Bob Menendez

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, I ask for 1 minute of the 2 minutes. This provision is providing fundamental fairness so that hospitals in every State of this country have the resources they need to hire the best, most qualified providers. Years ago, CMS came up with an arbitrary formula that excluded a series of States from a payment policy that intended to benefit all hospitals so we are not competing for labor unfairly. A bipartisan policy that began under President Bush continued through multiple administrations until the Trump administration ended it without justification. Making matters worse, our States were at the epicenter of the COVID crisis. This provision would simply provide parity, and it would do so, unlike what the Senator is saying, without decreasing payments for any other State. This is the fairest way to provide parity that our States need and to be able to deal with the challenges of getting people at a time in which we need them the most.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, I ask for 15 additional seconds.

Mr. MENENDEZ. And there is nothing that makes any other State in this country more special than our States. Vote on Amendment No. 996

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, colleagues, this amendment is meant for one purpose and one purpose only and that is to kill the American Rescue Plan, to kill all the work that has brought us to this moment, to kill the $1,400 checks to American families that will help them stay in their homes and put food on the table, to kill the extended unemployment checks that millions are depending upon us not to let lapse next week, to kill the ability to put more vaccine in the arms of our families, to kill the desperate aid that small businesses need to stay alive, to kill the chance to lift 50 percent of all of those children in poverty into the sunlit plains of opportunity. The Senate has already expressed itself today on Keystone. The committee rule could not accommodate this referral in the timeframe offered. Enough is enough. It is time to defeat this amendment and pass the American Rescue Plan. I urge my colleagues to vote against it.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise today to express my concern about increasing insecurity in the Darfur region of Sudan and to call for immediate action to prevent further violence and protect civilians. As many of my colleagues will recall, in 2003 the regime of toppled Sudanese dictator Omar al-Bashir began a vicious and deadly campaign against his own citizens in the Darfur region. Millions were driven from their homes, and hundreds of thousands killed and sometimes raped by militia armed and supported by the government. In 2004 Congress and the State Department stood united in determining that what was taking place in Darfur was, in fact, genocide. Three years after that determination, the United Nations-African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur, UNAMID, was established. UNAMID has not been perfect. However, despite numerous obstacles the Government of Sudan put in place under al-Bashir to obstruct the mission's ability to carry out its mandate to protect civilians, UNAMID has provided critical support for the people of Darfur. UNAMID policewomen have served as trusted confidants for Darfuri women to report sexual and domestic violence, and UNAMID soldiers have provided a protective presence, deterring violence against civilians in areas where they have been deployed. Overall, the presence of international forces has reinforced some sense of security and stability for the hundreds of thousands of people in Darfur who remain displaced, so that that they can continue to live full and dignified lives. These efforts have come at significant cost both in blood and treasure: 64 UNAMID peacekeepers have been killed, and billions of dollars spent, in support of the mission. With the fall of Bashir, many had hoped that the situation in Darfur would improve. However, those hopes have yet to be fully realized. Violence in West Darfur in late December of 2019 killed dozens and displaced an estimated 40,000 people. In January 2020, two separate violent incidents in North Darfur were additional indicators that all was not well in the region, as were deadly attacks on internally displaced camps in July. In January of this year, communal clashes in West and South Darfur resulted in the death of over 250 people and the displacement of over 100,000. These episodes raise the specter of a return to the catastrophic and genocidal violence that engulfed the region in 2003. But instead of redoubling its commitment to Darfur's long-suffering people at this critical time, the international community risks abandoning them. This past December, the United Nations Security Council made the decision to dissolve UNAMID. Although it will retain a presence in the region until it completes its full drawdown at the end of June 2021, UNAMID's core civilian protection functions have now ceased. UNAMID is to be replaced by the United Nations Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan, or UNITAMS. UNITAMS is a Sudan-wide political mission that is aimed at assisting with the transition. I agree that such a mission is needed to ensure that Sudan's transition to democracy is successful. However, supporting the transition and protecting