Barbara Mikulski

Ms. MIKULSKI

Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, this week, the Senate will once again consider S. 1086 as amended by the House, the Child Care and Development Block Grant Act of 2014. This is bipartisan legislation that I introduced along with Senators Burr, Harkin, and Alexander. A version of this bill was passed by the Senate earlier this year by an overwhelming bipartisan vote of 96-2. An amended version passed the House on September 15th, by unanimous consent. I stand here today, on the side of families and children across the nation, encouraging the Senate to once again pass this child care bill and send it to the President's desk to become law. Before I was the Senator for Maryland, I was a social worker for Baltimore families and worked with children and the elderly. At the dawn of the civil rights movement, I went from being a social worker to a social activist in elected office. Today, I'm a social worker in Congress, working to build opportunities for families throughout America. I stand here today, proud that with this bill, we can make a difference for parents and children across America. Every family deserves child care that is affordable, accessible, and exceptional. Child care is one of the most important decisions a parent will make when raising their child. But we live in the aqe of scrimp and save. Times are tough and budgets are tight. Every day, parents across American struggle to put food on the table, pay their bills, and provide care for their kids. Maybe you are a single parent, working double shifts, wondering if your child is safe and sound, or maybe you are a student, working to get your degree for a better job and a brighter future. But instead of studying statistics, you are calculating the cash you need to pay your babysitter. Those worries weigh heavily on the shoulders of parents everywhere. Our bill helps lift that burden by giving families and children the child care they need to succeed. That is why I am so proud to move this bill forward. This bill is the product of brilliant bipartisan effort between Senators Burr, Harkin, Alexander, and myself. We also worked on a bicameral basis with Representatives Kline and Miller from the House Education and the Workforce Committee. This bill reforms and refreshes important child care legislation, so moms and dads earning lower incomes can afford child care for their kids while they go to work or school. Child care is something all families worry about, regardless of income or zip code. People want care that is reliable and undeniable, safe, affordable, and accessible. This bill helps ensure that all children get the care they need and deserve so they and their families can have a better, brighter future. In 1990, the CCDBG program was first signed into law by President George H.W. Bush to assist working families with the cost of providing child care. It has not been reauthorized since 1996. Through the CCDBG program, the Federal government provides states and Indian tribes and territories with funding. That funding is used to help lower-income families afford child care while parents work, train for work, or attend school. Families are given vouchers based on their income level to help cover costs of care. These vouchers can be used by parents for the provider of their choice: care in the home, at a relative's home, or in a child care center. Every month, CCDBG serves more than 1.5 million children in the United States, including 19,000 children in Maryland. Why is this program so important? Because child care is expensive. It is the highest household expense faced by dual income households and averages $14,872 per year for two children. In Maryland, families spend, on average, 20% of their family income on child care. This is about $14,000 per year or $249 per week. Keep in mind that the Department of Health and Human Services recommends that families not spend more than 10% of their income on child care. Child care isn't a luxury, it is a necessity. It shouldn't reach beyond the bounds of the family budget, especially in these tough economic times. CCDBG has not been reauthorized since 1996. At the time, the program was envisioned solely as workforce aid--something to help moms and dads get back to work. This was and remains an important goal, but we have learned a lot since 1996. What we know today, but didn't know 18 years ago, is that the most rapid period of development for the brain happens in the first five years of life. That is why it is so imperative that we ensure our young children are in high-quality child care programs that give kids building blocks for a lifetime of success. It is not enough to ensure that kids have someplace to go. We must ensure that they go someplace safe that nurtures their development, challenges their mind, and prepares them for school. The current program is outdated. It does not go far enough in promoting and supporting high- quality child care, safeguarding health and safety of children, ensuring children have continuity of care, and focusing on infant and toddler care. Senators Burr, Harkin, Alexander, and I got together more than two years ago. We held three bipartisan Subcommittee on Children and Families hearings, got input from more than fifty stakeholder organizations, worked with every member of the Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee to put together a comprehensive reauthorization bill. It does not solve every program for every family, but it does a lot of good for families relying on CCDBG. First, the reauthorization requires states to prioritize quality. States will be required to eventually set aside at least 9% of funding for quality initiatives, 5% more than current law. States will choose what is best for them, whether it is training of the workforce, supporting early learning guidelines, expanding quality rating systems, or improving quality and quantity of child care programs and services for infants and toddlers. Second, it requires that providers meet health requirements so parents know that the individuals taking care of their children are capable and competent when it comes to handling first aid and CPR, child abuse, sudden infant death syndrome, or shaken baby syndrome. Third, it requires mandatory background checks. And lastly, this reauthorization gives families using the CCDBG program more stability by ensuring that their kids get care for at least one year, even if a parent sees a change in their pay check. We know that increasing funding for this program is important. More kids and families are in need of access. That is why as Chairwoman of the Senate Appropriations Committee, I am pushing for $2.46 billion for child care in the FY15 Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and Related Agencies appropriations bill. This is an increase of $100 million over FY14. This funding would ensure that countless additional children have access to this vital program, bringing more families of very modest means peace of mind when it comes to child care. I am fighting hard for this increase, because I know quality child care is worth every penny. I could not have done it without Senator Harkin as the Labor-HHS Chairman. And rest assured, we will keep fighting for this child care program. So you see, we put money in a program through appropriations channels and now we are improving the program through authorizing channels. I would like to thank my partner in crime, Senator Richard Burr, who was Ranking Member of Children and Families when I was Chair of that Subcommittee. Senator Burr's unwavering commitment to reauthorizing this program and ensuring safety of children is unrivaled, unparalleled, and unmatched. It has been a pleasure working with Senator Burr and his staff, Chris Toppings. They deserve a lot of credit for getting us here today. I would also like to extend a sincere thanks to Chairman Harkin and Ranking Member Alexander, as well as former Ranking Member Enzi, and all of their staffs. Senators Harkin, Alexander, and Enzi have been involved in drafting the bill from the outset. They have worked to make sure that the bill remained a priority for the HELP Committee. The expertise of their staffs has been invaluable throughout this process. I want to thank Senator Harkin's staff, Mario Cardona and Mildred Otero, and Senator Alexander's staff, Peter Oppenheim and Patrick Murray. I would also like to thank our House colleagues, Representatives Kline and Miller, for making this bill a priority and for getting it done. Every working parent with children, no matter their income level, worries about child care. What's affordable? What's accessible? Will my child be safe? Where can I get the best care for my kid? The CCDBG program has given many families over many years peace of mind, but we can and should be doing more to improve child care for children, parents, and providers alike. It is long past time to revitalize, refresh, and reform this vitally important program. It is my hope that we can move swiftly to pass this bill and send it to the President's desk. It has been 18 years in the making. Let's not wait any longer.

