices and additional layers without evidence that the current framework is not working. So while I appreciate that my colleagues share the same goals of ensuring we have robust oversight of U.S. assistance to Ukraine, I do not agree that these amendments are the best way to achieve that goal. The Wicker amendment would create a new office that could impede the work that is ongoing, not enhance it. There is an existing statutory framework for designating a lead inspector general. I have not heard a good case for why that framework should not be used here. The inspectors general from the Department of State, USAID, and Department of Defense have been on the ground in Ukraine, conducting work of virtually all U.S. assistance involving multiple Agencies. They have an established working group that ensures oversight is efficient and not duplicative. Creating a new office, with the need for new staff and potentially conflicting roles, would likely make those efforts less, not more, efficient. The Paul amendment would add further and unnecessary complexity to ongoing oversight efforts. It would likely impair ongoing oversight by drawing personnel away from the inspectors general already engaged in oversight work. Instead of ramping up current efforts, inspectors general would spend time deconflicting or sorting out personnel issues. It is also unclear how an expanded Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction--SIGAR--would successfully pivot to oversight of Ukraine assistance or how it would an expanded mandate would be funded. I am committed to ensuring that we have robust, independent, effective oversight of all U.S. assistance to Ukraine. But the answer to ensuring that we have successful mechanisms for such oversight is not to create new structures and additional layers of bureaucracy. It is to make sure those who already have the tools, expertise, and resources to conduct oversight and audit spending, have sufficient resources to do so, and for us to hold them to account. That is precisely what I intend to do, and I call on my colleagues in this body to do the same.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, this amendment is to reauthorize the Firefighter Cancer Registry, which was passed unanimously by Congress and signed into law in 2018. The Firefighter Cancer Registry improves our Nation's ability to conduct research and gather data on the cancer risk associated with firefighting. It is a vital program, one that furthers our understanding of how to protect the brave first responders who run toward danger when everyone else runs away from it. And yet, on October 1 of last year, the program expired. My bipartisan, commonsense amendment would reauthorize the program for an additional 5 years while bringing it into line with the current appropriation level. Supported by Senators Murkowski, Brown, Klobuchar, Fischer, Rubio, and Tester, it would benefit both career firefighters as well as volunteers like my constituent Edward Diaz. He was the son of Eduardo Diaz, a North Bergen firefighter who tragically passed away in 2017 from pancreatic cancer. Today, he carries on his family's legacy of service as a volunteer firefighter in Hasbrouck Heights, NJ. I submit to my colleagues, the Diaz family, along with their fellow brothers and sisters in the profession, are the reason we should all support this amendment today. Firefighting is more than a job. It is a calling, a calling that sometimes takes your life as we saw in the loss of two Newark firefighters within the last month. Let's honor that calling by reauthorizing the Firefighter Cancer Registry Act with this amendment. I urge my colleagues to support it and reserve the balance of my time. I yield the floor. Vote on Amendment No. 638