vulnerable civilians are not mutually exclusive, and the mandate for UNITAMS could have included both. Unfortunately, Sudan's transitional government refused to accept this course of action, and UNITAMS therefore lacks UNAMID's Chapter VII authorities to deploy military tools in service of civilian protection and the advancement of peace in Darfur. Officials in the transitional government at the highest levels have argued that a Chapter VII mission is not necessary because the security situation in Darfur has improved; that many of the warring parties in Darfur have made peace with the Government of Sudan through the Juba Peace Agreement; that Bashir's genocidal regime, which bore primary responsibility for the crisis in the region, is no longer in power; and that the transitional government is implementing a security plan for Darfur that will adequately protect civilians. I do not share this assessment of the situation in Darfur, and recent clashes, as well earlier rounds of violence that have plagued Darfur since Sudan's transition began in 2019, demonstrate that the region remains fragile. Communal tensions over land, water, and political power persist, and Darfur is awash in weapons. The government's program to provide security to the region, including through its National Plan for Civilian Protection, has yet to be adequately fleshed out let alone implemented. Just last week, the UNAMID team site at Saraf Umrah that was transferred to the Sudanese Government on January 21 was looted by unnamed assailants, and all of the buildings on the site were reportedly destroyed despite the government's prior commitment to secure it. The Juba Peace Agreement, while promising, has not been endorsed by all of Darfur's warring parties. And most worryingly, those likely to be charged with protecting civilians in Darfur, including components of the Sudanese military and the Rapid Support Forces, RSF, of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, are the same actors that for years worked to implement Bashir's campaign of terror and genocide in the region. In this context, the United Nations Security Council's ill-timed and poorly-conceived decision to end UNAMID's mandate--facilitated by the Trump administration's lack of a well-thought-out diplomatic strategy and approach--and to rapidly draw down the mission exposes the Darfuri people to significant harm. It could derail Sudan's civilian-led transition to democracy, resulting in another round of instability that Sudan and the broader region can ill afford. That is why in February 2020 I led a group of Senators in writing to the Trump administration, urging it to ensure that the U.N. maintain a mission in Darfur with an adequate number of peacekeeping troops operating under a robust Chapter VII mandate to protect civilians from violence; and that is why I am raising the alarm again here today. The United States, along with its international partners, must work rapidly to put in place mechanisms that can protect Darfur's civilians until such a time that Sudan's transitional government is capable of providing security to the region. Fortunately, the plight of Darfur has long attracted the bipartisan support of Congress and multiple administrations. At this critical time, it is vital that our commitment remain steadfast. I hope to work with the Biden administration to urgently address the security vacuum created by UNAMID's drawdown and call upon Secretary of State Blinken and United Nations Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield to take urgent steps. First, we must use our voice and vote at the UNSC to encourage a temporary reauthorization of UNAMID so that it can carry out critical protection of civilian functions, at the very least until it fully draws down in June 2021. Second, we must work actively at the UNSC to strengthen the mandate of the UNITAMS so that it includes robust civilian protection mechanisms. Third, we should press Sudan's civilian-led transitional government to develop a credible civilian protection plan in Darfur that does not--I repeat, does not--involve the RSF or any other forces implicated in violence in Darfur. Fourth, the administration should carefully monitor progress on civilian protection in Darfur and provide support where necessary, including by considering how much of the recently appropriated $700 million for Sudan needs to be set aside to support civilian security in Darfur. Fifth, we must make clear to all that sustainable peace in Darfur requires justice and accountability for past atrocities, no matter how powerful the people implicated. Mr. President, I strongly support a closer bilateral relationship with Sudan and will continue, as I have for the past 2 years, to do what I can to ensure the United States does its part to see to it that Sudan's civilian-led transition to democracy is successful. We have what may be a once in a generation opportunity. A healthy political transition at the national level will only aid the cause of peace in Darfur, and vice versa. Mr. President, the situation in Darfur requires our urgent and considered attention. Let us continue our strong tradition of bipartisan support for the long-suffering people of Sudan at this critical time.