Kweisi Mfume

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding. I heard someone on the other side said something that disturbed me, so it has actually taken me off my remarks because it can't go unaddressed. For the gentleman to say that Democrats, the majority party here in the House, are the greatest threat to American democracy that the world has ever known, that means we are more threatening than Putin and the Russians, more threatening than this terrible pandemic around us. It is the sort of thing that I would admonish my side never to say about the other side, and it is the sort of thing that I think takes us away from why we are here. We are here to have debate and discussion and to reasonably disagree on things. At the end of the day, we are calling for a vote as we normally do. Things are voted up; things are voted down. That has been the process that I have come to know over all these years. We are here because Americans who are Democrats and Republicans and independents are not getting their mail on time. We are here because there has been a 10 percent slowdown in the last 66 days. We are here because sorting machines have been dismantled at an accelerated rate, not the normal rate, an accelerated rate all across America. We are here because mailboxes, without density studies, are being snatched. They have been removed over the years, but it has accelerated. It has accelerated to such an extent that now people are wondering: Where is their medication? Where is their check? It is veterans. It is our small businesses that are hampered by this. It is senior citizens. So, we are not here mysteriously on a Saturday to point fingers and to call names. The other side has a right to disagree, but this is a problem. I don't know about your constituents, but all of mine are telling me that they can't get their mail on time. They expect more. If the first Postmaster General looked back at this day, I am sure Ben Franklin would be spinning in his grave. We have an issue before us. We ought to go at it with vigorous debate. At the end of the day, I may lose and you may win, or I may win and you may lose, but the American public loses without us standing up for this issue.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, 33 years ago, I stood near this spot and watched Thurgood Marshall come through these doors as a member of the Supreme Court at a State of the Union address. And as a Marylander and as a Baltimorean, I had a great sense of pride. I got to know Mr. Marshall. All he ever said by his eloquence and his example was this is how we ought to be as Supreme Court justices. I must tell you, I was dismayed, though, years earlier, to learn as a young student at Morgan State University the history of Roger B. Taney, who did just the opposite to my spirit and just the opposite, I think, to what we believe Supreme Court Justices should act like and how they conduct themselves. A gentleman from the other side earlier said that Mr. Taney rendered the worst Supreme Court decision ever. And he is exactly right. That decision said that Black people had no rights for which the White man must respect, and therefore that the Negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his own benefit. It also said that Black people born in America, like Dred Scott, were not citizens and it eviscerated the Missouri Compromise of 1820. So replacing the statue of Taney with one instead of Thurgood Marshall seems to me the way we ought to go as a Chamber. I hope in a bipartisan fashion, not only for ourselves, but to say to all the visitors that come through this building that we will continue to hold high real American heroes that sought to keep us together, and we will not honor those who sought to divide us.

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the gentleman's kind and overly gracious remarks. I appreciate also his sense of history and for what I think today is being displayed as a bipartisan effort to draw attention to and to reconcile a very real problem. So I will be more than happy to do that. And Lincoln was one of my heroes in many respects, not just because he signed, as Mr. Butterfield said, an executive order in 1863, but that he reminded us of what we were supposed to be as a Nation. Was he flawed? Yes. Are we flawed? Yes. Do we increase our ability to grow together? The absolute answer is yes. So I do appreciate the gentleman's comments, and I appreciate him yielding.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, as we have been hearing and continue to hear, the passing of John Lewis represents a loss for America of one of our greatest heroes and, for many of us, a dear and old friend. John and I were sworn in together in this Chamber 33 years ago as classmates in the 100th Congress. There were only four African Americans elected to Congress that year, he, myself, Floyd Flake of New York, and Mike Espy of Mississippi. We huddled with John here on the floor, and he made all of us hug each other. He said: We got here in different ways, but we are one band of brothers now. The passion and the equality that he carried with him throughout his life, as we know, never waned. His untiring quest for justice never faltered. With a big heart for compassion, John, like his mentor, Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., was unawed by opinion, unseduced by flattery, and undismayed by disaster. Birthed in an area of Jim Crow and vile and vicious segregation, he defied the limitedness of others' expectations. John knew that politics changed people, so he set out early to change politics. Everything about him pointed to the fact that he was emblematic of that great band of freedom fighters who realized that freedom wasn't free. In this era where everyone seems to be searching for the next big thing or the next great thing, isn't it odd, Mr. Speaker, that the greatness of John Lewis was with us all along? We needed only to look as far as the latest movement for social change to find it. We are sad today, but heaven is rejoicing, and John has claimed his final reward.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the distinguished Delegate, the congressperson from Washington, D.C., for her steadfast leadership on this. I had the opportunity to work with her predecessor back in the late 1980s in this Chamber, Delegate Walter Fauntroy, who passed the torch, and the Delegate has done a great job. It took 27 years to get this vote back onto the floor. I was there in 1993 when we came up short. Today, I am hoping and praying that this bill passes. I want to congratulate you on that and to remind others that this is not going to go away because, at the end of the day, this is really about taxation without representation, one of the original 27 colonial grievances filed against the King, which was a major cause of the Revolutionary War. So when people in Boston had the Tea Party and threw tea in the Boston Harbor in December of 1773, they were making a statement and setting an example for people across this Nation to understand that we just can't tax people without allowing them to be represented. You have heard the great discussions, the cogent points about the fiscal side of this, that D.C. residents pay more taxes per capita than any other State, that they pay more general taxes than 22 States, that they have a budget larger than 11 States, and a bond rating better than almost 30 other States. I have heard this discussion when it comes to fiscal matters about the constitutional federation of States, the great words of Hamilton and the Federalists and the Federalist Papers. I understand that. But one thing we have to remember when we raise Hamilton and talk about the Federalists is that their stated belief was the Constitution was meant to evolve, that it was a living document. That is not my impression. That is the impression and the opinion of the Federalists. If that were not true, I could not be here as a descendant of a slave without the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments. The distinguished woman couldn't be here. She had not the right to vote under the Federalist Papers. Alaska and Hawaii, when I was born, were not States.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, to my friends on the other side of the aisle, every now and then in our Nation's history we find ourselves at a singular, searing, and seminal moment, a moment such as this. And so, whether it was the great debates of the 1960s and the civil rights bill or the granting of women the right to vote 100 years ago or the debates of war and peace which predate all of us, this is our moment. And it is our moment to do the right thing on behalf of the faceless and nameless men and women who have lost their lives as a result of police violence. So when future generations peer through the telescope of time and look back on us and this day, let them say of us that, when it came to addressing the issue of racist, ugly, violent, criminal actions by bad police officers, we did not waiver, that we did not flinch, that we did not shirk our responsibility to do the right thing. The right thing is passing the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, and to do so on behalf of all those who are not here to pass it and to vote and to speak for themselves. I strongly urge passage. This is the moment that we have to act in, and it will be a fleeting moment.