Ms. MIKULSKI

Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, November 9, 1989, was the day the Berlin Wall came down, a day we can all be proud. It is a day that reminds us of the power of democratic values and ideals. I am filled with happiness as I remember that wonderful day 25 years ago. I am a proud American, there is no other country blessed with such opportunity, but the roots of my heritage lie in Poland. I grew up in a home that kept the heritage of the old country alive. As a child of World War II, Europe has always been fundamental to my life. Together with my family I watched Poland fall, along with Hungary and the Czech Republic and others, behind the Iron Curtain. I remember when Poland was sold out at Yalta and Potsdam because of an ill-conceived agreement. These countries became captive nations. We watched as a wall was built in Berlin. Those in East Berlin found themselves behind not only the Iron Curtain but the Berlin Wall as well, cut off from family, friends, and their livelihoods. I am proud that Americans stood up at this moment--the famous Berlin Airlift provided those in West Berlin during the Berlin Blockade. The United States, with our allies, delivered basic necessities, food, and fuel. We all stood with President Kennedy as he declared ``Ich bin ein Berliner.'' American leadership was instrumental in making small cracks in the wall. As Madeline Albright, whose heritage is also rooted in Eastern Europe like my own, has said of the United States, 'We are the indispensable nation. We stand tall. We see further into the future.' The wall began to crumble when an obscure Polish electrician named Lech Walesa jumped over a wall in a shipyard in Gdansk. It began with the Solidarity movement. From this, a people's revolution was sparked in Central Europe. And thanks to the nonviolent protestors, the dissidents, such as Vaclav Havel of Czechoslovakia, and the political leadership from President Reagan and Maggie Thatcher and members of Congress the Wall came down. I stand here to commemorate the fall of the Berlin Wall, bringing down the Iron Curtain. Twenty five years ago, as a citizen of a strong democratic United States of America, I joined President Reagan when he said, ``Mr. Gorbochev, tear down this wall.'' I take this opportunity to stand together with my countrymen and celebrate our democratic values, our respect for human rights, and our freedom. The United States is a great nation, and through our action, commitment, and resolve, we will continue to bring down walls of oppression. This is a great occasion for all of us and for the world and deserves our remembrance.