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD- 423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, section 36(b) of the Arms Export Control Act requires that Congress receive prior notification of certain proposed arms sales as defined by that statute. Upon such notification, the Congress has 30 calendar days during which the sale may be reviewed. The provision stipulates that, in the Senate, the notification of proposed sales shall be sent to the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In keeping with the committee's intention to see that relevant information is available to the full Senate, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record the notifications which have been received. If the cover letter references a classified annex, then such annex is available to all Senators in the office of the Foreign Relations Committee, room SD-423.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I have 2 requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate: Committee on the Judiciary The Committee on the Judiciary is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Monday, February 22, 2021, at 9:30 a.m., to conduct a hearing on nominations. Committee on Rules and Administration The Committee on Rules and Administration is authorized to meet during the session of the Senate on Monday, February 22, 2021, at 5:45 p.m., to conduct a hearing.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, I rise today to support the nomination of Ambassador Linda Thomas-Greenfield as U.S. Representative to the United Nations, the Security Council, and the General Assembly of the United Nations. Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield's impressive career in public service makes her uniquely and eminently qualified for this role. For over 35 years, she has served this country faithfully and ably, under both Democratic and Republican administrations, in senior Senate-confirmed positions such as Ambassador to Liberia, Director General of the Foreign Service, and Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield understands at her core that foreign policy is about forging connections and building relationships. So I have no doubt that what she calls her personal brand of ``gumbo diplomacy,'' which emphasizes connecting with others to solve problems, will be of tremendous service to the United States at an institution like the United Nations, where personal relationships matter a great deal. Our country is truly fortunate that the Ambassador has agreed to return to public service, especially at this critical moment. We face an array of formidable challenges, both around the world and at the U.N., that demand someone with her skills and commitment to democracy, good governance, human rights, and anti-corruption. Over the last 4 years, the United States has accrued more than $1 billion in peacekeeping arrears, tried to pull out of the World Health Organization in the middle of a pandemic, undermined international protections for women, girls, and LGBTI individuals, defunded or cut funding to key agencies like the U.N. Population Fund and the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and pulled out of the Paris climate agreement. Meanwhile, China and other authoritarian countries have filled the vacuum left by our absence. We must regain U.S. leverage and influence at the Security Council, where Russia and China have used their veto powers and ability to bully nonpermanent members to stymie the Council's work. They have shielded abusive regimes, like the criminal dictatorship of Nicolas Maduro in Venezuela, and the government of Burma, which committed genocide against the Rohingya. Our loss of influence at the Security Council under the Trump administration was on full display in the disastrous attempt to extend the U.N. arms embargo on Iran, where the United States could muster only one other vote of support on the Council--one other vote-- including some of our most longtime allies: Germany, France, Great Britain, to mention a few. It was an embarrassment, an embarrassment. Meanwhile, China has increased its role and activities at the United Nations and in other international organizations and has worked to pervert and distort the core values that make the U.N.'s work so important, especially the U.N.'s long-held commitment to human rights. Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield has a long history of expressed opposition to China's use of debt-trap tactics and its increasingly malign presence in world governance bodies. She has spoken plainly about China's authoritarian ambitions, its open hostility to universal human rights and democratic values, and has committed to confronting them every step of the way at the United Nations. What the United States desperately needs right now at the U.N. is renewal and reengagement with key alliances and institutions. Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield has the expertise, the strength, and the character to deliver on these priorities, to stand up for the challenges that we face from China, to regain U.S. leverage and influence in the Security Council, to reengage our allies and hold Iran accountable, and to stand firm when Israel is subject to biased attacks. Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield has my full support, and I urge my colleagues to support the nomination. I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. MENENDEZ. I ask unanimous consent that the vote be held immediately.