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman from New York, the chair of our Caucus, for yielding. I listened intently to the litany that the minority leader chose to deliver, and I watched and looked through a lens of history about his admonitions about our 16th President, Abraham Lincoln, and they were all well-stated. I think the bottom line, though, is that, in any debate, there ought to be real context. So there are other things that Lincoln said that are relevant to this debate as well. In 1848, in a speech delivered in Edwardsville, Illinois, he spoke these words to his countrymen. He said: When you have succeeded in dehumanizing the Negro; when you have put him down and made it impossible for him to be but as the beasts of the field; when you have extinguished his soul in this world and placed him where the ray of hope is blown out as in the darkness of the damned, are you quite sure that the demon you have roused will not turn and rend you? Lincoln went on to say: Destroy the Negro's spirit and you have planted the seeds of despotism at your own doorstep. He said: Ignore the chains of bondage, and you prepare your own limbs to wear them. Finally, he said: Accustomed to trample on the rights and the freedoms of others, and you would have lost the creative genius of your own independence, and then become the fit subjects of the first cunning tyrant who rises among you. So while I appreciate the minority leader's comments, I think it is important that we have context in this debate. We have driven here and have been driven here by the actions of people all across this country who want justice, who want an end to police violence, who want an end to rogue cops and want to be able to live, work, and breathe in a society like anyone else.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Madam Speaker, I rise today because I want to call the name of George Floyd. George Floyd lost his life this week because of a Minneapolis police officer. George Floyd died for no known reason. He was not armed. He was not intoxicated. He was not aggressive. And he was not threatening. George Floyd pleaded for his life. He cried out for help. He groaned in pain. And then he died with his face pressed against the ground and the knee of a police officer against his neck. This was not an arrest. This was murder. It was the murder of George Floyd, and it ought to be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law. God help us as a Nation if we choose to be silent at this sad and tragic time.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, we have had a lot of talk on this floor today about this bill with people pointing fingers and saying: It doesn't do this or it doesn't do that. However, if we were to examine the intent of this bill we can see one thing with crystal clarity. What it does do is to provide real support for American heroes: our physicians, our nurses, our cops, our teachers, our firemen, and our first responders. But there are many other heroes moving our country forward during these perilous times. Our grocery store clerks, bus drivers, mental health counselors, food bank employees, farmers and the list would certainly include leaders at every level of State and local governments. And this is not just a Democratic effort. This is an effort that is supported by Republicans as well, and somebody needs to say that. Republican Governors, Republican mayors, Republican County officials, and there will be some Republican Members on that side of the aisle who vote for this bill because it is the right thing to do. It provides needed testing, and it provides the resources those on the front lines in this war against our common enemy--the Coronavirus pandemic--who need to survive and to thrive once again. It is a critical way for us to do more than to simply offer words. It allows us to offer hope to these true American heroes.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, we have had a lot of talk on this floor about this bill and people pointing fingers and saying: It doesn't do this. What it does do, though, is to provide real support for American heroes: our cops, our teachers, our firemen, our first responders, our State and local governments. And this is not a Democratic effort. This is an effort that is supported by Republicans, and somebody needs to say that: Republican Governors, Republican mayors, and there will be Republican Members on that side of the aisle who vote for this bill because it is the right thing. It provides testing, and it provides a way out for our heroes.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Madam Speaker, I thank the majority leader for his kind and overly gracious remarks. Madam Speaker, I rise to offer my heartfelt thanks and my deepest appreciation to the people of Maryland's Seventh Congressional District for the high honor and the distinct privilege of again representing them here in the Congress of the United States. I am happy to have been joined by members of our distinguished delegation from the State of Maryland, and I appreciate their presence here among us. I thank Almighty God for the victory and for my wonderful family and friends. I am joined here in the gallery by my wife, Dr. Tiffany Beth Mfume, and a longtime family friend, attorney Eric Bryant, and others. I am honored by those supporters who are Black and White, Latino and Asian, who could not be here at this time but who have worked so very hard to make sure that this moment would be possible. And I believe, as they do and as we continue to do, that racism, sexism, and anti- Semitism are wrong, that Black bigotry can be just as cruel and evil as White bigotry, that gay bashing, immigrant bashing, and union bashing ultimately deplete us as a Nation and rob us of our ability to make true and lasting change. Today marks my return to this body after 24 years and following the death of the Honorable Elijah Cummings, my friend of 42 years. I do so against the backdrop of COVID-19 and in the midst of our Nation's greatest health crisis of the 21st century. Simultaneously, we are also locked in the Nation's greatest economic collapse, where there are now families and individuals who haven't had a paycheck in weeks as they struggle to buy food and to pay bills. Madam Speaker, our challenges as a Nation at this hour, as you and others know better than I, are economic, educational, social, and systemic, and they require both the courage of conviction and the unwavering resolve that the American spirit has always exhibited in order to solve them. Thus, in yielding back my time, I call forth the words of Dr. James Cheek, when he so eloquently exclaimed: ``I have not given up on the American idea or on the American possibility, and I ask my colleagues in this body not to give up also. ``I am convinced that our Nation still stands before the world as perhaps the last expression of a possibility of mankind devising a social order where justice is the supreme ruler, and law is but its instrument; where freedom is the dominant creed, and order . . . but its principle; where equity is the common practice, and fraternity the true human condition.'' It is against that backdrop that I welcome and embrace both this challenge and opportunity before me. Madam Speaker, I thank you and I thank the distinguished majority leader for his words of introduction.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, it is my honor and my privilege to rise today to pay a special tribute to a great American, Judge A. Leon Higginbotham, Jr. This man is an inspiration to those of us who are fortunate enough to be familiar with his works, and we as a nation are much better because of him and his works. Over the years I have had the great fortune to work with and get to know Judge Higginbotham, and from these experiences I have grown to consider him not only a friend, but a mentor. Born in Trenton, NJ, Judge Higginbotham has become one of the most respected jurists of our day, not to mention a celebrated civil rights leader and an acclaimed professor at Harvard University. He serves today not only as an inspiration to all African-Americans, but also to all Americans who admire hard work and respect the freedoms and rights on which this Nation was founded. Judge Higginbotham began his legal career in Pennsylvania, where he was appointed assistant district attorney in Philadelphia in the early 1950's. From there, he went on to serve as a member of the Pennsylvania Human Rights Commission and in 1959 he was elected president of the Philadelphia chapter of the NAACP. During this time he was also a partner in the law firm of Norris, Green, Harris & Higginbotham. From 1960 to 1962, Judge Higginbotham was a special hearing officer for conscientious objectors at the Department of Justice, and from there he went on to become the first black commissioner of the Federal Trade Commission. From 1964 to 1977, he was a judge on the Federal District Court for the Eastern District of Pennsylvania. He left that job to sit on the Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit from 1977 to his retirement in March 1993. For the last 4 years of his term, he served as only the third black judge to become chief judge of a circuit. During this time Judge Higginbotham was also able to write and publish the highly acclaimed book, ``In the Matter of Color: Race and the American Legal Process.'' Throughout his career, Judge Higginbotham's voice has been one of the clearest and most distinguished in the area of using the law to promote civil rights. He has also become, over the years, one of the most respected voices in the civil rights movement. In Judge Higginbotham's case, retirement does not mean rest. He is currently a professor at Harvard and a practicing counsel to Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison, which has offices in both New York and Washington, DC. He has also remained active in civil rights organizations such as the NAACP, and I look forward to working with him in the years to come. As even a modest perusal of his career will indicate, Judge Higginbotham's life can be summed up in one word: service. Judge Higginbotham's selfless dedication in applying his knowledge and talents to the betterment of all Americans should serve as an inspiration to all, regardless of their race, gender, or political beliefs. It is an honor to be able to salute him in these pages, and I look forward to many more years of his work on behalf of our Nation.