Ms. MIKULSKI

Ms. MIKULSKI. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. MIKULSKI. Madam President, I rise today to bring to the floor H.J. Res. 124. It is the continuing funding resolution for fiscal year 2015. Let me explain where we are. We are in the closing hours before the Senate takes the recess before the fall elections. In the middle of all that, on October 1, our fiscal year begins. If we don't have a bridge between now and December 11 or around that, we could face a government shutdown. We do not want a government shutdown. We want to make sure we provide funding and make sure the government will not be shut down and that after the election we can return and do due diligence and pass this in a more comprehensive way. Our job as the Appropriations Committee in Congress is to put money in the Federal checkbook each year to keep the Federal Government functioning. The American people want their government to work as hard as they do. They want us to combat the threats against the United States of America. They want us to honor our commitments to our veterans. They want us to meet the compelling human needs of the American people, and they want us to have an opportunity ladder so the American people can have a fair shot. What we do is, we provide funding one year at a time. September 30 is our fiscal New Year's Eve. October 1 is the first day of the fiscal year. If Congress leaves before we pass the continuing resolution, the government could shut down. We don't want another government shutdown. I believe there is support on both sides of the aisle not to do that. We know from last year that it was a terrible situation. Thousands of Federal workers were paid not to work. Other personnel, such as FBI agents, had to work for IOUs, even using their own money to put gas in their car as they pursued the people who wanted to undermine us. We know we don't want a government shutdown. What is our goal for this continuing resolution? To avoid a government shutdown but to do more than that. To do no harm to existing programs so that we can meet our compelling human needs, the national security needs of the United States of America, and continue those public investments in innovation that make America the exceptional Nation and often the indispensable Nation. It allows us also to lay the groundwork for an omnibus funding bill in December which will be a comprehensive funding bill including all 12 appropriations. Also, it gives the President the fiscal resources to protect the Nation, to deal with ISIL, to make sure we support the needs of Ukraine and NATO, and also to work on a global basis to stamp out Ebola. What I want to say to my colleagues, who will look at this bill and scrutinize it, is the continuing resolution is only from now until December 11. Remember, it is a temporary stopgap bill. Also, it is at current levels of funding. So I want to say that there are no new programs and there is no new funding. As I said, it meets these needs. I worked very closely with my House counterpart, the distinguished gentleman from Kentucky, Mr. Hal Rogers, the chair of the Appropriations Committee in the House. We worked very hard to do bills where we thought we could bring individual ones to the Nation. Well, it did not work out that way because one party stopped me from bringing bills to the floor. I am sorry we do not have that omnibus, but poison- pill riders kept the Senate from considering appropriations bills on the floor and also the demand for 60-vote thresholds. That is a debate for another day. So where are we in this continuing resolution? As I said, it keeps the government running through December 11, operating at the same amount of money as fiscal year 2014, with the same items and the same programs and the same restrictions. People might say: Have things not changed since last year? There are some technical adjustments that we do, but we just simply are extending what we have. Again, what we do here is help the President, though, with what has changed--the three alarming threats that are facing us. No. 1, there is this growing threat of an organization called ISIL. People say: Are you talking about ISIS? No, I am talking about ISIL, because it goes beyond Syria--the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. What we have in here is the authority for the President to use title 10 of the United States Code. What that does is allow the President to train and equip, with proper vetting, the moderates in the Syrian rebel forces. We also are supporting our President as he works with NATO and tries to deal with the Russian threat to Ukraine. Then there is another grim and ghoulish thing going around in Africa and spreading, which is Ebola. What we are doing here is providing the President with the resources to help Africa fight this problem. At the same time, while we are fighting in Africa, we make sure that NIH, FDA, and CDC have the resources to fight the issues here. I could elaborate on this bill more. I want everyone to know that the CR is bicameral. It has already passed the House. It is bipartisan. I have worked with my counterpart in the other party, Senator Shelby, who really has worked in a very rigorous way here, bringing the principles of fiscal conservatism and flexibility so we have this. But I know there are other Senators who want to debate. I want them to have the opportunity to debate this bill. I will have more to say when there are not others waiting. I want to yield the floor, but before I do, I am going to thank Senator Shelby for the cooperation of his staff. We have not always agreed on the content or every line item. He is a very staunch fiscal conservative. But out of it all, working with civility, due diligence, and absolute candor, I think we have been able to bring a bill to the floor. I hope my colleagues in the Senate will pass this bill.

Ms. MIKULSKI. Madam President, I object.

Ms. MIKULSKI. Madam President, I want to acknowledge, first of all, the longstanding views on foreign policy of the Senator from Kentucky and also on this process. What I want to say is that, No. 1, the Senate bill and the authorization in title 10 we have here takes us only to December 11. So this is temporary. What we hope is that the appropriate committees have additional legislation they are working on so that we can really look at other matters, such as a greater authorization on the war and the greater refinement of title 10. So I acknowledge that there is much to be debated. I say to my colleague from Kentucky, we have allowed 4\1/2\ hours to debate. Quite frankly, if the Senator has views on it, I look forward to hearing those views. So the objection is not meant to be pugnacious at all. But in the way that the leadership has agreed to move this bill, that is where we stand. I look forward to hearing the debate.