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I come to the floor today to make the case that we should invest $10 billion in the prevention and defeat of COVID-19 in the foreign assistance portion of this budget resolution. For so long as COVID-19 is anywhere, it can spread everywhere, directly threatening our national security, our economy, and the health and safety of the American people. COVID-19 has devastated the world. To date, there have been nearly 103 million confirmed cases worldwide. More than 2 million people have died, including over 450,000 in the United States. The lockdowns necessitated by the pandemic have triggered the worst recession since the Great Depression. We must join with our partners and allies around the globe to end this scourge once and for all. Now, with so many Americans shattered by the death, disruption, and economic devastation unleashed by the coronavirus, I am sure more than a few would question why we should bother spending any resources in the global fight against COVID-19, let alone $10 billion. The simple answer is: COVID-19 knows no borders. The pandemic didn't start here, but it came here. The world is in a race against COVID-19, and we cannot lose, for the longer we allow this virus to spread, the more it will mutate into new strains, and the more that it mutates into new strains, the greater the threat to the efficacy of our vaccines and our ability to rebuild our economy and restore our way of life. This $10 billion investment will ramp up American efforts to fight COVID-19 and stop new variants before they reach our shores and cost more American lives. It will fund humanitarian assistance to respond to the suffering inflicted by COVID-19 and channel resources to international organizations charged with responding to these challenges and preventing further spread. And it will support the global race to develop new vaccines. As Dr. Anthony Fauci publicly stated last month, we have to start work now preparing additional vaccines to deal with new and virulent strains of COVID-19. This will require investment both at home and abroad. In addition to our own efforts, we must invest in international research and development and support technology transfers so that vaccines capable of protecting us from future variants are produced and made available quickly around the world. The package also includes funding for global health programs that strengthen health systems in developing countries. As we have learned firsthand, COVID-19 can overwhelm even the most robust of healthcare systems. For countries with poorer public health infrastructure, the challenge is exponentially harder. And the longer we allow COVID-19 to ravage health systems around the globe, the longer it will remain a threat to the United States. The resolution will also help us protect two decades' worth of investments to combat the spread of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria through the Global Fund. Specifically, the resolution ensures that lifesaving treatments for those three deadly diseases continues. It also provides resources to support the Global Fund's newly developed COVID-19 response mechanism, allowing countries to better prevent, care for, and treat this disease. It is hard to recapture the scale of the suffering unleashed by this pandemic, but here is what we know: The number of people facing faminelike conditions around the world has doubled, and child malnutrition and death rates are on the rise. Through this resolution, we will be able to address the pandemic's toll on the most vulnerable, including children and refugees, by funding organizations such as the World Food Programme and UNICEF. It will also enable us to help confront dramatically increased rates of violence against women and girls, what the United Nations has called the ``shadow pandemic'' of gender-based violence. And it will provide urgently needed funding for the World Health Organization, which the Biden administration rejoined on the President's first day in office. We cannot forfeit our seat at the table to other countries that do not share our values or our interests. We must engage, and we must lead. Finally, the resolution will support ongoing State Department and USAID operations that protect Americans overseas and advance our diplomatic and economic interests around the globe. We must begin to undo the damage to the State Department and USAID wrought by the Trump administration and ensure that both agencies have the resources to deal with the effects of COVID-19, including the impacts on our foreign service officers and their families, Embassy operations, and lost revenue due to disruption of services, even as we look to replenish and revive these critical instruments for our national security. So I will end where I began: We cannot hermetically seal ourselves and believe that we can avoid any consequences from anyplace across the globe. Disease, including this one, knows no boundaries, knows no borders. Unless and until COVID-19 is stamped out globally, American lives and livelihoods remain at risk. Simply put, our international efforts to stop the spread of COVID-19 abroad are directly linked to our national and economic security at home. So I urge all of my colleagues to support continued relief, recovery, and prevention efforts by voting in support of the budget resolution I yield the floor to my distinguished colleague, the senior member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Mr. Cardin.