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay a special tribute to the Epsilon Omega Chapter of the Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority, which is celebrating its diamond jubilee this year. The Epsilon Omega Chapter, which is based in Baltimore and was founded in 1921, began as the Sigma Chapter, the first graduate chapter in the North America Region of Alpha Kappa Alpha Sorority, Inc. Today, 300 members strong, the Epsilon Omega Chapter continues to provide distinguished service in developing programs and initiatives to address the needs of the Baltimore community. Included in the group's goals are to increase health awareness among women and children; to advance educational and communications opportunities through various partnerships; to provide the support that is needed to bring about economic empowerment for African-American families, including minority-owned businesses and voter registration; and to provide a service to all who are in need. Given these lofty goals and the hard work that these women have put into making them a reality, it is my high honor to salute the Epsilon Omega Chapter and all its members during their diamond jubilee year. May the next 75 years be just as prosperous for both the group and the community it serves.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Banks Contracting Co., Inc., an African-American owned general contracting firm that specializes in commercial and industrial renovations. As many residents or visitors to the Baltimore-Washington area can attest, Banks Contracting Co. has worked on some of the most important sites in the area constructed over the last 15 years. Sites to which Banks Construction has contributed include some of Baltimore's most famous and visited locales, including the National Aquarium, Camden Yards, and the Baltimore Arena. Banks is currently working on the Baltimore Children's Museum, which is slated to open in 1998. In addition to these well-known landmarks, past clients include the Johns Hopkins Hospital, the Federal Reserve Bank of Richmond, NationsBank, the University of Maryland, Westinghouse, and Toyota, to name but a few. In addition to these business successes, Banks also has a strong reputation within the community. The company has addressed the needs of the community throughout the years by serving as a mentor to young men and women in the construction field. Several of these young people, with financial and business assistance from Banks Construction Co., have moved on and established their own successful businesses. In addition, Banks Construction is also a member of the Maryland/ District of Columbia Minority Supplier Development Council and has, in the past, contributed its resources to the Contractor's College in Baltimore. In 1995, Banks was the key corporate sponsor for the Associated Black Charity's 10th Annual Fundraising Celebration and in 1994 it received the Administrator's Award for Excellence from the U.S. Small Business Administration. Banks has also been recognized in past years by Westinghouse and the Maryland/District of Columbia Minority Supplier Development Council. And so, Mr. Speaker, I applaud Banks Construction Co. for its excellence not only as a contractor on some of Baltimore's most important projects, but also a member of our community, one that is willing to give some of its gifts back to its community.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I rise today in tribute to Earl Graves, a nationally recognized authority on African-American business development and an alumnus of my alma mater, Morgan State University in Baltimore, MD. On August 9, 1995, Morgan State University president Dr. Earl Richardson announced that the Morgan State School of Business and Management would be renamed the Earl G. Graves School of Business and Management. This high honor was due in part to Earl's entrepreneurial vision which has guided Black Enterprise magazine through 25 years of publishing and in part to his strong commitment to higher education. As the publisher of Black Enterprise magazine, Earl has been one of the Nation's leading advocates for upscale black professionals, executives, entrepreneurs, and policy makers in the private and public sector. Earl has also applied much of what is discussed in his magazine to his professional life: he is the chairman and CEO of Pepsi-Cola of Washington, DC, the largest minority-controlled Pepsi-Cola franchise in the United States. The company covers a franchise territory of more than 400 square miles including Washington, DC and Prince Georges County, MD. Earl is also a General Partner of Egoli Beverages, the Pepsi-Cola franchise bottler of South Africa. Earl has been very active in supporting historically black colleges and universities, with the recent contribution of $1 million to our mutual alma mater, Morgan State University. President Clinton praised Earl's contribution as ``an investment that will pay great dividends for the next generation and beyond, and I hope one that will encourage others to follow Earls lead and do their part to help expand opportunities in business and education for African-Americans.'' In addition to his tremendous successes in business, Earl Graves has also been intimately involved in trying to improve the lives of all Americans. He served as an administrative assistant to Senator Robert F. Kennedy from 1965 to 1968: following Senator Kennedy's assassination Earl formed his own management consulting firm to advise corporations of urban affairs and economic development. Earl Graves has also been a long and active advocate of the Boy Scouts of America; he currently serves as the vice president, relationships/marketing and on the executive board of the national office. The list of organizations on whose boards he voluntarily serves is as extensive as it is impressive: New American Schools Development Corporation, TransAfrica Forum; the Glass Ceiling Commission; American Museum of Natural History and Planetarium, and is chairman of the Black Business Council. Earl also serves on the board of selectors of the American Institute for Public Service, the executive committee of the Council on Competitiveness, the advisory council of the Character Education Partnership, and the board of directors of the Associates of Harvard University's Graduate School of Business Administration. Despite all of these honors and responsibilities, Earl does not rest on his laurels. He continues to remain an active participant in all of his endeavors--a perusal of his monthly essays on the Publisher's Page of Black Enterprise magazine often leads the reader to consider such important issues as affirmative action and the fate of our national economy. While this may be but a brief overview of the many accomplishments and contributions of Earl Graves to our Nation, it is clear that he is a remarkable man. The fact that he is willing--indeed, eager--to share his gifts makes him all the more extraordinary. We as a nation are certainly lucky to have citizens like Earl Graves among us, and it is an honor to be able to salute him.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I rise to pay tribute to Maya Angelou, one of the most impassioned voices not only of the African-American community but of mankind as a whole. Ms. Angelou once explained. ``I speak to the black experience but I am always talking about the human condition-- about what we can endure, dream, fail at and still survive.'' For this reason, she was tapped by President Clinton to address the Nation during his inauguration. She was the first poet, since Robert Frost spoke at the Kennedy inaugural almost 32 years prior, to address the Nation during such a moment of political change. In composing a poem for the inaugural address, she sought to remind us all that we are more alike than unalike. She credits her ability to bring people together, as well as the President's fondness of her work, for why she was chosen. Although many Americans became aware of Ms. Angelou during the swearing-in ceremony, she has been speaking to the Nation through a variety of mediums for decades. She is a woman of many talents--an author, actress, singer, dancer, songwriter, and teacher. Although much of her written work is based on the experiences of a black woman, she always manages to make her words applicable to everyone. It is these experiences which become the foundation of her most acclaimed work, a five-volume autobiography. The first book, I know Why the Caged Bird Sings, which received a National Book Award nomination, documents her early experiences in Arkansas, Missouri, and California. In the autobiography, she reveals the many hardships she has faced