Bob Menendez

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, reserving the right to object, I totally agree that the Castro regime and its prodigy is a communist-socialist dictatorship in tyranny. Before the Senator was ever in this institution or involved with the issue, for 30 years, I have been saying exactly that. The Senator, however, knows that in order to accept an amendment to a resolution that has been hotlined in both caucuses, this process could not move forward. I cannot simply accept the amendment. I would have to go through the whole process. And the fact of the matter is, I think there is a fierce urgency of now. This resolution already has the approval of 99 Senators, and if the Senator were to insist on his amendment, the junior Senator from Florida would be the only one standing in its way. This bipartisan resolution is cosponsored by 19 Senators. The initiative is co-led by Senator Rubio, the senior Senator from Florida, the ranking member of the Senate Subcommittee on Western Hemisphere affairs. It is sponsored by Senator Risch, the ranking member of the full Foreign Relations Committee. It is supported by Senators Cruz and Romney and Hagerty, all of them leading Republican voices on the Foreign Relations Committee. With this strong Republican backing, the Foreign Relations Committee passed this resolution last Wednesday on a voice vote, with overwhelming bipartisan support. Now, intervening, we have had this infrastructure bill, and so we are here trying to get this finally done. We have an opportunity to act today and send a powerful, bipartisan message in support of the Cuban people and condemn the regime's brutal repression. Now, I personally agree with the sentiment of the junior Senator from Florida, but that reality is the reality that has existed. We are talking about the reality today of trying to send a bipartisan, bicameral message. This resolution already condemns its present Cuban dictator, Miguel Diaz-Canel, by name for his direct role in ordering a violent crackdown against the Cuban people. It also documents the massive wave of arrests in Cuba. It denounces in plain language the regime's brutal violence and its use of summary trials to arbitrarily sentence protesters who have no access to a lawyer. So let me be clear. I have led U.S. and international efforts to oppose Cuba's communist dictatorship for 30 years in the Congress, including my role in helping create the Cuban Democracy Act and drafting the LIBERTAD Act. No one in Congress has a longer or more unwavering track record than I do when it comes to condemning the Cuban regime. But this resolution is a strong rebuke of the regime's recent actions, and it also achieves the bipartisan opportunity we need for Senate approval. There comes a time when we have to put actions over words. Today, the Senate has a chance to act. We should not delay another hour in passing this resolution, and because that is exactly what would happen, I have to object to the Senator's amendment.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I appreciate that the Senator from Florida, while I share his sentiments, did not press forward on insisting on the amendment, which would have delayed this, and most importantly, I think the Cuban people are the ones who are going to thank him as well. I yield the floor.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise today to urge leaders across the United States and governments around the world to stand in solidarity with the people of Cuba as they cry out for freedom--for ``libertad''-- and for an end to decades of dictatorship. What is happening in Cuba today is nothing short of historic. Yes, we have seen protests take place in years past, but the demonstrations that began on July 11 stand apart. What began as one small pro-democracy protest in San Antonio de los Ba os spread across the island in a matter of hours. Cubans from all walks of life took to the streets in a courageous call for democratic change. Among those clamoring for freedom were Afro-Cubans demanding an end to discrimination and injustice, young people dreaming of a brighter future in their country, artists and activists from the San Isidro Movement singing ``Patria y Vida'' and ordinary citizens facing widespread food shortages, poor access to healthcare, and little to no protection from the ravages of COVID-19. The people of Cuba are crying out for freedom, and we must hear them. (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) The Cuban people are asking for what is fair, which is freedom, and we must listen to their cry. This is not about politics or ideology. The free world has a responsibility to stand with those who are not yet free, and the people of Cuba are anything but free. Let's dispel the myths about what life is under the Cuban regime. For decades, the regime's ruthless and repressive tactics have systemically silenced the Cuban people while party insiders and cronies enrich themselves at their expense. Today, Cuba remains a one-party communist state, where the basic principles of political pluralism and representative democracy are outlawed--outlawed. There are no free and fair elections in Cuba. Miguel Diaz-Canel may have appeared on a ballot, but there were no other candidates. He was not chosen by the people but handpicked by the Castros as their successor. He has the same ideology. He says the same things. He talks about ``la continuation,'' the continuation-- continuation of oppression. There is no freedom of the press in Cuba. Independent journalists are routinely targeted with violence, harassment, imprisonment, and raids on their homes and offices. There is no internet freedom in Cuba. The regime monitors online traffic, blocks sites, and charges so much money for data that most Cubans cannot afford access. And when the regime gets scared about what the Cuban people are saying and doing, they shut down the whole internet. Yes, they shut down the whole internet. The only reason a government shuts down the internet is because they fear their own people. But this has consequences. I recently had a Catholic priest visiting here in Washington from Cuba. He told me an incredibly powerful story. He said this young man came to see him in church and said: I would fight. I would give my life for the cause of freedom if only someone would know that I died. If only someone would know that I died. There is no freedom of expression in Cuba. Hundreds of activists, artists, and political dissidents are taken prisoner every year without due process. Others are beaten in the streets or terminated from their jobs for daring to express a contrary opinion. Cubans can even be imprisoned for the Orwellian offense of ``precriminal dangerousness.'' You heard me right, precriminal dangerousness. Let that sink in. The political police can arrest you if they decide you might commit a political crime in the future. Fortunately, the regime's brutality has failed to extinguish the flame of liberty alive in the hearts of the Cuban people. Their courageous call for freedom is truly awe-inspiring. Yet the regime responded to these protests--as all authoritarian governments do--with repression, with censorship, with violence. The regime's internet outages tried to stop the Cuban people from using social media to open the eyes of the world to the repression and injustice they live with each and every day. Yet it was too late. The truth went viral. Images of everyday Cubans chanting ``abajo la dictadura'' or ``down with the dictatorship'' and singing ``Patria y Vida'' or ``Homeland and Life'' spread around the world. And so did countless videos of the regime's violent crackdown. Make no mistake, the incitement of violence came from the very top itself. It was Miguel Diaz-Canel, ostensibly the President of Cuba, who encouraged supporters to attack peaceful protesters, declaring in a televised address: ``The order to fight has been given--into the streets,'' and he pledged his supporters' lives: ``Over our dead bodies. We are prepared to do anything.'' What leader of a country invokes the people of the country to turn against their brothers and sisters in the country in violence? Who does that? Diaz-Canel did that. The regime has confirmed just one death. Yet independent reports suggest additional lives were lost as well as numerous cases of violence and even torture. I have seen many of the videos. We can't show videos here on the Senate floor, but I tell you, if we could, it would be incredibly compelling and incredibly graphic and incredibly violent. International human rights groups believe that more than 500 people have likely been detained, most facing arbitrary charges. Likewise-- don't take my word for it--the U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, expressed her concern about ``the excessive force against demonstrators in Cuba and the arrest of a large number of people, including journalists. It is particularly worrying,'' she said, ``that these include individuals allegedly held incommunicado and people whose whereabouts are unknown.'' And, in fact, we have seen many videos and many stories of families trying to find out, Where are their loved ones? Where are their loved ones? Already the regime is preparing summary trials for protesters that deny them access to legal representation, subject them to sham sentences, and make