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I oppose this amendment because my distinguished colleague and friend put it in a very narrow context. The reality is that this amendment suggests that all agreements, proclamations, or declarations entered into between the United States and Mexico will be preserved. The problem is Congress does not have a clear picture of the international agreements, arrangements, and supporting documents that the Trump administration negotiated with Mexico. I requested those documents for almost 2 years as the ranking member on the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Yet the Trump administration was afraid to put them up for congressional and public scrutiny. Without knowing what they say or how low they may have stooped, I don't see how any Member can take an educated vote on this amendment to consent to that which Members don't even know exists. I, therefore, oppose the amendment for those and other reasons. Point of Order Mr. President, I raise a point of order that the pending amendment is not germane to the underlying resolution and, therefore, violates section 305(b)(2) of the Congressional Budget Act of 1974. Motion to Waive

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I just remark how quickly you have risen in the Senate. So we welcome you here. I rise today in support of Tony Blinken's nomination to be Secretary of State. I want to thank Senator Risch for working with me expeditiously to get this nomination to the floor, and I appreciate his work and common cause to achieve it. We all know Mr. Blinken has impressive credentials. He was confirmed by the Senate as Deputy Secretary of State, and before that, he served as the Deputy National Security Advisor and as the staff director at the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. But apart from his extensive experience, he showed in almost 5 hours of hearing testimony that he is thoughtful, willing, able to grapple with the most complex challenging issues facing our country, and committed to engaging Congress, and he did so on both sides of the aisle. Not surprisingly, the Foreign Relations Committee reported him out by an overwhelming bipartisan vote. Now, some in this body may not be aware of Mr. Blinken's family tradition, which reflects the best of this country in two ways: our history of welcoming those in need of refuge and the contributions that immigrants and refugees have made in the service of our Nation. Mr. Blinken's family came here fleeing persecution. His grandfather, Maurice Blinken, fled Russian pogroms. His father's wife, Vera Blinken, fled communist Hungary, and his late stepfather, Samuel Pisar, survived Nazi concentration camps and met the first U.S. soldiers he saw with the only English words he knew: God bless America. And from that family, our country has benefitted from the service of two Ambassadors, an Assistant Secretary, and a Deputy Secretary of State--what a testament to the power of the American Dream. Mr. Blinken must be confirmed so we can start addressing the challenges we face abroad. Every day there is an event or calamity across the globe, and whether it is a massacre in Ethiopia or democratic protests in Russia, we need U.S. leadership and engagement to chart our foreign policy through these troubling times. We now have a COVID vaccine, but troubling new variants and strains are appearing in the United Kingdom and South Africa. We need a confirmed Secretary of State and a robust State Department to revitalize the traditional U.S. role as a leader on global health issues. This is just one of the many things we have to do to bring this pandemic to an end both in this country and abroad. It is also important that Mr. Blinken be confirmed to help address the challenges we face closer to home. The State Department is suffering from a historic crisis stemming from low morale, the departure over the past 4 years of many of our most experienced diplomats, and the lack of accountability for the political leadership at the top during the last 4 years. Mr. Blinken's experience and expertise is necessary to begin to repair the damage and rebuild the State Department. Moreover, the Office of Secretary of State is fourth in the Presidential line of succession and is one of the most important national security positions in the government. To paraphrase former Secretary of Defense James Mattis, if we do not support diplomacy, our Armed Forces will ultimately need more ammunition. He was right. Robust diplomacy means that we are less likely to have to send our sons and daughters to fight wars, and it means more opportunities for Americans and American businesses abroad. I strongly support Mr. Blinken's nomination today because he is the right person for the job and because we cannot afford to leave this post vacant any longer. I hope my colleagues will all join me. With that, I yield the floor.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to speak for up to 5 minutes.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. I ask for the yeas and nays.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I have 2 requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. MENENDEZ