but through which she has persevered. It was through this novel that the world came to understand the obstacles she overcame. Raped at the tender age of 8 she retreated into her own world and would not utter a single word for the next 5 years. But the book also reveals the good in her life such as the birth of her only son, Guy. It is the honesty of her words which draws admirers from politicians, like myself and the President, to those who flock to hear her speak on the lecture circuit. In her 12 books 6 of which are poetry, she has managed to write about every part of her life, focusing on such universal themes as struggle, success, love, family and identity. Her books have been a commercial and critical success. In 1972, she was nominated for the Pulitzer Prize for Just Give Me a Cool Drink of Water 'fore I Diiie, a collection of 39 poems. Her poetry, which also reflects much of her life, explores the South, racial confrontation, and the strength of blacks in the face of hardship. One critic claimed that her poems ``are characterized by a spontaneous joyfulness and an indomitable spirit to survive.'' Ms. Angelou has also been recognized for her talents on stage and screen. Her performance in ``Look Away'' garnered a nomination for the prestigious Tony Award. In addition, her work in the mini-series, ``Roots'', earned her an Emmy Award nomination in 1977. In the same year, she received the Golden Eagle Ward for the documentary Afro- American in the Arts. Ms. Angelou continues to work devoting herself to helping shape the minds of your youth. Since 1981, she has been the first Reynolds Professor of American Studies at Wake Forest University. Ms. Angelou's contributions to our national culture are enormous and continue to enrich all our lives.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Speaker, I am both pleased and proud to be here today to honor one of the finest entertainers and the pride of Chillicothe, OH-- Nancy Wilson. Ms. Wilson's career in the performing arts has lasted some 40 plus years. Since the age of 4 years, Nancy Wilson knew she wanted to become a singer. She sang in the church choir and listened avidly to and was influenced by a litany of musical talent, among them Billy Eckstine, Louis Jordan, Ruth Brown, LaVern Baker, Nat King Cole, and big band vocalists such as Jimmy Rushing and Little Jimmy Scott. As an active vocalist during her teenage years, Nancy Wilson sang in nightclubs and made local television appearances. And in 1956-58 she toured the Midwest and Canada with Rusty Bryant's band. In 1959, her biggest career break came when she performed with jazz great Cannonball Adderley. She soon signed a contract with Capitol Records and in 1962 recorded an album with Adderley. Nancy Wilson received rave reviews from several prominent jazz musicians and thereafter was booked for numerous appearances in concert halls, nightclubs, and jazz clubs throughout the United States and Europe. Her career has continued to blossom ever since. Ms. Wilson is a ``grounded in reality'' kind of person. She is a woman that gives her time and talent to various charities and community projects. The Wilson family created the Nancy Wilson Foundation to permit inner-city children to see the country and experience alternate lifestyles. She has also worked with the Martin Luther King Center for Social Change, the National Urban Coalition, and the Warwick Foundation. Ms. Wilson is a member of the N.A.A.C.P.; the S.C.L.C.; Operation PUSH, for which she is chairperson; the President's Council for Minority Business Enterprises; the Committee for the Kennedy Center for Performing Arts; and the United Negro College Fund. Among her many awards, Nancy Wilson earned the Johnson and Johnson Red Ruby Award, after working with the company's prenatal care promotion. Her other achievements are an Emmy in 1975 for ``The Nancy Wilson Show''; the N.A.A.C.P. Image Award--1986; Grammy Award for ``How Glad I Am''--1964; Entertainer of the Year Award presented by Atlantic City Magazine; the Global Entertainer of the Year Award presented by the World Conference of Mayors--1986; the Paul Robeson Humanitarian Award; first place in the 1983 Japan Song Festival Competition; and an award from the United Negro College Fund--1986. Nancy Wilson, along with your millions of fans world-wide, and all of those whose lives you have touched with your generosity and selfless works, I thank you for the many contributions you have made.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to Robert L. Johnson, the president and CEO of BET Holdings, the only publicly traded media company that primarily targets African-Americans. At the heart of BET Holdings is Black Entertainment Television, which operates the Nation's first and only advertiser-supported, basic cable television programming service that serves as both a cultural center and an information source for BET's target audience. Some of us know Bob from his days here on Capitol Hill, where he served as press secretary to our distinguished colleague, Walter Fauntroy, the delegate from the District of Columbia. Others may have become acquainted with Bob during his tenure as vice president for government relations for the National Cable Television Association [NCTA]. In any event, Bob's current work with BET has allowed many of us in the African-American community to become familiar with him and the tremendous services he provides to African-Americans throughout the Nation. Bob began BET with $15,000 of his own money and $500,000 from the cable industry's biggest company. Tele-Communications, Inc. In 1991, Bob made history when he took BET's parent company, BET Holdings, Inc., public. BET Holdings became the first company controlled by an African- American to be traded on the New York City Stock Exchange. Today BET is available in more than 39 million homes, 24 hours a day, from Los Angeles to New York to Baltimore to smaller, markets, such as Rapid City, SD. BET's current programming consists of a mix of black music videos, black collegiate sports, news, and original programming, such as late night talk shows public affairs series, one-act plays, and teen magazine shows. Most recently, Bob Johnson and BET have teamed up with the computer company Microsoft in a venture aimed at making on-line services more accessible and more desirable to African-Americans. Specifically, BET and Microsoft will develop a new company which will produce interactive information for and about African-Americans. While most of the material will be made available on the Microsoft Network, the new company also hopes to produce information for the internet and for CD-ROM's. The goal is to create, Bob says, ``* * * an independent and interactive voice for African Americans.'' As exciting and invigorating as this new venture may be, many of us would have expected no less from Bob. He saw an area in which African- Americans were under represented and he sought to fill the void: African-Americans use home computing technology at a far lower rate than white American households. According to a 1994 survey by the U.S. Census Bureau, 28.6 percent of white households had computers, compared with 11.1 percent of black households. By trying to get more blacks interested in and comfortable with computers and the Internet, Bob is attempting to ensure that African-Americans are not left out of the information revolution. A review of the many awards, Bob has received throughout his distinguished career is a testimony to his drive and his dedication. In 1995 he received the Cablevision Magazine 20/20 Vision Award; in 1993 the Turner Broadcasting Trumpet Award; in 1992 Bob won the Executive Leadership Council Award; in 1985 the D.C. Chamber of Commerce Business of the Year Award; in 1984 the Capital Press Club's Pioneer Award; and in 1982 he won both the NAACP's Image Award as well as the NCTC's President's award. Bob Johnson exemplifies all that is possible in America; he has used his skills and his know-how to become a successful businessman. He also represents all that is good about this country, as he his consistently chosen to use his talents and his resources to give something back to his community and to help others.