Ms. MIKULSKI. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. MIKULSKI. Madam President, we have had some excellent debate here today on a very consequential matter of arming these so-called Syrian moderates. I know the Senator from Maine, Mr. King, will be coming here shortly to participate in that debate, and I think this is a very good activity. While we wait for Senators to come to the floor, I wish to take a few minutes to speak about the Baltimore Orioles. This in no way minimizes the debate going on now, but while we have the time for some of the Senators coming who want to emphasize this topic, I want to take a little bit of a breather here. As my colleagues can see, I am wearing the Orioles' colors on the Senate floor today, and while we must address issues, we have to remember the kinds of things that make America great. In this continuing resolution, in addition to dealing with intense foreign policy needs and intense foreign policy crises, we have to remember that we are actually funding both our national security and the Department of Defense and very important domestic programs, including preschool, NIH to find cures for autism and Alzheimer's, and so on. We also want to not only keep the government going but remember what is so great about our country. Of course, baseball is one of the things that makes our country great. That is why I rise today to congratulate the Baltimore Orioles who won the American East title. As I said, I wear their colors today on the floor and I hope to wear them at Camden Yards. My home team not only represents the tough, enduring spirit of Baltimore, but the entire State. This team never quits, and it always plays hard. Sure, we tip our hats to the rest of the American East, including the Yankees, the Red Sox, the Rays, the Blue Jays, but this is our year. The Orioles are celebrating their 60th anniversary in Baltimore. The O's, as we affectionately call them, arrived in 1954. I was a high school girl. I remember the excitement of the team coming, our first major league team. We played AAA up until then. There was a big parade up and down Charles Street. Charm City was charmed by this new baseball team. There have been many amazing events that have occurred since then, and, of course, fantastic and legendary players, including Brooks Robinson, Frank Robinson, Jim Palmer, Eddy Murray, ``Iron Man'' Cal Ripken, Jr. We remember our coaches such as Earl Weaver, who got the fans excited, and, of course, we remember Cal Ripken, Sr., who taught us the Orioles way. So this year we have a team that, once again, is energized and on its way to the playoffs. Anyone who has watched the Orioles this season at Camden Yards knows this was a true team effort. The American East title was made possible by clutch hits and home runs, spectacular catches and gutsy pitching. When the All-Star players weren't on the field, workhorse veterans and promising young rookies stepped up night after night. Yes, there is Oriole magic. We have our manager, Buck Showalter, who, as my colleagues know, is a laugh a minute. I am joking. If my colleagues have looked at Mr. Showalter, they know he doesn't crack a smile, but he sure teaches his players how to crack the bat. His attention to the big picture and to the smallest detail is the way he has taught his team to function. We think we are on our way to what is called the battle of the beltways. It is conceivable that we will be playing the Washington Nationals who have just won the National League East title, and a tip of the hat to our friends in the District of Columbia. We are as excited for them as we are about ourselves, and we can't wait to meet. I am hoping for this. Three cheers for the Baltimore Orioles who have earned this fantastic title. We won't stop until we have a pennant flying high over our stadium. I want to congratulate the entire Orioles organization, from the managers to the front office, and the owner of the team, Peter Angelos, who rescued our team many years ago from being sold out of town. Peter Angelos stepped up to the plate and saved it and kept the team in Baltimore, and he has kept the team on the go. Now that fantastic team, under great leadership, wonderful players, and the best fans in both leagues, is looking forward to the playoffs. We are also looking forward to not only the game, but it is the spirit of community that is in Baltimore. Our city hall in the evening is lit up in orange. When we travel the city, we see people wearing the colors and laughing and giving each other shoulder to shoulder and high fives. When people come to Baltimore now to go visit a great institution such as Johns Hopkins, whether a person is an orderly or a facilities manager, or whether a person is a Nobel Prize winner, everybody is wearing the orange. Whether people are Black, White, Hispanic, Latino, men, women, we are all there. That is because it is about baseball. It is about a team. It is about America. It is about the land of the free and the home of the brave. So let's keep our government open. Let's be on the playing field and in the competition for jobs and opportunity. And I will be back for the lameduck, gloating. I yield the floor.

Ms. MIKULSKI. Does the Senator from Texas wish to speak?

Ms. MIKULSKI. The Senator from Alabama finished his speech and didn't suggest the absence of a quorum, so I was going to speak. But since the Senator from Texas has been waiting, please go ahead and proceed.