a mockery of due process Luis Manuel Otero Alcantara, a leader of the San Isidro Movement of artists, known globally for their efforts to promote freedom of expression, has been jailed and charged with ``resistance'' and ``public disorder.'' For what? For merely announcing on social media that he intended to join the peaceful protests--for merely announcing that he intended the join the peaceful protests. This artistic leader, this individual, as one of the leaders of the San Isidro Movement, jailed. For what? For nothing. Jose Daniel Ferrer, head of the Patriotic Unit of Cuba, or UNPACU, is already behind bars. He is a renowned civil society leader who spent 8 years in prison for organizing an entirely legal electoral referendum under the existing Cuban constitution and was declared a ``prisoner of conscience'' by Amnesty International. The regime has also unjustly detained multiple journalists for courageously reporting on the events of July 11, including Camilla Acosta, Luz Escobar, and Henry Constantin. Regime security forces also violently assaulted Ramon Espinosa, a photographer for the Associated Press. Arrests have surged in recent days, but the politically motivated arrests have taken place throughout 2021. Rapper and Afro-Cuban artist Maykel Osorbo has been in prison since May. He is one of the artists featured in the protest's anthem ``Patria y Vida. Patria y Vida.'' Yes, in Cuba, you can be arrested for singing. Today's protest movement builds on decades of efforts by Cuban patriots to advance the cause of freedom. (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) In the decades of the Castro oppression, the Cuban people have never stopped looking for their freedom. Despite the little attention some heroes have received, they have made possible this moment in Cuban's history. From the Patriotic Union of Cuba's efforts to unite activists in support of democracy to Berta Soler and the intrepid leaders of the Ladies in White--these are the spouses, daughters, mothers of political prisoners who repeatedly faced violence for attending church services and walking peacefully in white to Havana's streets with a gladiola in their hands, beaten, beaten, for walking peacefully along the streets of Havana dressed in white with a gladiola in her hands; I was privileged to have Berta here at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee--to the Christian Liberation Movement's work exploiting tools afforded by the regime's own constitution to advance democratic change. This month marks 9 years since the movement's leader, Oswaldo Paya, died in a suspicious car crash that has never been fully investigated due to the regime's obstruction. I believe he was assassinated. Decade after decade, Cuban patriots have dedicated their lives and given their lives to the cause of democracy and freedom. They have struggled to rebuild communities and preserve values relentlessly attacked by Cuba's Communist leaders. They have worked tirelessly to alleviate the hardships that forced hundreds of thousands of Cuban families to abandon their homeland in search of opportunities abroad. The suffering that the Cuban regime inflicts on its own people extends beyond its borders. For over two decades, Cuba has provided military and intelligence assistance to Venezuela's dictatorship. It has exploited its repressive tactics from Havana to Caracas. It has shared its failed economic model with Venezuela's kleptocrats. And it should be no surprise that Venezuela is now a failed state with a devastating humanitarian crisis. Cuba also provides safe haven to members of Colombia's ELN guerrilla group, designated by the United States as a ``foreign terrorist organization.'' The regime continues to deny extradition requests from the Colombian Government. In addition, Cuba has also harbored and still harbors American fugitives evading the U.S. justice system. They include Joanne Chesimard, who remains on the FBI's Most Wanted List for her role in the murder of New Jersey State Trooper Werner Foerster; and William ``Guillermo'' Morales, a terrorist who took part in several bombings in the United States, including Fraunces Tavern in Manhattan in 1975. As it exports criminality and repression across the Americas, the Cuban regime is a cancer that spreads instability across our hemisphere. Against this backdrop, the people of Cuba cry out for freedom, and I urge our partners in the international community to listen to their voices, hear their cries of desperation. (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) It is time the international community listens to the Cuban people and act. Not only to say they're sympathetic to their cause, but to take action. They want freedom from a system that denies them basic human rights and control over their own destiny. They want freedom from an economic model that places the interests of corrupt party and military oligarchs above those of the people. But there is no freedom today in Cuba. There is no economic opportunity. There is no justice. The regime has turned a blind eye to reports documenting a disturbing rise in femicide and violence against women. It continues to treat Afro-Cubans as second-class citizens unworthy of political representation and opportunity, even while they are the leaders of the freedom movement inside of Cuba. And it continues to deploy Cuban doctors to foreign countries against their will and under conditions that meet the definition of human trafficking. The regime sends Cuban doctors abroad, takes away their passports, monitors their activities, threatens retribution against their families, all the while garnishing 75 percent of the wages that that country is paying for that doctor. These medical missions aren't humanitarian aid; they are forced labor. The regime continues to engage in gross economic mismanagement. Money that could be spent caring for the sick or vaccinating people against COVID-19 instead goes to new hotels and tourist destinations. Despite the growing number of international companies there, Cuban workers cannot be hired directly by those companies. So you own a hotel, like the Spaniards do, in Cuba. You don't hire the worker directly; you go to the state employment agency, and they send you the worker. You pay the state employment agency, which means the regime, in dollars, and they pay the worker a fraction of what the regime is getting paid. They have no rights. If you have a problem with that employee, send him back to us, and we will send you someone else. Fire them at will. They have no rights. Cuban workers cannot be directly hired by them. Instead, they are contracted by state-owned employment agencies that garnish their wages and, ironically, deny them the right to organize outside of the Communist Party-controlled union. As the Cuban people push for a new dawn in their country, a vibrant Cuban-American community here has never wavered in their support for their brothers and sisters on the island. They have worked tirelessly to support family members in Cuba to ensure their cries for help are heard around the world. In rallies and demonstrations in my home State of New Jersey, in Florida, and, yes, here in Washington, Cuban Americans are standing with loved ones on the island and diaspora living around the world and calling for an end to a system that has robbed generations of Cuban families of their dignity. For me, in my 30 years in Congress, this has been a constant struggle, from my days in the House of Representatives, helping pass the Cuban Democracy Act; to the tragic downing of the Brothers to the Rescue, civilians who were just flying over the Straits of Florida between Cuba and the United States, looking for those people who had taken to the to try to seek freedom and were shot down, which led to the LIBERTAD Act, otherwise known as Helms-Burton, which I helped write; from my visit to Guantanamo, our base, with former Congresspeople Lincoln Diaz-Balart and Ileana Ros-Lehtinen, where thousands of Cubans were being held at one time when the boatlifts were making their way to the United States and where we eventually brought them back to the United States; from presentations in Geneva, at the U.N. Human Rights Council, leading to a resolution there condemning the regime and here, as the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, leading to a resolution, a bipartisan resolution--a bipartisan resolution--that unanimously passed out of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee today; and so much more. So I marvel at some of my Cuban brothers and sisters with their insulting remarks toward me. Since July 11, President Biden and Secretary Blinken have repeatedly spoken in support of the Cuban people and made clear the United States stands with them in their call for freedom. More importantly, the administration is backing up its words with action. Last week, President Biden invoked the Global Magnitsky Act, which is a law that we use, passed by the Congress of the United States, to sanction human rights violators across the globe. The President invoked the Global Magnitsky Act to sanction Cuban Defense Minister General Lopez Miera and the Black Berets SWAT unit for their violent and repressive actions against peaceful protesters. Secretary Blinken, the Secretary of State, has made clear the administration will continue to hold human