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, for those Members that are still in their offices and others who are watching, this is in fact probably the last time that I will come into the well of the House of Representatives to address this Chamber and to address the people of the United States in this capacity. As many of you know, on the 18th of this month, I will conclude my service here in the House of Representatives, lay my resignation forward, and move from that point on on the 18th into a new capacity, that being the President and CEO of the NAACP. Mr. Speaker, I come to the well with mixed emotions but I come nonetheless because this has been for me a place of partisan wrangling and a place quite frankly to make amends. This well is used by Members for a number of things, most of which is to talk about their legislation, but it also, I think, ought to be a pulpit from which we seek to bridge a better understanding of one another, from which we try to build coalitions and from which we try to understand not just the Members of this Chamber but ourselves differently and also the millions upon millions of people throughout the United States who watch on a daily basis our actions as Members of this august body. I came here, Mr. Speaker, 10 years ago, in the class of 1986. We were 51 in number and we were a part of what was known then as the historic 100th Congress, a unique class, I think, in many respects, but a class nonetheless that I regret having to depart from as many others have before me. But those were different days, and in many respects this was a different Congress and, indeed, perhaps even this was a different Nation. I have fond memories of the years that I have served in this capacity. I would be remiss if I did not thank the people of Baltimore City and Baltimore County that comprise the Seventh Congressional District of Maryland for vesting in me year after year both in this capacity and previously in a local capacity their trust, their goodwill to represent them here in elected office. They have been good to me over the years, returning me to office with 84 percent of the vote in a day and in an age where there is a great deal of cynicism, when totalities are considered landslides if they approach 65 percent. So in that respect, I have been blessed. I have also been blessed in these 10 years to have an opportunity to serve with a number of distinguished Members of the House, many of whom are still here, others who have gone on to other careers, and some of whom are no longer on this Earth. I remember the days of serving with Claude Pepper of Florida, a distinguished gentleman who had in his heart of hearts one desire and one true commitment, to try to bring about change in this body with respect to how we viewed those in the twilight of their lives. I listened to Claude Pepper from this well as others did as he continued to talk about why we needed catastrophic health care in this country and why we ought to understand the treasure chest that we have and the repository that we have in our senior citizens, why we had to have a sensitivity toward them as we must have a sensitivity toward young people. I remember Sil Conte of Massachusetts, a Republican who understood partisan debate and partisan discourse, but, who at the end of the day, recognized that we were all the same people cut in many respects from the same cloth and given, if we were lucky, the same challenge in this institution to heal and bring us together. Sil Conte passed away many years ago also, but it is the memory of him and Claude Pepper that reverberate in this Chamber, the memory of Mickey Leland coming from Houston, TX, with the desire to represent not only those in his district but those around the country who were voiceless and, indeed, ultimately those around the world who had no voice who in the end gave his life on a mountaintop in Africa trying to feed the hungry and to clothe the naked. So it has been an interesting 10 years. Having served as I have under three Presidents, I have developed at least a different appreciation beyond what I learned in the classroom about the relationship between the legislative branch and the executive branch of Government. Coming here as I did under Ronald Reagan's administration and leaving as I prepare to do now under the administration of Bill Clinton, it has for me been enlightening, and it has also been humbling. Someone asked me today what things do you think about when you think about leaving this Chamber, and I said what I will miss most of all are the people, those who are here who serve now, those who were here, and perhaps even those who are running now in districts around the country because they have a desire to come here and to help this institution. I would caution those people, wherever they may be, no matter what State or region of this country, who seek to serve to remember that service has with it a great sense of humility, that these seats before us in which we sit day in and day out are not our seats. They belong to the people of the district that we represent. They are on temporary loan to us, and if we learn nothing else, if we are fortunate enough to get here, we must remember that at some point in time, and at some day in time we must return those seats to them. I think about at this moment many of the major bills that have gone through this House in the last 10 years, how we debated in one of the more finest hours of this Congress the whole issue of the gulf war, whether or not there ought to be an American involvement, and to what extent that ought to be, a debate that carried over several days, and I think brought out the best of Members of this body on both sides of the aisle in a very wrenching issue that 5 years ago confronted us in the starkest of ways and one that we were able to come to grips with. I remember the passage of the Americans with Disabilities Act when people in this country with all sorts of disabilities were thought somehow in some way to be second-class citizens, and many even thought that they had no rights or privileges that the law and this Congress were bound to respect, and when Steny Hoyer of Maryland and others got together and allowed me to be a part of the sponsorship of that very historic piece of legislation, how even then people found problems with it. And yet you ask the disabled have their lives changed as a result of the Americans with Disabilities Act, and most would say it in fact has. I remember in 1990 the desire to deal with what we thought was a rather aggressive Supreme Court, a Supreme Court that had turned back a number of civil rights cases, for whatever reason had begun moving judicially toward the right at a great speed, and how in that year we prepared for what was to ultimately be introduced in the next year the Civil Rights Act of 1991, and everyone then thought that we would either pass this or we would not pass it on the merits of the bill. But regrettably the merits got lost in the sauce, and people began to throw things on the table that were not here. They spoke of quotas. They played the race card. They fanned the fears of everybody in this body to the extent that we became as polarized as the problems that we were trying to solve. But we worked on that day in and day out, month after month. Serving as an original cosponsor and as a conferee, watching as we did when the White House vetoed the bill and then working diligently because we did not give up to try to come up with something that would pass this body, we ultimately did that. It became known as the Civil Rights Act of 1991, and also became known as one of this body's most shining moments of the last 10 years. Some of you recall the 5-year deficit reduction plan spearheaded by the Democratic leadership in this instance, ultimately passed by the full House that gave us real deficit reduction at a time in our history when people talked about it and if you were ready to move forward with it. I could go on and on about what I consider to be the best moments of this body. But let me also talk about those moments that were far from the best, and in many instances became the worst, those moments when we fought beyond the principle and the power of ideas, when our ideas were put aside and put asunder so that we might then in a very emotional and gut sort of way deal with things that had nothing to do with the power of ideas and nothing to do with the right to object on principle, but went to the personal nature of Members of this body, personal attacks that not only belittled the person making them but lowered, I think, the dignity and the esteem of this body, times when we decided to talk about one's orientation or times when we laughed at the fact that one was in a minority group or times when we even spoke in a very strange, discordant way about what was wrong with the Democratic Party or what was wrong with the Republican Party on a personal level; the low points of this or any other Congress, those instances when we got out of the lofty, privileged, and blessed positions of being Members of Congress that would come here and debate the issue and debate the power of ideas and to stand on principles, and when we lowered ourselves to make very personal and vicious attacks at one another. I know the sort of tense debating that takes place in this body. I understand the emotion and the passion that comes with it. But I would caution those who continue to serve and those who seek to serve to remember that the words that are inscribed behind me on this desk that speak of tolerance and justice and union and the words above me that say ``In God we trust'' must in fact be words that we live by. Otherwise, we lose our ability to effectuate the hearts and minds of other people and to effect change in such a way that we then have added to what we consider to be the lifestyle and the decor and the principles of America and instead have detracted from them in a very evil and vicious way. Now, I need to say just a couple of things, if I might, about staff. Obviously my own personal staff who year after year served with me, worked with me, believed in me, trusted me, became a family and became the kind of staff that I have been very proud of; I had a very, very low turnover rate in those 10 years, and I took a great deal of pride in that, because I think if you treat people as people, if you let them know what is expected of them and you give them goals and objectives and you allow them to work toward them, people then give you the maximum amount of productivity. People give you everything they have, and people in turn feel like people. They feel like they are included. I say that about my personal staff. But I say it also about the committee staffs that serve this institution. Oh, they are significantly reduced from what they used to be. Maybe that is good, and maybe it is not so good. But they are still people, and they serve every committee of this institution, and they