Ms. MIKULSKI. I hope to say a few words to the Senator from Oklahoma before he leaves the floor. We are in the closing hours of not only this debate but of this session of Congress. I say to the Senator from Oklahoma on the brink of his retirement from the Senate how much I have enjoyed serving with him. Although we have different views from time to time, he has played a very important role in this institution relating in terms of focusing on so many aspects of folly, fraud, stupidity, and duplication. I could go on. I thank you. I know how we joined shoulder to shoulder on no more lavish spending at some of those conferences where it was $4 for a Swedish meatball. But seriously, as we worked on this year's appropriations, he and I actually met on how we could improve government and keep a careful eye, with some of us saying just get rid of some of the things that cost money and add no value to the government or its compelling needs. I thank the Senator for his service in the Senate. Also, hopefully, when we return, we can work on an omnibus to incorporate the very reforms around waste, duplication, and folly that we worked together on on a bipartisan basis.

Ms. MIKULSKI. I know the distinguished Senator from Illinois is scheduled to speak. I just want to make clear that the threat of a shutdown is not an idle threat. I respect the views of the Senator from Alaska, a member of my own committee, who now says he is going to vote against the CR because he is saying: Oh, it will pass. It is an artificial threat. The Senator is entitled to his views and certainly his vote on what he thinks is in the best interests of the Nation, but we have to pass the CR, and I would note it is not an artificial threat.

Ms. MIKULSKI. If the Senator can stick to 7 minutes, we have no objection.

Ms. MIKULSKI. I have heard a good part of the afternoon: Why can't we stay and debate this, and so on? I don't minimize the seriousness of the issues, whether they are about arming Syrian rebels, the potential for new kinds of military action, certainly the ongoing saga in Ukraine or also what is going on in our own country. Students are not being able to afford college, families are not being able to afford to buy a home, and work is not worth it because wages are frozen. We are pushing people to a standard of living less than what they had. The people of the middle class are fighting hand-to-hand to stay middle class. Those who might want to get there are seeing the opportunity ladder sawed down. When we wanted to bring bills to the floor in a regular order and bring up regular appropriations that had both money and policy where people could have debated them in an orderly way, we had cluster bombs of parliamentary procedure thrown on where people hid behind votes on motions to proceed. Some of the biggest critics today saying, why don't we stay here and debate, have been some of the biggest obstacles in insisting on bringing bills up in regular order. So here we are today in the closing hours of the CR. We have had much enlightened conversation that was actually to hear leaders talk about this and differences of opinions in the most civil way, with intellectual rigor and firmness of conviction. That is what we should be doing. I would like to do more of it. This is why we need to reform ourselves. We like to talk a lot about reforming the country, changing Barack Obama, but we need to reform ourselves. We need to stop hiding behind cloture votes and motions to proceed, where you need 60 votes to just barely come up and salute the flag. So I am not going to go into this today, but I think we need to go into this. We need to take a look at ourselves and examine ourselves--how we can keep the traditions the same, protect the rights of the minority. But when all is said and done, the American people are fed up that more gets said than done and more gets said about saying things, and so on. I am telling you, as I travel in Maryland, my constituents feel Washington means less and less relevance to them. They are also wondering: What is it that you do to get things done? They are asking these questions. You know what, they ought to ask these questions. I am not going to take up the time. I know that other colleagues are coming to speak on the floor. This whole thing about we have to stay and we have to do it--we have to do our business during the whole year. We can't do it in the last 3 hours, coming up on the crunch of the end of the fiscal year. All year long we have an opportunity to debate. All year long we have the opportunity to debate issues in our committee process and on the floor. I feel pretty strongly about this. I hope that others who feel strongly, too, join a reform effort so we can honor the traditions of the Senate and protect the rights of the minority. But, hey, let's get back to the majority rules, regular order, and a debate that occurs all year long on issues and not just in a crisis environment. Unanimous Consent Agreement--Executive Calendar Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Executive Calendar consent agreed to Wednesday, September 17, 2014, be modified to include Executive Calendar No. 925 following 1031, with all other provisions of the previous order remaining in effect.