rights abusers accountable. I urge the administration to consider additional Global Magnitsky designations and also to revoke the existing visas of senior Cuban officials. Such steps are greatly needed. With the Diaz-Canel regime wielding internet connectivity as a political weapon against its citizens, the administration is also pursuing ways to help Cubans gain unrestricted access to the internet. They need unfettered access to information. They need to be able to communicate with each other. They need to be able to tell each other what is happening in their country. They need to be able to organize peacefully to create change in their country, and we must accelerate our efforts to provide them with the tools they need to do so, whether that is satellite feeds, whether that is tethered global balloons, whether that is a multiplicity of options. Because a beam can be jammed, we need to find a way to get the people of Cuba internet connection. The United States also must continue working with international partners in support of democracy and human rights in Cuba. Last week, I was proud to lead a joint statement for the first time ever in support of the Cuban people with my counterparts who chair the Foreign Affairs Committees of the United Kingdom, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. This week, the Foreign Ministers of 20 nations joined Secretary Blinken to ``condemn the mass arrests and detentions of protestors in Cuba and call on the government to respect the universal rights and freedoms of the Cuban people.'' Many of these countries have never ever expressed themselves in solidarity with the Cuban people. I am proud to see Secretary Blinken and the administration make that happen. I applaud those governments that joined Secretary Blinken, but I also note the absence of those, including Canada and Spain and the European Union. Does Spain care more about Spanish hotel investments than it does about the human rights of the Cuban people? (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) Is it more important the business you conduct on the island than the freedom and democracy of the oppressed people? Do you care more about those investments? Does Canada place more priority on mining investments than it does on fundamental freedoms? I would hope not. These universal principles should unite all of us. The administration is also convening a working group to study options for the restoration of some remittances. For too long, the Cuban military's economic conglomerate has managed the remittances that Cuban Americans send their families on the island, using fees and currency conversion to enrich itself. The United States would never allow the Spanish, the Mexican, or the Argentine military to control the flow of remittances to their countries. It is time that we insist that Cuban Americans be able to freely and directly support their loved ones. (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) It's only fair that the hard working Cuban American families can send money to their families instead of that money being used to enrich the elite of the Cuban Communist Party. The steps taken thus far by the Biden administration are important, but we must do more. Today, the Senate Foreign Relations Committee approved my resolution, along with colleagues on both the Republican and Democratic sides, expressing our solidarity with the Cuban people and condemning the regime's abuses. This bipartisan, bicameral initiative deserves the support of the full Senate, and I hope we will pass it on the floor this week. It is also time for the Biden administration to issue a new Executive order to provide direction for U.S. policy toward Cuba. The order should hone our accountability measures for persons involved in human rights abuses and those who materially support them. It should solidify our strategies on internet access and support for the Cuban people. Congress should review options to increase funding for U.S. democracy programs as well as internet freedom initiatives. (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) We must continue putting pressure on who violate human rights and elevate our support to the Cuban people The United States must also find new ways to work with trusted, impartial international partners, including international organizations, to provide vaccines and other aid directly to the Cuban people. The Cuban regime has grossly mismanaged its pandemic response. It has refused to participate in COVAX and continues to promote its own vaccine, which is either ineffective or unavailable because people in Cuba are dying. As a result, everyday Cubans continue to suffer. The United States must lead a serious effort to push for the demilitarization of the Cuban economy. The military-owned umbrella company GAESA reigns supreme over the Cuban economy. It is run by whom? By Raul Castro's son-in-law, Luis Alberto Lopez-Callejas, fueling the rise of a new generation of regime oligarchs. The Cuban people will never achieve economic prosperity while regime military companies control the economy. After years of efforts by the Trump administration to slash funding for programs that we continuously had to fight to bring back that provide lifelines to Cuban activists and civil society, I am very pleased to see that the Biden administration has requested $20 million for these programs and made clear that America will continue standing with those on the frontlines of Cuba's pro-democracy movement. It is time also for the United States to launch a campaign in support of labor rights inside of Cuba. There is no acceptable explanation for why Cuban men and women are unable to be directly hired and directly paid by international companies and organizations that are present in Cuba. If we are serious about empowering the Cuban people, they must have a direct say in their livelihoods. The Biden administration should pursue the success of past campaigns, such as the Sullivan Principles in South Africa, to lead efforts that require businesses to engage directly with the Cuban people and their employment. The Biden administration should also maintain the State Department's Cuba Restricted List, which can help businesses and organizations directly engage with the Cuban people instead of regime conglomerates. Additionally, the United States and our allies must send a message to members of the Cuban military. The Cuban military's slogan is that it draws its power from the people. Well, the people are protesting. In reality, you should not use your power against the people. (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) The Cuban Army has to understand that if their mandate comes from the people, the people is protesting; the people wants freedom. Don't use your arms against your brothers and sisters if you want to have a future in Cuba. Additionally, let's be clear. When we send that message to the Cuban military not to turn its arms against its brothers and sisters, the world is watching what is happening in Cuba. There is a future in a democratic Cuba under civilian control for members of the military who refuse to repress their fellow citizens, but if you are involved in human rights abuses and have blood on your hands, you will be held accountable. It is also worth noting to Cuba's military leaders that their future with this regime is anything but certain. In the last 10 days--in the last 10 days--five Cuban generals have died under highly suspicious conditions that the regime seems intent on covering up. All of a sudden, five Cuban generals, in 10 days, have died. I don't know at this time that I would want to be a general in Cuba. To those who want to blame Cuba's misery on the U.S. embargo, I would say that it is the Cuban regime that needs to lift its embargo on its own population. It is the regime's own restrictive policies that have left the average Cuban destitute while oligarchs enjoy state-run stores that are brimming with dollar-denominated goods out of reach to the general population. (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) The real embargo is the one the communist regime has imposed against its own people who are not able to access food, medicine or basic needs without its consent. The steps to end the embargo are laid out clearly in title II of the LIBERTAD Act, which is the law of the United States, which I wrote. Those steps include releasing political prisoners, legalizing political activity, and holding democratic elections. If the regime ends its iron-fisted rule over the Cuban people, title II of the LIBERTAD Act lays out what the United States stands ready to do to pursue a different relationship with the people of Cuba. The United States would work directly with a democratic government to take steps to remove the embargo, to engage in direct trade with Cuba, to support its return and membership to international financial organizations, and so much more. It is all there in U.S. law. This is not a promise of something that could happen; it is a promise of what would happen if there is a change in Cuba. It is time for the Cuban regime to take the steps and accept the demands of the Cuban people. Let me close on a personal note. I stand here on the floor of the U.S. Senate as the son of Cuban refugees who came to this country in search of freedom and opportunity. Today, we are bearing