serve day in and day out, and they do not get a lot of fanfare or notoriety. But we are empowered as Members of Congress, because we have their wisdom and because we have their views and because we have what they give us in terms of their friendship. Finally, it also includes the staff that works this floor. Some of you who watched the debate and the discussion on C-SPAN oftentimes will get a glimpse of some of the people who work here. Many of you will never get to know, however, the special people that they are, because they are people with their own unique stories, their own unique beliefs. They are Republican and they are Democrat, they come from different regions, they are different in many respects, but they serve this institution long hours, laboring day in and day out. Oh, they get a salary for it, true. But they also do it because they recognize how important this institution is, and the function of this institution is to the society that we all love and the society that we all come to embrace as Americans. I have had some partisan battles here like all of us. I leave this place not with regrets but with fond memories. I leave it also with an understanding of what it takes to find true compromise and what it takes also to find true respect. I know that respect is earned, that it ought to be reciprocal, but it must first be earned. And so I leave to take up the leadership of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the NAACP, 87 years old, formed in 1909 in an apartment in Manhattan, brought together by a number of converging forces in the first decade on this century, not that different from converging forces in the last decade of this century. Charles Kellogg, in his book that chronicles the first two decades of the NAACP writes about those forces when he says it was in fact a retreat judicially by a Supreme Court that had begun to render decisions that were moving the Negro back and not moving him forward. He spoke also about a Congress that was very reactionary in their moment and legislated in such a reactionary way that they were polarizing the country and not always bringing it together. He spoke about the periodicals of the intellectuals that, in their own way and through an academic entree, decided to talk about what was in fact wrong with people, so that in order for you to justify how you felt, you had now the periodicals of the intellectuals that talked about inferiorities that were genetic and otherwise, and he also talked about the need among the Negroes in this country to find a way to organize, to do the best they could to bring the best from them, to add and to contribute to the society. But when you look at those converging forces that were there in 1909 in the first decade of this century and you look at the converging forces that are here now in 1996 in the last decade of that century, the similarities are frightening. There is still a Supreme Court that is legislating or, rather, rendering judicial decisions, as was the case in 1909, that are making it more difficult, not less difficult, for the Negro, as it were, to empower himself or herself and to move into the mainstream of American society. They talked about then, and there pretty much is today, reactionary forces in the Congress of the United States that legislate in such a way that we polarize communities too often and polarize people. There is, as there was then, the periodicals of the intellectuals. We refer to them now as the bell curve. They are the academic entrees that talk about inferiority being genetic, thereby giving one the basis to legislate accordingly. Mr. Speaker, and then there is also, as there was then, the need among African-Americans to understand that in bringing out the best in ourselves, and in working with other people, that we could, in fact, and will, contribute mightily to the fabric of the Nation that we all have come to love. So, because it is the NAACP and because it is the same organization that offered the word ``coalition'' in the civil rights struggle and meant it, and means it today; because it is still prepared to work with all people; because it welcomes the support of Latinos, of like-minded whites, of Asians, of Native Americans, of people throughout the African diaspora in this country and elsewhere; because it recognizes that one must not be measured by their religious beliefs but, rather, what they have in their heart and what they bring to the table in the spirit of real compromise. That young people, those who were 4 and 5 and 6 years of age, tonight really represent in a mirror image what this Nation will look like 20 years from now and why their fate is so desperately sealed to our fate. And because it understands also that as a historic American institution, it has a mission and a mandate to do all that it can as the NAACP, to once again try to heal our Nation, and to bring people together and to forge a new day. We focus so much in our society on differences. Our differences of race, our differences of religion, our differences of ethnicity, our differences of opinion, that so much time is spent on differences that we have little time left over to spend on similarities, those ways in which we are all alike. Everybody in this country believes that, if they could, they would like to have a better life for their children than they had. That is a very big similarity. Every person in this country wants to believe that they can have safe streets and a safe community. They want to think they can educate their children. They want to think they can grow old and die and watch America be a better nation at the point of their death as opposed to the point of their birth. Similarities that cut across race and gender and religion and everything else. But when we focus on differences only, and focus on them in a negative way, we do a disservice. I think cultural differences are important. I think every cultural and religious group and ethnic group and racial group in this country ought to hold proudly to their heritage, ought to find ways and monuments that speak to them and pass on those traditions to another generation. Those are positive differences that in the aggregate make America what she is. But when we focus on differences for the purpose of putting people down, and developing inferiorities, when we focus on differences to point out what is wrong instead of what is right, we do a disservice. America at her best has treated such differences with a blend of common sense and compassion. America at her worst has treated those differences with the empty evenhandedness of Marie Antoinette. And so I would say to this Chamber and to all who serve here and in fact those who seek to serve, that we have a bigger mission in life because we carry a sacred trust. We asked to come to this body. We asked for people to vest their votes and their support in us. We asked for the opportunity to cast important votes. We came here because we asked to be here, and someone heard us in the majority and we were elected. But it is a sacred trust, so we are responsible for more. And as such, we must do more and worry less about whether or not we are going to get reelected in 2 years, and worry more about what kind of nation we help to build. So, I leave this Chamber and this institution to do, as Kipling said, and that is to take ``the road less traveled.'' The road less traveled is still the road less certain. But in traveling it, if we navigate properly, if we understand what our road signs are, if we keep our eyes on our objective and on our mission, if we seek to be the good Samaritan on the way, and if we believe in our heart of hearts that at the end of that road there is a reward not for ourselves but for our country, then we do the sort of service that I think we can and must provide as people of America, from all walks of life and from all religions and races who understand the gift of this country. What makes it so very special is the unique way in which we have grappled with our problems and, because we are so diverse, we have before us a very unique and special history. When you read Gibbons, ``Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire'' and other empires, there are certain things that are always precursors to those declines. Fortunately, every time we have met a precursor in this country, whether it was the evil institution of slavery; whether the denial of suffrage to women; whether it was the second class citizenship to minorities, we have tried to recognize those precursors when we met them and to recognize also that, if we did not deal with them, then all that led to the decline of other great empires would in fact lead to the decline of America. I think we can still do that. We can still understand when things are wrong. We can still have the courage enough to recognize that the salvation of this Union is utmost. And if we are daring enough and believing enough both in God We Trust and in ourselves, then we will find a way to do that. And this Union will be secure and safe for generations still unborn. So I bid a fond farewell to the Chamber and to all that I have served with. To those who taught me and to those who I have had a chance to teach, I shall be back again and again in another capacity. But I shall always be forever fond of the 10 years that I have served as a Member of the U.S. Congress. Mr. Speaker, it has been said that the NAACP is the oldest and largest organization of its kind in the world--and it is. It is said that it is the most effective of its kind--and it is. It said that it is the most consulted, most