Mr. MENENDEZ. Madam President, I come to the floor today to urge the swift confirmation for Tony Blinken to be the Secretary of State. Like we saw with Avril Haines yesterday and moving toward Lloyd Austin today, we need to hold a floor vote on Mr. Blinken's nomination urgently. Mr. Blinken is well known to the Senate, having previously been confirmed as Deputy Secretary of State, having served as the Deputy National Security Advisor and, of course, as the staff director of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee before that. He is superbly qualified to be the Secretary of State, and his knowledge and thoughtfulness were on display during 5 hours of testimony earlier this week. And since then, he has been asked to respond to hundreds of questions. As a matter of fact, he has had an inordinate number of questions that have been put to him for the record. He had nearly over half a hundred before his hearing. He has had from a couple of our colleagues nearly 600 questions, including multiple parts to those questions. And to my knowledge, he has largely answered them all, notwithstanding the size, the magnitude of it. Now, I have been, since I arrived in this institution, one of the big advocates of the prerogatives of each and every individual Senator and of the institution. So I take a back step to no one, but there is a difference between prerogatives and prerogatives that are abused, which, in essence, are for the purpose of not seeking information but for the purpose of delaying a nomination. Now, I appreciate that Senator Risch, the present chairman of the committee, has been working with me to try to accelerate Mr. Blinken's nomination to the floor, but I would ask my colleagues, particularly those on the committee, to join him and I in an effort to bring one of the important national security positions in our government to the floor for a vote. I don't think we should be leaving this weekend without a vote for the Secretary of State. He is the right person to repair and restore our alliances, to rebuild and renew the State Department, to reinvigorate the relationship between the Department and Congress--something that I think Republicans and Democrats alike have agreed have soured dramatically. His testimony, his opening statement, his answers to questions show that he will be a working partner with this institution. But, obviously, confirming Mr. Blinken is not just about the nominee himself. It is about doing what the American people expect and the Constitution requires--providing advice and consent to ensure that national security officials are in office in a timely manner. We are facing challenges in every corner of the world. The world is on fire--from Iran to Russia, to Venezuela, to global challenges that define our times and defy borders, like COVID, migration, and climate change. We can't afford delaying to put Mr. Blinken in office. We can't allow the State Department to be rudderless. If we don't have leadership, we can't be sure that China or Russia and others won't fill the vacuum as they have for the last several years or do something that is adverse to our national and economic security. Imagine that there is a hostage deal to be had, as I believe there is, and you can't have another country call the Secretary of State because the Secretary of State doesn't exist. Imagine if there are tensions between two countries that affect our national interests. You don't have a Secretary of State to call as counterpart in those countries to seek to ease the tension, to remove the threat. Imagine if President Biden needs to have a Secretary of State engage in some part of the world to stop a conflict, to open an opportunity, to prevent an unintended consequence. We don't have that person, and we cannot expect the President to pick up the phone in each and every instance in the world as he is trying to deal with COVID at home and an economic crisis that follows on from that. That is what the Secretary of State does. So Mr. Blinken also, finally, is not just critical to addressing challenges abroad, we have to acknowledge what the role of Secretary of State is here at home. If we remember what just happened back on the 6th, three of the first four officials in the line of succession--the Vice President, the Speaker of the House, and the President pro tempore of the Senate--were in the Capitol when domestic terrorists breached the building. Every day we learn more details about this heinous attack, including that the terrorists, some of whom were chanting ``Hang Mike Pence!'' came within a minute or so of a potential face-to-face encounter with Vice President Pence. Thank God, through the quick thinking and heroics of our Capitol Police and other law enforcement, those three remained unscathed, but if something had happened, it is the Secretary of State who is fourth in line of succession to the President of the United States. Leaving the office vacant is irresponsible. It is irresponsible in that regard. It is irresponsible in terms of something happening in the world and not having a Secretary of State who could work to deal with it so that we could preserve our national security, promote our national interests, and stop something, an unintended consequence, from happening. Mr. Blinken has the qualifications. The challenges facing our country call for him to be confirmed, and I hope the Senate does not leave here tomorrow until he is confirmed. With that, I yield the floor.

Mr. MENENDEZ. Thank you.