witness to something in Cuba that my parents never got to see. (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) The day they dreamt about is the day millions of Cubans around the world dream today, the day Cuba is set free. We are bearing witness to a historic moment in which Cubans from all walks of life are coming together to demand that same freedom. We are bearing witness to a deep discontent within the Cuban people with the status quo and life under one of the most repressive regimes ever known. For more than 60 years, they have lived without liberty and justice, without freedom of expression, without human rights and the ability to determine their own future. (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) Don't be fooled. When the people went out to protest, they are not asking for food, vaccines, or work. No. One word, and only one. Freedom, freedom, freedom. Freedom, because with freedom, everything else comes. Let us not repeat the mistakes of the past. Let us not fall victim to tired myths. Let us embrace the facts over the fiction. Most importantly, let us hear the Cuban people's cries for freedom. It is our job to stand with them, to empower them, to ensure that the international community helps them achieve their dreams and aspirations. (English translation of the statement made in Spanish is as follows:) Because without freedom and democracy, there is no ``Patria y Vida.'' But with freedom and democracy, there is a homeland of life and many opportunities. I yield the floor.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that at certain times during my remarks I be allowed to address the Senate in Spanish.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise today to express my support for the nomination of Bonnie Jenkins to be the next Under Secretary for Arms Control and International Security. The position for which Ambassador Jenkins has been nominated is one of the most vital senior security positions in the Department of State. This individual is responsible for overseeing nuclear policy and nonproliferation efforts, directing U.S. arms sales and security assistance policy, dealing with the legacies of unexploded munitions and landmines, and orchestrating global cooperation among both allies and adversaries on critical national security issues. As the United States is preparing for its first Strategic Stability Dialogue with Russia, which will occur later this month, it is absolutely critical we have a Senate-confirmed leader in the State Department to effectively compete with and confront Moscow's challenges to our national security. This meeting will set the tone for U.S. diplomatic efforts to limit Russia's nuclear arsenal, which is crucial at a time when we are also witnessing the initial stages of a major build-up of Chinese nuclear forces. I am pleased to be supporting Ambassador Jenkins's nomination for this position, and I am confident that her extensive experience in the State Department and her 22 years in the Air Force and Naval Reserves provide her with the type of background and knowledge required to meet the challenges that await her, if confirmed. During the Obama administration, Ambassador Jenkins' spearheaded efforts to fight nuclear terrorism. She helped coordinate four nuclear security summits which sought to persuade nations around the world to secure vulnerable nuclear material that might fall into the hands of dangerous actors. For over 20 years, she served as an intelligence officer in the U.S. Naval Reserves, retiring as a lieutenant commander. She also holds multiple degrees, including a Ph.D., a master of laws, a law degree, and a master in public administration. Outside of government she has consistently empowered voices rarely heard in national security debates, providing a different but important perspective on how the United States should tackle the threats we confront. The fact that Ambassador Jenkin's nomination, someone whose leadership is so essential to the State Department and to our national security, has languished on the Senate floor for 56 days is a travesty. I urge my colleagues to support her nomination and make sure that this critical national security position is filled without further delay. Vote on Jenkins Nomination

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I may place into the Record a portion of the final report by the National Security Commission on Artificial Intelligence, NSCAI. This landmark report and its important recommendations are the result of the John S. McCain National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019, which established the NSCAI as an independent commission ``to consider the methods and means necessary to advance the development of artificial intelligence, machine learning, and associated technologies to comprehensively address the national security and defense needs of the United States.'' In March 2021, the Commission submitted its final report to Congress and the President, in part, warning of the dangers of the Chinese Government obtaining the personal genetic information of U.S. citizens and the importance of ensuring U.S. leadership in biotechnology. As we complete our work on the United States Innovation and Competition Act that will enable us to maintain our technological edge over China, it is imperative that we acknowledge the findings of this Commission regarding the critical importance of securing our biodata from China and its agents. To that end, allow me to cite warnings and recommendations directly from this Commission. I hope our State Department leadership, including Secretary Blinken, take these into serious consideration and put them into action. On Page 53, the report finds: ``[China understands the tremendous upside associated with leading the bio revolution. Massive genomic data sets at places like BGI Group (formerly known as the Beijing Genomics Institute), coupled with China's now-global genetic data collection platform and ``all-of-nation'' approach to AI, will make them a formidable competitor in the bio realm. BGI may be serving, wittingly or unwittingly, as a global collection mechanism for Chinese government genetic databases, providing China with greater raw numbers and diversity of human genome samples, as well as access to sensitive personal information about key individuals around the world. The United States cannot afford to look back in 10 years and be ``surprised'' by the biotechnology equivalent of Huawei.]'' Later, on Page 586, the report finds: ``[BGI has also benefited from substantial support from the Chinese government, as well as its 2013 acquisition of a competing U.S. firm, Complete Genomics. There are indications that BGI's links with the Chinese government may run deeper than it publicly claims, as it built and operates China National GeneBank, the Chinese government's national genetic database, and has used PLA-owned supercomputers to process genetic information. Chinese diplomats have pushed BGI-built COVID-19 testing kits, including in the United States, and by August 2020 BGI had ``sold 35 million rapid COVID-19 testing kits to 180 countries, and built 58 labs in 18 countries.'' The highest levels of the United States government should publicly state these concerns so as to raise awareness among the U.S. commercial and academic biotechnology communities, as well as U.S. allies, many of which currently have partnerships or business dealings with BGI.]'' The Commission then recommends on Page 587 that the State Department design a specific initiative to warn America and its allies about BGI. ``[Launch a strategic communications campaign to publicly highlight the links between the Chinese government and BGI. The Secretary of State should personally voice concern about BGI's ties to the Chinese government and instruct the Department to conduct a strategic communications campaign to highlight those links and warn of the dangers of the Chinese government obtaining personal genetic information via BGI. The Department should also warn BGI and the Chinese government that it will closely monitor BGI's activities, and that should BGI be utilized as a mass DNA-collection apparatus for the Chinese government, it could face additional U.S. regulatory action.]'' It is important to note that two subsidiaries of BGI were placed on the entity list by the Commerce Department last year for their role in aiding the genocide being perpetrated by the Chinese Government against the Uyghur minority in Xinjiang, an issue that I and many of my Senate colleagues have been vocal on. In closing, I think it is important that this report be part of our Record today.