militant, most feared, and most loved organization of its kind in the world--and it is. We have been charged with this from the genesis of our beginnings, in 1909. Just a few moments ago we stood, ankle deep in mud in the roadways of the Old South, after blacks had trudged through hot fields and dusty hills to the ballot box only to be turned away due to the manufactured grandfather clauses, literacy clauses and, poll taxes. But we fought back. In 1915, we stood side-by-side and took the battle back to the white marble chamber of the Supreme Court, where those racist tools of disenfranchisement were found to be in violation of the Constitution. But the battle did not end there. Just a few moments ago in history, a black man could not walk down a road, could not go into a store, could not go into a courtroom without the threat of a noose hanging over his head or a torch being thrust into his life. Two years after the NAACP was founded, in a grimy steel town in southwestern Pennsylvania, a seriously wounded black man was charged with killing a police officer. He never had the chance to prove his innocence. A mob of people dragged him from his hospital room in Coatesville and burned him alive. A conspiracy of silence prevented the mob leaders from receiving the justice they deserved. Racism was alive in the North. On November 14th, 1915, southerners were witness to one of the most notoriously racist films of all time: D.W. Griffith's ``Birth of A Nation.'' In it, reconstruction was distorted, emancipation was assailed, and blacks were reviled. And the heroes of the movie were the Ku Klux Klan. From 1910 to 1919, 840 African-Americans were lynched in the United States of America. In a Texas town in May of 1916, a mentally retarded black teenager was convicted of murdering a white woman. He would never have a chance at an appeal. He was seized by a mob and taken to the public square. Before a crowd of 15 thousand people, fire and flames were the center of attention in what was then called ``the Waco Horror'' as the boy was tortured and burned alive. When black soldiers were baited and harassed, they in the end would pay the harshest penalties. On a hot Houston day in 1917, race prejudice against members of the 24th Infantry let to violence. Seventeen whites and two blacks were dead when the smoke cleared. A court martial sent 41 members of the all-black unit to life in jail. Four others were given long prison terms. And 20 of them were condemned to death. One-fifth of the condemned men were summarily executed without even the benefit of an appeal. It was the NAACP that worked long and hard through four presidential administrations. Eventually 10 lives were saved, and the last man from the 24th Infantry was released from jail--21 years later. The battle did not end there. In 1919, there was rampant brutality and military occupation of the Republic of Haiti. Three thousand citizens there were cut down by troops who claimed they were ``bandits.'' Censorship was rampant, news of the brutalities inflicted by the troops on our brothers and sisters there was suppressed. Why? The forces occupying Haiti were from the United States of America. The NAACP pressured President Wilson. James Weldon Johnson went to Haiti and showed the world through his writings what kind of inhumanity was being visited upon the people there by the troops sent from the nation calling itself the land of the free. It was this great organization that helped Haiti create an organization for independence, one modeled on our own. When they came to New York to lobby for their freedom, the offices they used their were the NAACP. The NAACP learned early the political game and played presidential candidates off presidential incumbents. When Woodrow Wilson wouldn't listen to us, Warren Harding would, and then President Wilson sat up and took notice. Through the actions of the NAACP, the military presence was cut back. Through their investigations, the abuses were brought to light. And with the continued pressure, American occupation of Haiti was fully ended -- almost 20 years later. And the battle did not end there. From 1920 to 1927, 304 people were lynched in the United States of America. The NAACP was issued a challenge to help end lynching by the philanthropist Philip Peabody. Peabody would help us help ourselves by donating ten-thousand dollars and more if we could match his grant by fundraising on our own. It was the NAACP, massed and clad in white, that marched silently down New York's Fifth Avenue, to protest treatment of African- Americans. Four times anti-lynching laws were introduced and passed in this House of Representatives. Four times those laws went down to defeat due to stonewalling, filibustering and indifference in the Senate. But people paid attention. The esteemed and historic magazine of the NAACP, The Crisis was set upon by the Department of Justice as radical and seditious. In the end, it prevailed, and even flourished. In 1929, 10 lynchings were recorded for the year. But the battle could not end there. Just a few moments ago in history, in the second decade of the 20th century, we stood arm-in-arm, as the NAACP took to the hallways of the courts of the District of Columbia to fight again. We were denied the simple right to ride streetcars as we chose, marry as we chose or be promoted within the Armed Forces as we deserved. As this historic organization was in its infancy, African=Americans were limited within the military to two cavalry regiments and two infantry regiments. In many cases the only fighting seen by the rest of the blacks in uniform came only when the action got too close to the mess tent. African-Americans were fighting regularly for the right to become commissioned or even non-commissioned officers in the military then, with the highest-ranking black officer of the era having been cashiered on the grounds of so-called ``physical disability.'' Later on, the Army was found out. When it was proven that they were reluctant to promote Charles Young, a graduate of west Point and the highest ranking African-American in the military. It just would not do to have a black general in the Army -- heavens no. Only a colonel would do, and they felt he could also retire that way, as a colonel. It was the NAACP that made sure Charles Young was restored again to active duty. But the battle did not end there. We had to fight for every inch, we had to fight for every right -- even in the military, which nowadays is one of the most integrated aspects of American life. The Surgeon-General then, William Gorgas, felt what color you were determined who you worked on. It mattered not who was sick, who was ill, who was dying. Black nurses only nursed black wounds. Black dentists only fixed black teeth. Black doctors only saved black lives. And black units were still separate--and unequal. It was the NAACP in 1931 that organized the defense of the Scottsboro Boys who were unjustly accused of rape. And the legal battles intensified and this organization sharpened itself and began to come into its own. In 1938, when the Daughters of the American Revolution denied Diva Marian Anderson the use of Constitution Hall, it was once again the NAACP who took up the cause an fought for what was just and right. In the 1950's, the desegregation battle began to take on a new urgency as the NAACP successfully battled against segregated public housing. And in 1954, it was the great Thourgood Marshall, who as the Director of the NAACP's Legal Defense and Education Fund, fought and won that historic Surpreme Court case, Brown versus Board of Education, which outlawed once and for all the separate but equal doctrine in public education. The next year, the NAACP joined with other civil rights groups and concerned Americans by taking an active role in the Montgomery, Alabama bus boycott. This boycott was initiated after Rosa Parks made her valiant stand by refusing to give up her seat for a white passenger. As our Nation entered the turbulent 60's, the NAACP was there, front and center. In 1963 I remember marching the historic March on Washington from our black and white television. We couldn't afford the bus trip from Baltimore, but I felt the power nevertheless. By 1965 the power of the NAACP had reached a new pinnacle when President Johnson signed the Voting Rights Act. After years of fighting for basic equality, the dream was finally becoming real. As the needs of the African American community have changed, so has this historic, beloved organization. In the 1970's and 80's the NAACP tackled educational excellence and established SAT Preparation clinics which helped raise the average test scores by 50 points. And the organization continues to grow and meet the demands of the day. New efforts have been made to attack discrimination through legal and legislative means. Child welfare and mentoring programs have taken on a new urgency. Economic empowerment programs have been launched to make the logical next step in the civil rights movement. And just last month in Stone Mountain, Georgia we launched the new Voter Empowerment Project, which seeks to energize the electorate from the bottom up. This new effort was initiated because of court rulings that have eroded the Voting Rights Act. Some of our gravest crises have come from within. This was an organization born of wealthy white liberals, nurtured by newspapers and brought into its own by the black intelligentsia. Booker T. Washington had honest differences of opinion with W.E.B. DuBois at the start of this organization. Washington's Niagara Movement was in open