Ms. MIKULSKI. Madam President, we are in the closing hours of debate. There are two other Senators who will be coming to speak. I hope they will be here sooner. There is a lot going on, and I want to encourage colleagues, as we get ready, to urge a vote on passage of the continuing resolution. This measure will keep government going through December 11. But make no mistake, this is government on auto pilot. I hope to be back in December, shoulder to shoulder with Senator Shelby, where we will work on a comprehensive funding legislation--in other words, an omnibus. This is Washington speak. I mean, really, we use words nobody understands: continuing resolutions, omnibus, motions to proceed. But in plain English, it would mean taking all 12 subcommittees that are in charge of funding the government through due diligence and putting together a comprehensive funding bill that can be debated, scrutinized, debated, and voted on. We have done our work over the year. I am very proud of my subcommittee chairmen, the ranking members who have worked on a bipartisan basis, and their staffs. We can do an omnibus when we come back that will enable us to make the choices we need to do, meet our national security needs, the compelling human needs of the country, and make sure we have an opportunity ladder for our people who are middle class to stay there or those who want to work hard to do better to be able to get there, and to also make those investments in innovation, research, and development that create the new ideas for the new jobs that keep us as an exceptional Nation. I do hope we get final passage. I do hope also when we return after the election, we can do this comprehensive funding bill. Again, I thank Senator Shelby of Alabama and all of the other members of the Appropriations Committee who worked so hard with the ranking members. We had a series of debates and votes. We worked very hard. Yet I wish people would come to our committees, as they were categorized by civility, intellectual rigor, and scrutiny of IG and GAO reports. We worked very hard to accomplish the mission of these agencies to keep our government strong and to get value for the taxpayer. Again, thanks to my colleagues on the other side of the aisle, led by Senator Shelby of Alabama. I yield the floor and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. MIKULSKI

Ms. MIKULSKI. Reserving the right to object--and obviously I too won't--on behalf of all the women of the Senate, I thank Senator Leahy for his consistent, persistent leadership on this issue, and Senator Cornyn. This is how the Senate ought to work--on a bipartisanship basis, meeting a compelling need, and then being able to move it in an expeditious way. But for rape victims everywhere to know that we can deal with this backlog and because good men stood up for women who have been wronged really is one of the edifying moments of today. I thank the Senators for it and withdraw my objection.

Ms. MIKULSKI. Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Ms. MIKULSKI

Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that Jennifer Winkler, a member of my staff, be given floor privileges during the course of H. Res. 124.

Ms. MIKULSKI

Ms. MIKULSKI. Madam President, how much time do we have remaining?

Ms. MIKULSKI. In the spirit of moving the bill forward, I yield back all remaining time. Amendment No. 3852

Ms. MIKULSKI

Ms. MIKULSKI. May I ask a question? Has the Senate returned to legislative session?

Ms. MIKULSKI. I ask unanimous consent to speak as in morning business.

Ms. MIKULSKI. Well, there is the Senate. There they go again. Whenever we women fight for fair pay, we are either sidelined, redlined, or pushed aside. We, moving for paycheck fairness, feel the way women feel every single day in the workplace. When they are trying to get equal pay for equal work, they are either not listened to or there is some kind of reason to make sure the discussion never comes up. Once again, because of eight votes separating, we could not debate paycheck fairness. The Paycheck Fairness Act is a bill that would finish the job we started with Lilly Ledbetter. This is not right. When women are out there trying to earn equal pay for equal work, they should have the opportunity to do so. Now they feel stymied. In Lilly Ledbetter, we took the first step to right this wrong, but it was not the only step. Paycheck fairness closes the innumerable loopholes that prevent women from being able to get equal pay for equal work. All we wanted to do was bring up the bill to debate it, to amend it, and then vote on final passage. We could not get cloture on the filibuster. Those are wonky parliamentary words that said we could have unlimited debate. If we had gotten cloture under our rules, that would have been 30 hours of debate. I think that is enough time. There could have been amendments but, guess what, they had to be germane; that is, pertinent to the bill, or they had to be relevant or pertinent to the bill. What is wrong with that? That is not a gag rule. That is not muzzling anybody. No, no, it wasn't good enough. Do you know why we didn't get cloture? They didn't want to bring up this bill for a final vote or amendments. They are hiding behind parliamentary procedure. Do you know what. Our paycheck fairness bill was so simple and stayed straightforward. Do you know what it would have done? It would have prevented retaliation against workers for sharing information about their wages. Right now, the most secret thing in our country is not only our national security, but what you make. You can't discuss your wages with the person next to you. So if a woman was trying to figure out what the guy next to her was making, and he wanted to tell her--men of quality always support us women as we seek equality. If he wanted to tell her, both could have been fired--her for asking and him for telling. We wanted to close that loophole. The other thing the bill would do, it would prevent employers from being able to use almost any reason to justify paying a woman less. For years, employers have exploited loopholes in the Equal Pay Act, inventing any number of reasons why a woman should be paid less. It would also prevent women from being limited to just back pay when they are discriminated against. Those are the three major issues. In the United States of America, when we said all men and women were created equal, we have to be able to be equal, and one of the most important places you are equal is in the workplace. So if women are doing the same job, we ought to get the same pay. That is the American way. But once again we were stymied. Once again they tried to push us back. I am going to say this today on behalf of myself, the majority of the women in the Senate, and many of the great guys in the Senate: They want to make sure that today's vote doesn't say we are stopping this fight. Once again, we are going to reach out to the grassroots, particularly to the women of America, to join in the fight to change the Federal law books so women can get change in the family checkbooks. They can try to stop us on the floor, but they cannot stop our movement. Once again, as I have said before, when we have had a setback, we are going to fight. We are going to fight on the Senate floor, we are going to take this to the people in the country, we are going to fight it through the elections, and we are going to fight it through the community. I am going to say to every single person in the United States of America: Be part of this movement. A special message to the women: Let's suit up. Let's square our shoulders. Let's put our lipstick on and fight for equal pay that won't be stopped. We are going to do it. We are going to fight today, and we are going to fight tomorrow, and I am combat ready. I yield the floor and I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Ms. MIKULSKI