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, today I rise to recognize the 10th annual observance of National Moth Week, which will be celebrated this year from July 17 to 25. What began as a plan for a statewide moth night in my home State of New Jersey evolved into a national week of recognition and quickly became an international citizen science project. In 2012, residents from East Brunswick, NJ, founded this initiative to promote the appreciation and conservation of moths and their important role in the ecosystem. Since then, thousands of people in all 50 U.S. States and 100 countries have participated in observing and documenting moths during this week. National Moth Week encourages people of all ages and abilities to shine a light on nighttime nature and record what they see. Moths are incredibly diverse members of the Lepidoptera order of insects, with estimates of 150,000 to more than 500,000 moth species. They serve as pollinators of crops and flowers and a food source for birds and other fauna. Enriching mothing events have been held at U.S. National Parks and Monuments; State, county, and local parks; museums, libraries, nature centers, and backyards. This scientific event is an all-volunteer effort coordinated by the Friends of the East Brunswick Environmental Commission with the assistance of a team of entomologists, researchers, educators, and enthusiasts around the world. In addition, country coordinators in Asia, Africa, Europe, Central and South America, and Australia are helping to increase awareness, study and appreciation of moths, their incredible diversity, and ecological importance in their own countries. National Moth Week has brought people together from many different cultures and ethnicities for the purpose of observing and protecting an important natural resource and dispelling the negative conceptions some may have of moths. It proudly represents the best of the Garden State and its concern for the health of our environment and all of its inhabitants. It is my great honor to recognize the anniversary of National Moth Week and celebrate the vibrant research and scientific community in the State of New Jersey.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that my statements before the nominee who is supposed to be voted on at 5:30 be allowed to take place before the vote.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, I rise today to express my support for the nomination of Uzra Zeya to be the next Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights. Ms. Zeya is immensely qualified to lead U.S. efforts to recenter our most fundamental values in our foreign policy efforts and to strengthen the Bureaus she will lead. Her experience and the more than 20 years as a Foreign Service officer, including as the Acting Assistant Secretary of State for Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor in the State Department, make her the perfect fit for this position. The previous administration abdicated our global responsibility, but we now have the opportunity to restore U.S. leadership in the fight for democracy, human rights, and rule of law around the world. It is an exciting prospect for us, but more importantly, it will give hope to those still fighting for their rights, the millions of people around the world who look to the United States for inspiration and support in their own democratic struggles. We see that in places like Cuba today. Looking around the globe, we see China stripping away Hong Kong's autonomy and freedoms at an alarming pace. Military dictators are cementing their illegitimate rule in places like Burma and Mali, eroding and eliminating the institutions of democracy, while Russia and Belarus have imprisoned political opponents without accountability. At the same time, an unprecedented 80 million people have been forcibly displaced from their homes, communities, and countries. We must look no farther than our own southern border to see the destruction, desperation, and displacement wrought by violence, climate change, and lack of economic opportunity. All of these developments negatively impact American national security interests. Our Secretary of State and, indeed, our country need senior human rights leadership of the caliber of Ms. Zeya. The fact that the nomination of Ms. Zeya--a nominee so superbly qualified and whose leadership is so essential to rebuilding the State Department--has languished for 82 days is a travesty. I strongly urge my colleagues to join me in voting to confirm her to the position of Under Secretary of State for Civilian Security, Democracy, and Human Rights, and I hope my Republican colleagues will stop blocking qualified and critical nominees to the Nation's foreign policy and national security mission from moving forward With that, I yield the floor.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise today to acknowledge the 10th anniversary of South Sudan's independence. July 9 is a bittersweet day for the resilient people of South Sudan. For decades, South Sudanese fought a brutal war with the government in Khartoum in which 2 million people lost their lives. After decades of bloody struggle, the parties to the conflict signed the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, CPA, which provided for self-determination for the South and paved the way for South Sudan's independence in 2011, with the diplomatic support of the United States and others in the international community. Yet the promise of South Sudan's independence has turned into tragedy. Deep fault lines that emerged during the country's long struggle for independence, accentuated by rivalry and rent seeking among the country's corrupt political elite, brought about catastrophe. A little over 2 years after independence, 400,000 people were killed and more than 4 million were displaced during the 5-year civil war between forces loyal President Salva Kiir against those aligned with Vice-President Riek Machar. Unspeakable atrocities were committed against civilians during the conflict, including women and children. In 2017, the war induced a famine that brought hundreds of thousands more to the brink of disaster. The United States and its international partners have invested heavily in diplomatic efforts to support and end to the conflict in South Sudan. Despite failed cease-fire agreements and the intransigence of the warring parties, in 2018 regional leaders working through the InterGovernmental Authority on Development, IGAD, were finally able to obtain agreement on what was called the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan, R-ARCSS. Although far from ideal, the agreement lays out a framework for a peaceful resolution of the conflict, political reform, and democratic transition. But implementation of the agreement remains slow, and South Sudan sits at a very dangerous crossroad. Responsible parties have failed to implement major provisions of the R-ARCSS, including those on power- sharing, constitutional development, security sector reform, economic issues, and transitional justice, or have reneged on their commitments. Nonsignatories to the R-ARCSS continue to wage an active insurgency, particularly in Equatoria. Locally rooted communal violence is also rampant, fueled by the invisible hand of rival national political elites. Kiir's security apparatus continues to violate the human, civil, and political rights of the South Sudanese people. Overlaying all of these problems is an urgent humanitarian crisis--driven by conflict induced food insecurity, displacement, and COVID-19--made all the more worse by longstanding efforts by the Government of South Sudan to undercut humanitarian access. It is clear that South Sudan's stalled peace process needs a reboot. The lack of progress on implementation of the R-ARCSS has created significant concern about elections now slated for 2022--if they are even held. And if they are held, without prior implementation of core components of the agreement and other key actions, the polls could be a flash point for conflict and violence. In order to prevent this outcome, South Sudanese leadership, the United States, and international partners must take urgent action. Political leadership in Juba must immediately organize a process for robust and inclusive negotiations over a new constitution in a process that involves all South Sudanese stakeholders, including civil society and holdout rebel groups. While I would not presume to dictate what the South Sudanese people themselves might decide, it seems to me that devolution of power from the national government to the states and local administration, and genuine power-sharing at the national level are necessary ingredients to avoid the winner-take-all calculus that has served as an incentive to take and hold on to central power at any cost. Regional neighbors must act as well. Ongoing instability in East Africa, including the war in Tigray, a fragile transition in Sudan, and political turmoil in Somalia, has distracted regional actors who traditionally engage on South Sudan issues. This must change. Capitols in Africa, working through the African Union, AU, and IGAD, must ensure that peace in South Sudan is at the top of the agenda for policymakers. Working with the Europeans and other partners, the United States should actively support the efforts of the African stakeholders to rehabilitate South Sudan's broken peace process. The United States also has a prominent role to play. The relationship between South Sudan and the United States runs deep. For decades the United States has been the leading donor to South Sudan, including major contributions from U.S. civil society. U.S. diplomacy has long supported the South Sudanese cause and was critical to the signing of the CPA. After independence, the United States remained firmly engaged in supporting South Sudan, both through its bilateral engagement and participation in the Troika. That tradition must continue and there is no time to waste. I encourage the Biden administration to take four steps: First, appoint an experienced