disagreement with the new association tasked with the advancement of our peoples. It continued until Washington was dead, and debate and differences continue even now. W.E.B. DuBois differed with Walter White over the future of the NAACP and the finances necessary to run it. It continued until DuBois resigned. How little times change. It is time we stand up to say again--``The battle begins here.'' Where once it was poll taxes and literacy tests, now it is cries of reverse discrimination and a roll back of voting rights. When we once were subject to the noose and the torch, we are now plagued by the pipe and the needle and crimes against each other. Where once our mother and sister countries of Africa and Haiti were run through by colonization and occupation, so they are now by militarization and discrimination. We were not monolithic then, nor are we now. We have different agendas, we follow different drummers, we have differing destinies. But all of them are intertwined with who we are. If we cannot remind ourselves of the challenges overcome in the past, we will never overcome the obstacles set in our future. The battle begins here. We have fought in the courts--we can do so again, now. We have made presidents listen by the force of our numbers and our will. We can do so again, now. We can vote in greater numbers. . . Speak, in louder voices. . . Write, with sharper pens. . . Walk, with bigger strides. . . Act, with firmer conviction. . . Look forward, with stronger resolve. . . And fight . . . fight with the knowledge that history is on our side. We have won before. We can do so again, now. Just a few moments ago in history we overcame all that 41 percents, nine wars, and innumerable verdicts could put in our way. That is all history now. . The conscience of America is resting in our hands. We can cup them and nourish our freedoms or we can open them and see them blow to the winds. Let us pray that our hands, joined together, will know what's right for us, our children and our future. And so, it is for me a high honor and a distinct privilege to be selected in the capacity of President-designate or our Nation's largest and oldest civil rights organization. I am honored to have been chosen for this opportunity, and I am moved by the support that our Chairwoman, the members of the search committee and the members of the board have shown me. The decision to accept this new opportunity did not come lightly. For the last 16 years, I have served in elected office: seven years in local government and the last nine as a Member of the United States Congress. To the people of Baltimore, who year after year have given me the opportunity to represent them and who continue to vest their confidence and trust in my abilities, I am, and forever will be, grateful. At this point in time, however, I am convinced, without reservation, that I can best affect social, economic and political change in the broader capacity that the NAACP represents. As you all know, the NAACP is at a critical point in its history. In fact it is at the most critical point. Our focus must be on: First, increasing political power by organizing and energizing voters in every congressional district in America; second, emphasizing educational excellence and individual responsibility; and third, creating an infrastructure for empowerment and economic parity. There is much work to be done and the time for such work is now. We must, without equivocation or timidity, reclaim our rightful place as the voice of African-Americans and others who believe in the power and the premise that all persons are, in fact, created equal. The task before us will be significant, but all challenge is significant. The greater challenge will not be measured by its size, but rather by our willingness to accept it. As such, there must be an ever escalating crescendo of clear and consistent voices that become part of the national dialogue and the national debate. The extreme ultra-conservative policies of the far right wing in our nation are draconian and punitive. They are policies that punish the elderly, restrict the poor, and deny opportunity to our children. Those policies must be countered with effective and realistic responses that reflect our need as a society for inclusion and tolerance. We can only do that by reinvigorating the age-old concept of coalitions where people work together for the common good. Racism, sexism, anti-Semitism cannot, and will not, be allowed to enjoy a comfortable and quiet acceptance. The damaging divisions brought about by xenophobia cannot be allowed to color our thinking about those who come to our shores in search of a better life. Fear, which often finds its incubator in our refusal to stand up for what is right, will forever be challenged by a new NAACP--reunited and reinvigorated at the threshold of change. At the risk of understatement, we all know that the task ahead will not be easy. The time is now to restore the financial, spiritual and political health of this historic American institution. As such, we must move quickly toward that end, and my job is to provide the leadership to make that happen. Make no mistake about it, there will be change. It will be swift, it will be focused, and it will be constructive. Efficiency and fiscal integrity within the organization will not be just a concept. It must, in fact, become a reality. We will re-tool our apparatus and re-harness our energies. The time is now for a new generation to join the NAACP. While we value maturity and experience, we must also learn to cherish youth. Thus, I reach out today to a new generation to join in this effort. And I reach out to the current generation and say to you in the clearest of terms that it's alright to come back home to the NAACP. We are at the crossroads of tremendous change in our nation. Despite the gains made by African-Americans, racism continues to divide our country and polarize people. We can stand by and watch in the comfort of our own circumstance, or we can step forward and dare to lead. The NAACP has a long and proud history filled with major accomplishments that have changed forever the America that we know and love. The lives of millions of our citizens who are black, white, Asian, and Hispanic have been made better because of it. Yet, our country is still in desperate need. In his renowned chronology of the NAACP from 1909 to 1920, Charles Kellogg begins his historical work with the following observation: ``In the first decade of the twentieth century few voices were raised in defense of the Negro and his rights as a citizen of the United States. Reactionary attitudes about race had been strengthened. [And] by 1909, the civil rights gained during reconstruction had been severely limited. The prevailing attitudes toward the Negro were reflected in the sensational press, in the hate literature, in the periodicals of the intellectuals, in court decisions reinterpreting the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments, and in legislation.'' Eighty-six years later, in the last decade of the same century, again, few voices are being raised in defense of African-Americans and their rights as citizens of the United States. Reactionary attitudes about race regrettably continue to be strengthened. Civil rights gained during the second reconstruction have now also been severely limited. And, the prevailing attitudes toward minorities are still reflected in the sensational press, in the hate literature, in the periodicals of the intellectuals and in court decisions. Only a strong, revitalized and focused NAACP can accept the realities that were present in that first decade and readjust to the challenges still present in this last decade. I look forward to this gift of opportunity to serve in a different but continued public capacity and I thank God Almighty for continuing to bless me.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, and I will not object, I do want to, for the Record, indicate that the minority has been consulted on the unanimous-consent request. We understand the merits of it and the necessity of it, and we have no objections at this time.

Mr. MFUME. I yield to the gentleman from Texas.

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished gentleman very much for his kind remarks and for his friendship over the last decade as we have served together on a number of committees, fought a number of battles, and at the end of the day recognized that friendships really do matter and the ability to work together and compromise really is what this body is all about. I thank the gentleman for his kind remarks.

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. MFUME

Mr. MFUME. Mr. Speaker, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. MFUME. First, Mr. Speaker, let me thank the gentleman for his words regarding the time that he and I have shared and many of the things that I have worked on here in the Congress and to say to you, Don, how much I appreciate the way you have also had the opportunity to lead this caucus, as have Congressman Towns, Congresswoman Collins, and others who are here on the floor. It is a very difficult task. In fact, it is one I say that everybody ought to have the opportunity to do just once, just once. But you are a great friend and your words are very heartfelt. I thank you for taking the time to come over here today. I almost feel like I am being memorialized, but I knew it is from your heart, and I appreciate all the time we have spent together here and throughout the country, and I wish the best for both you and your family.