Ms. MIKULSKI. Mr. President, I first thank the Senator from Connecticut, Mr. Blumenthal, for his words on what the middle class is facing and his particular advocacy on behalf of women. It is well known and much appreciated. I come to the floor today to talk about middle-class people who are trying to play by the rules. But before I do, on this auspicious day, September 11, 2014, I wish to pay my respects once again and express my heartfelt sympathy to the families of people who died on September 11 throughout this country--at the World Trade Center, at the Pentagon, in Pennsylvania--to the wonderful first responders who risked their lives and many themselves who perished, to those who were wounded or sick and bear the permanent burden of their response to that awful tragedy, and to the families of the loved ones who have to live with it every single day--who have an absent chair at Christmas or Thanksgiving, or Hanukkah, whatever faith holiday where families gather and remember. The Nation cannot forget what happened that day and it cannot forget why it happened, and we cannot forget the people who were there and paid this terrible price of terrorism. I express my sympathy, my condolences, to say one way we can honor them is to make sure we don't have another terrorist attack in the United States. But what they were doing that day is to believe in America, and that brings me to what I want to talk about today. The Middle Class Yes, people talk about when we are out on our break we are on vacation. But I have been moving around Maryland, and one of the things I see and hear that is so clear is that, No. 1, the middle class is worried whether it is going to stay middle class. Those who want to be middle class worry if there is going to be an opportunity ladder for them to achieve middle-class status, where they can earn a decent living, raise a family, and make a contribution to their community. They are repeatedly told: If you work hard and go by the rules, you will do OK. They are becoming increasingly skeptical of that, because they feel the very rules of government work against them and the very climate of government stops any change to be able to help them. They either feel that we are irrelevant or we are working against them. That is why they say: All we want is for America to be America again, where if you work hard, go by the rules, you can have a pretty good life and make a pretty good contribution to this great country of ours. So when they talk about these issues and if you talk to the old- timers--particularly those who are facing families in long-term care-- they worry about the very cruel rules of government that tell them to spend down their life savings until they are eligible for Medicaid; that if you worked hard and you saved, you are actually penalized for that--except for legislation I passed 25 years ago--that if they had gone and squandered their money, they would be better off and more eligible. Then there are the young people who want to be able to go to school where they can make something of themselves and make America a better place to live. I held student roundtables, along with my colleague Senator Cardin. People talked to us about the careers they wanted. At Bowie State, four of the young people who were part of the roundtable want to go into nursing, both men as well as women. They think: I could help people. We have a nursing shortage in this country. Yet the very obstacle to them being able to afford to pay for their education will prohibit it. Why is it that education is so expensive in this country when we look at tuition, books, fees? And then what is it that we do? First of all, we make sure that Pell grants aren't year-long. You can only go two semesters. But if you want to go during the summer to ace that class that you have to do for compliance purposes for graduation, or that especially hard class--you only want to take one class a semester--your government won't help you finish sooner or finish better. We won't help you. We can give tax break earmarks, but we can't give tax breaks or help there. Then when they look at their student debt and the interest rates they carry, they ask me: Senator Mikulski, why is it that you can refinance a yacht but I can't refinance my student loan? And I say: Well, you know, we are stuck on the motion to proceed, and we are two votes short of the filibuster; but then we will go backward if we do this. They don't want to hear this parliamentary wonky stuff. What they want to hear is: We believe in them and we need them and we want them, and we are going to help them for what they believe we are going to help them achieve to be able to get a student loan. But underneath it all is that work should be worth it and work should be rewarded. That brings me then to paycheck fairness. One of the other rules they feel is against them is: The rules are rigged against you if you want to fight for equal pay for equal work. If you want to fight for equal pay for equal work, you can be retaliated against, you can be humiliated, you can be harassed, you can be fired, simply because you are asking the person standing next to you at the water cooler or the computer printout machine: How much do you make? That simple question, how much do you make, can trigger a whole retaliatory effort against you. That is the rule, and all it is you want to know is what kind of dough the person next to you is making. This is why we once again are bringing up the Paycheck Fairness Act. The Paycheck Fairness Act is to fill and close the loopholes that came about in the original