Ambassador to South Sudan, someone who has served as an Ambassador in the region who is familiar with the history of the relationship. Second, the administration should pursue additional bilateral and multilateral sanctions on South Sudanese political actors where needed, including on those who obstruct the delivery of humanitarian aid. In that same vein, it should support the continuation of the U.N. arms embargo and regularly name parties that violate the embargo and hold them accountable. Third, the corruption that has long fueled South Sudan's political crisis must be confronted head on. The United States and its partners must demand full transparency from the Government of South Sudan on its oil accounts: the international community must know what revenue is coming in and what expenditures are being made. Kiir's foot-dragging on public financial management has persisted for years; it is well past time that Juba face consequences. The United States must use its voice and vote at international financial institutions to oppose all budget support to the Government of South Sudan and urge an end to all programs that do not directly benefit the health and welfare of the South Sudanese people until and unless the government is willing to open its books to donors and, more importantly, the South Sudanese people. Finally, ending the cycle of conflict and despair in South Sudan will require accountability for past crimes and atrocities. The lesson of 8 years of conflict in South Sudan is that progress is impossible in a climate of impunity. Yet, despite support to the AU Hybrid Court for South Sudan from the United States and other donors, the AU has failed to fulfill its responsibilities, and the Hybrid Court remains in limbo. Justice delayed is justice denied. With our allies in tow, the Biden administration must make clear to relevant stakeholders at the AU and in Juba that further delay on the issue of transitional justice is unacceptable. If these parties do not act, the Biden administration should work with allies to pursue alternative justice and accountability mechanisms. Mr. President, I congratulate the people of South Sudan on this milestone. Their independence was hard won. I only wish their leaders had treated them better. At this critical moment, the United States must stand with all South Sudanese in their pursuit of justice, democracy, and equitable development.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, for the Committee on Foreign Relations I report favorably the following nomination list which was printed in the Record on the date indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that this nomination lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise today to express significant concern about the Biden administration's decision to file an amicus brief in the case of Ramona Matos Rodriguez v. Pan American Health Organization. This case involves serious allegations that the Pan American Health Organization facilitated human trafficking and regrettably places the administration in a position in which it is undercutting efforts by the victims of the Cuban dictatorship's forced labor schemes. Now, let me be clear, I am a strong advocate for the Pan American Health Organization and its mission strengthening health systems across Latin America and the Caribbean. Given the significant impact of COVID- 19 on the region, PAHO's efforts are needed now more than ever, and I have fought to ensure that the Pan American Health Organization has the resources it needs to carry out its lifesaving work during the pandemic and throughout a good period of time of my congressional career. However, I also firmly believe that the Pan American Health Organization must be held accountable for its past transgressions, including the unacceptable role that it played facilitating a program that subjected more than 10,000 Cuban medical professionals to forced labor conditions in Brazil. From 2013 to 2019, the Pan American Health Organization profited from its participation in Brazil's Mais Medicos Program, an initiative that allowed Cuba's dictatorship to earn income from trafficking doctors. The Cuban regime's so-called foreign medical missions are nothing more than human trafficking. In November of 2019, the United Nation's Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of slavery and the United Nation's Special Rapporteur on trafficking in persons raised concerns that the Cuban regime's trafficking of medical professionals constitutes forced labor and modern slavery. In fact, the Department of State's last ``Trafficking in Persons'' report found the Cuban regime garnishes the wages of its medical professionals that serve overseas, surveils them, confiscates their passports so they can't leave anywhere, and retaliates against family members in Cuba if they leave from the program. So if you send me abroad, don't pay me, get money from the country that you send me from, take away my passport, and retaliate against my family, that is the ultimate forced labor. Cuba's dictatorship generated more than $6 billion in profit from its forced labor schemes in 2018 alone as it trafficked tens of thousands of Cuban medical professionals to some 60 countries. The Pan American Health Organization's participation in the Cuban dictatorship's human trafficking programs cannot be overlooked, and accountability is urgently needed. It is against this backdrop that I have reviewed the Biden administration's amicus brief in Rodriguez v. Pan American Health Organization. And while the brief addresses some of the technical aspects of the case, it effectively does nothing--nothing--to condemn Cuba's dictatorship for human trafficking or the Pan American Health Organization's participation in those programs that were human trafficking. For over two decades, the United States has led the international community in combating human trafficking. In 2000, the United States enacted the Trafficking Victims Protection Act--something I was involved with in the Senate Foreign Relations Committee--which has set a standard for countries around the world to strengthen efforts to prosecute traffickers, increase protection for victims, and expand foreign assistance programs. We have built a range of financial tools to combat the human trafficking industry and its illicit profits. We have spearheaded efforts to ensure that slavery-free supply chains-- slavery-free supply chains--that respect workers' rights and prevent against forced labor conditions around the world become more and more a reality. The Biden administration squandered an opportunity in this brief, an opportunity to support Cuban trafficking victims and an opportunity to advance our extraordinary American leadership in combating all forms of human trafficking and modern slavery. It is a major disappointment. I urge the President and the Secretary of State to redouble efforts to pressure Cuba to end this medical trafficking program and the many other abuses it perpetrates against the Cuban people. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, reserving the right to object, I have real concerns my colleagues' efforts to subvert the legislative process and push through a bill without due consideration from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. I know my distinguished colleague from Florida is very interested in these issues. I hope he would ask his leadership to put him on the committee because he consistently comes to the floor and wants to circumvent the committee. This is not the first time. Let me be very clear: Hamas is a terrorist organization, and the terrorists who lead Hamas have no regard for human life, whether they be the life of innocent Israelis targeted by their rocket attacks or the Palestinian families they constantly put in harm's way. Israel has every right and responsibility to defend herself from attacks against their civilians, and the United States does not, and will not, ever provide funding to Hamas. Neither of those statements are up for debate. In fact, I would argue that every single Member of this body agrees with those assertions. Indeed, the Senate has a long history of carefully crafting foreign aid programs with robust oversight, as well as sanctions that target Hamas and its supporters. With that in mind, there is simply no reason this bill can't go through regular order and sustain a markup in the Foreign Relations Committee. I looked at the dates of introduction and then its subsequent referrals--less than 3 weeks. We have done it before, and we can do it again. As the chair of the Foreign Relations Committee, I have shown that I prioritize moving serious, bipartisan legislation. This bill in question is not a serious attempt at legislating; it is a partisan talking point. Had the Senator from Florida, who is the chair of the Republican Senatorial Campaign Committee, or any of the bill's sponsors had a genuine interest in asserting Congress's role in foreign policy and the hard work that goes into legislating, they would have gone through the regular order of the committee process. They did not. Instead, I imagine they would rather relish in a tweet proclaiming that Democrats support taxpayer funding of Hamas or oppose defending Israel. And all I can say to this is, enough abusing the United States- Israel relationship for partisan political purposes. It does damage to the United States. It does damage to the State of Israel. I am proud of my legislative efforts to defend Israel for over three decades, and I would argue that the facts that these efforts have been bipartisan speak to the strength of the United States-Israel relationship. Both Republicans and Democrats share a long track record of working together to defend Israel's right to exist and legislating accountability for U.S. taxpayer dollars spent overseas. But we have to do the work, and I do believe there are Senators who are genuinely interested in working toward that goal. The truth is, we already have a number of laws and regulations in place regarding the delivery of lifesaving humanitarian relief. As written, this bill, by way of example why we have bills go through the committee so they can be worked on, seems intended to ensure that nobody in Gaza could ever receive any of this support. The language is written so broadly that, for example, before delivering clean water or water infrastructure, the President would effectively have to certify that anyone related to Hamas would never drink that water or drink from a water fountain that carried that water. That is simply absurd. I would welcome a robust discussion on the ways we can continue to ensure that taxpayer dollars intended for lifesaving humanitarian relief in Gaza and elsewhere can get to those who need it the most and certainly evade and avoid the hands of Hamas. Let's remember why we invest in foreign aid programs in the first place. We do so in pursuit of our common humanity, of our values, and our own security interests. So let's recognize the political games being played on the floor today for what they are and reject them. Because of all of those reasons, Madam President, I object.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I thank my distinguished colleague from New Jersey for allowing me to go first because I have one of our foreign country's Ambassador in my office. Today, in the Senate, we have an opportunity to both alleviate a judicial emergency and make history by supporting the confirmation of Zahid Quraishi to the U.S. District Court of New Jersey, where he currently serves as a U.S. magistrate judge. As I mentioned many times in the past, the vacancies on this court have been declared judicial emergencies by the Judicial Conference of the United States. The U.S. District of New Jersey is one of the busiest courts in the entire country, with 46,000 cases pending before it. Yet being short-staffed has left our judges with mind-boggling caseloads, more than three times the national average. Fortunately, we in the Senate have an extraordinary nominee before us this week. Judge Quraishi has devoted his career to serving our country, and his story embodies both the rich diversity of New Jersey and the promise of America as a place where anything is possible. He was born in New York, grew up in Fanwood, NJ, with his parents, both immigrants from Pakistan, who came to this country to build a better life. In 1997, he graduated from the John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York, and in 2000, he earned his J.D. from Rutgers Law School, my alma mater. After a clerkship with the New Jersey Superior Court, Mr. Quraishi accepted a position with a New York law firm. His first day on the job was September 11, 2001, and the horrific events of that day prompted him to change the trajectory of his career and focus on serving our country. In 2003, he joined the U.S. Army Judge Advocate General's Corps, where he earned the rank of captain and served two deployments in Iraq--first in 2004 and then 2006. For his service, Mr. Quraishi was awarded the Bronze Star and the Combat Action Badge, a recognition by the U.S. Army for noninfantry soldiers who engage in ground combat. After leaving the Army, he continued to work in public service, first as trial counsel with the Department of Homeland Security and then as a Federal prosecutor in the U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of New Jersey. In 2013, he joined the law firm of Riker Danzig, where he worked until 2019, when he was appointed as a U.S. magistrate judge for the U.S. district court and became the first Asian-American Federal judge in New Jersey's history. Now Mr. Quraishi is poised to break barriers once more. If confirmed, he will become the first Muslim American in U.S. history to serve as an article III Federal judge. My colleagues, Zahid Quraishi is a man of integrity, a consummate public servant, and a trailblazer for Asian Americans and Muslim Americans across this country who dream of one day presiding over a court of their own. We should all draw our inspiration from his story because it is a story that could only take place in the United States of America. I urge my colleagues to support this historic nomination to the U.S. District Court of New Jersey without delay. And I want to thank my distinguished colleague from New Jersey, Senator Booker, for bringing Judge Quraishi's nomination to the President and to myself, and it is an example of the power of having someone sitting on the Judiciary Committee knowing the importance of diversity, so that any American who comes before a Federal court can think that someone like them is sitting in judgment of them. So I thank Senator Booker. With that, I yield the floor.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I come to the floor in advance of next week's summit in Geneva during which President Biden will meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin for the first time as Commander in Chief, and I would like to share my views on the current state of U.S.- Russian relations and how we must respond to the Kremlin's continued aggression. I have spent years deeply engaged in efforts to hold Russia accountable for its aggressive and destabilizing behavior under Putin. During the Obama administration, I worked to hold Russia accountable for its invasion of Ukraine. Indeed, I was sanctioned by Putin himself for taking up the cause of Ukrainian sovereignty and freedom. During the 2016 election cycle, I sounded the alarm over Russian efforts to sow chaos in our elections long before we knew of the extent and sophistication of the Russian cyber campaign to undermine American democracy. Throughout the previous administration, I called out President Trump for cowering to Putin at every turn. Trump's refusal to hold Putin to account for attacking our elections was a key motivator behind the Senate's passage of the Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, otherwise known as CAATSA. This comprehensive framework for oversight and accountability in U.S. policy towards Russia remains the law of the land and the guiding mandate for how the United States must respond to Kremlin aggression. Now, I appreciate the Biden administration's desire for a stable and predictable relationship with Russia, but sometimes we don't get to choose the circumstances of our engagement. When we take stock of Russia's behavior in recent years, we see that in every arena Putin has chosen escalation over stability and predictability. Next week in Geneva, I have every expectation that President Biden will be more assertive with Putin than his predecessor. I urge him to seize this opportunity to call out the Kremlin for its litany of aggressive actions and announce appropriate measures in response. The President can start with Russia's growing aggression in cyber space, starting with last year's SolarWinds cyber attack. We know that Putin's foreign intelligence service orchestrated this attack and that he must be held accountable for it as well as the more recent hack of USAID and its network of contractors and grantees. While I am unaware of any evidence that the most recent ransomware attacks on U.S. infrastructure were orchestrated by the Russian state, we know, however, that criminal gangs operate on Russian soil, and we believe that it is those criminal gangs that did such attacks. The United States has to make clear that harboring criminals who seek to attack American businesses, hospitals, pipelines, city governments, and other institutions is wholly unacceptable Let me move on to Ukraine. I urge President Biden to reiterate our policy of nonrecognition of Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea and a call for a serious return to the negotiations to end the war in the Donbas. The United States must have a seat at the table in the Normandy Format and make a concerted effort to end the war on Ukrainian soil that has gone on for far too long. An acceptable resolution to this conflict will not come without robust U.S. engagement the likes of which we have not seen for years. I am glad that President Zelensky will visit Washington in the next month or so, and we look forward to meeting him in the Senate. NATO, too, shares a responsibility to take concrete steps next week in support of Ukraine. The essential security assistance provided by the United States and others must be backed up by tangible progress towards NATO membership for Ukraine and Georgia. The door was opened 13 years ago at the Bucharest summit. We have seen little progress since then. As these countries continue to pursue the necessary reforms necessary for ultimate entrance into NATO, NATO has an obligation to start the membership action plan process. On Nord Stream, the administration should reconsider sanctions waivers on NS2 AG and Matthias Warnig. If the pipeline is completed, the United States should work to ensure that it does not become operational. This pipeline is a bad deal for Europe and its energy security and strongly opposed by citizens across the European continent. Despite what some have said, it is not too late for the United States to make a tangible difference here. We can stop this malign Kremlin influence project if we act with resolve and real diplomatic strategy. Last week, Putin said that Ukraine must show good will--Ukraine must show good will--if it wants gas to flow through to Europe. So what is Putin's definition of ``good will'' exactly? For the people of Ukraine to cease defending their sovereignty? Such bellicose statements tell us that Putin is confident; he is emboldened. Does anyone really believe that Putin would not cut off gas flow through Ukraine once Nord Stream is complete? The United States cannot accept this insidious behavior. We need a real strategy with respect to Nord Stream. In Syria, Russia continues to aid and abet the brutal and criminal Assad regime only to secure its own interests; namely, military access to the Mediterranean through which it can threaten Europe's southern flank. Indeed, last year the United Nations accused Russia itself of war crimes in Syria for multiple incidents of launching indiscriminate attacks on civilian areas. In 3 years alone, the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights estimated that Russian military activities in Syria caused nearly 18,000 casualties, including 8,000 civilians. Let me be clear. These are war crimes, and there must be accountability. Even as President Biden looks for limited ways to cooperate with Russia in Syria to try to promote some stability and humanitarian access, he must not overlook this grim track record and seek to hold Putin to account. The world is watching whether the United States will stand up for the vulnerable and the voiceless. Let me now turn to the ongoing and tragic repression of the Russian people. Earlier this year, the world drew inspiration from the courage of Russian protesters who rallied in support of Alexei Navalny and a democratic future. We know that it will be the people of Russia, not the United States or anyone else, who will steer their struggle for democracy and ultimately determine their own destiny. Yet, as Americans, we must stand in solidarity with the Russian people. I applaud President Biden's commitment to make democracy and human rights the centerpiece of U.S. foreign policy, but what does that mean for our approach to Russia? First, we must respond to egregious chemical weapons attacks whenever and however they take place. The Chemical and Biological Weapons Act required the administration to announce a new round of sanctions by June 2 in response to Russia's chemical weapons attack and poisoning of Alexei Navalny. This deadline has passed. The Trump administration regularly missed congressionally mandated deadlines. I think back to the Skripal attack and how President Trump delayed a decision for months. However, I expect better from this administration. President Biden and his team must announce these sanctions this week, for Putin has shown no remorse for these vile actions, and Russia has taken no steps to rectify them. A democracy- and human rights-centered foreign policy also means countering corruption, so I welcome the White House initiative announced last week. Since January, we have seen the President back up this commitment by imposing sanctions on corrupt actors from Bulgaria, to Albania, to the Democratic Republic of the Congo. But, moving forward, we must do more to focus this tool on Russia, the primary source of so much of the corruption we see around the world. The most effective sanction on Putin's inner circle of oligarchs is to deny them and their families access to the West. We must cut off their ability to travel and use the Western financial system to funnel the assets they systematically have stolen from the Russian people over the course of several decades. Alexei Navalny and others, like the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project, have done excellent work exposing Putin and his cronies. The U.S. Department of the Treasury and the European Union should evaluate their research and chart a course for action. We must also directly engage with the Russian people and make clear that our problems are not with them but their government. I urge President Biden to make a direct appeal to the Russian people over YouTube, communicate our views and concerns to the Russian people, and provide his vision for what a positive U.S.-Russia relationship could look like. The United States should also increase exchange programs with Russia, assuming the Russian Government would allow its people to participate Unfortunately, everyday Russians' access to fact-based information and reporting is dwindling in the face of Kremlin crackdowns on journalism and pervasive propaganda. I am especially outraged by the Russian Government's decision to label Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty in Russia as a foreign agent, subject to fines and to being kicked out of the country, all for supporting Russian journalists who report on the truth--a commodity in short supply in Russia these days. These actions are disgraceful. And it is worth noting that, as legitimate news sources like Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty come under fire in Russia, Kremlin propaganda arms like RT and Sputnik continue to operate freely here in the United States. We allow them to freely operate, but they are Russia state-sponsored enterprises. Perhaps it is time we reconsider how easily the Kremlin can disseminate disinformation to the American people. Meanwhile, several Americans remain unjustly detained in Russia, including Paul Whelan and Trevor Reed. The Kremlin's Kafka-esque treatment of American citizens must stop, and President Biden should make their return a priority of the visit. Finally, our Embassy presence in Moscow faces increasing, growing pressure from the Russian authorities as they seek to restrict visas for Embassy staff. This has to stop. In my view, if Russian diplomats' visas expire here in the United States, then they must leave. Extensions should only be granted when we see reciprocity on the Russian side. No more games. We have tolerated Kremlin abuse of this process for too long, and it has to stop. In the short time I have stood on this floor today, I have provided but a glimpse of some of the most challenging issues facing the U.S.- Russia relationship, most of which were ignored by the previous administration. President Biden has to correct course and forcefully press these matters in Geneva. However, there is one area that demands real negotiation with Moscow: the issue of arms control. I supported the extension of the New START treaty. It advances U.S. interests, constrains Russia's strategic nuclear forces, requires stringent verification to ensure Russia meets its commitments, and affords us the flexibility needed to maintain a safe, secure, modern, and effective nuclear deterrent. The question is, With New START extended, where do we go from here? I agree with President Biden that establishing a strategic stability dialogue with a country capable of destroying the United States is essential. Russia continues to pursue new destabilizing nuclear systems and actively threaten our allies with shorter range nuclear weapons. However, we cannot view this challenge solely through a military lens. Diplomacy must lead our efforts to reduce nuclear tensions going forward, and this summit would be a good place to start. Last week, in the Washington Post, former Ambassador to Russia Mike McFaul wrote that the Biden administration ``cannot freeze U.S.-Russia relations in place to focus on the greater challenge of China.'' I believe he is right. Addressing one challenge cannot come at the expense of other critical U.S. interests. Whether we like it or not, the Kremlin clearly sees the United States as its primary adversary and remains intent on challenging us at every turn. Past administrations have tried to ignore or minimize the threat. It doesn't work. We need an assertive and comprehensive strategy, one that holds the Kremlin accountable and even puts them on their heels from time to time. The United States of America always aspires to have a stable, predictable relationship with every country around the world. But stable and predictable partners do not use chemical weapons to wipe out their political opposition. Stable and political partners do not tear chunks of territory from their neighbors. Stable and political partners don't commit war crimes in places like Syria. Vladimir Putin has been President for 20 years now. After all this time, we know what we are dealing with; it is not a stable and predictable partner. We are dealing with a mafia state run by a vicious authoritarian and his inner circle of corrupt oligarchs, not a normal country. We are dealing with a criminal enterprise, not a democratic government. And as President Biden knows, and has said, when it comes to Putin, we are dealing with a ruthless killer. We should act accordingly. I yield the floor.