Equal Pay Act. We have been at this for 50 years. When this fight started under Lyndon Johnson, women made almost 50 cents for every dollar men made--and after 50 years, gee, we are up to 77 cents per every dollar. And for Latino women, African-American women, other women of color, it is even worse. People might say: Didn't you fix this when you did the Lilly Ledbetter bill? The Lilly Ledbetter bill that we did pass restored the law to where it was before the Supreme Court decision. This updates and strengthens it. What it does is it deals with this whole issue of retaliation. The Lilly Ledbetter bill did not address employers who are currently able to legally retaliate against workers who share salary information. This legislation stops employers from being able to sue or punish workers for comparing wages. It also helps restore congressional intent. It makes sure that employers who claim that differences in pay based on any factor other than sex are dealt with. This legislation limits employers' ability to exploit this loophole by requiring that this defense can only be used when it is related to job performance and is necessary for business. This bill creates a fair playing field, simply knowing what the next person earns and being able to work and to negotiate for equal pay for equal work. The Paycheck Fairness Act fixes the law to keep discrimination from happening. It would have helped keep Lilly from having to sue in the first place. This bill puts an end to the incentives that cause employers to think that paying women less is just a cost of doing business. It gets rid of the secrecy that makes it harder to uncover pay differences. Why should pay be such a secret unless you are ashamed to say what it is? Why would you want to keep it a secret? Maybe it is because you don't want to brag that you pay the men more than the women. Maybe you are too ashamed. Maybe you think it will lead you to an EEOC lawsuit. We want to end secrecy at the job place, where you know what the person next to you makes--you have a right to ask. I have heard from women all over America and I have heard from men-- men who work so hard, particularly for their daughters; men who have jobs they hate so their girls can go to school and have jobs they love. Men want equal pay for equal work. They want it for their spouses, they want it for their widowed mothers, and they want it for their daughters. Listening to the cases--Donna Smith of Maryland's Eastern Shore worked as a retail clerk. She was told not to discuss her pay, but when she found out she was being paid less than a male cook and was doing the exact same job, she filed an EEOC complaint. And what happened? While she fought for her pay, they were fighting her with agitation and humiliation. Latoya Weaver sent a letter to me. She is a single parent with three children, working in guest services at a hotel. She found out her pay of $8 an hour was $2 less than the males doing the same job. Two dollars when you are at bare minimum makes a pretty big difference. She filed an EEOC lawsuit. Although she only received compensatory damage because of the discrimination, the company's policy against discussing pay means it could happen again. I could give example after example. I have been talking about this for a number of years. It is time. In the Senate, after all is said and done, more gets said than gets done. But this time, in the next 72 hours, we could actually vote to move the bill to the floor, to continue the debate and discussion and actually right the wrongs in equal pay for equal work. This is why American women want a fair shot. All they want is to be paid exactly the same--equal pay--as their male counterparts. Mr. President, knowing of your own steadfast advocacy for the middle class in this country and an opportunity ladder in this country, we have to stop and make sure the rules government creates do not rig the game against people who are working hard and trying to play by the rules. The rules should work for the people and not for the government or for those who want to hold down wages or opportunities. We are not going to accept women being paid less. We have paid attention to this problem, we've listened to the voices of the people, and we have a solution in the Paycheck Fairness Act. I look forward to working with my colleagues to see if there are amendments, whatever we could do to move this process forward. I would love a unanimous vote out of the Senate to have paycheck fairness finally in our lawbooks and in women's checkbooks. It's time to end pay inequity. It's time for Congress to act. Mr. President, I yield the floor.

Ms. MIKULSKI

Ms. MIKULSKI. Madam President, I wish to commemorate the 20th anniversary of the AmeriCorps program. I want to take a moment to say thank you--thank you to all of the volunteers and service workers out there. They are selflessly taking time out of their lives to help their fellow Americans in times of need. They are the ones out there building homes, clearing thousands of acres of forest burnt by wildfires, tutoring and mentoring our children, and assisting the elderly. They are unflagging, unflinching, and determined to make a difference. National service has always been a passion of mine. When we started in the 1970s with the establishment of a domestic volunteer corps-- similar to Peace Corps--I wanted to capture the fervor, the passion, and dynamic qualities of a social movement that would bring people to arms wielding change. At some point, it seemed we lost sight of what Alexis de Tocqueville called ``habits of the heart''--neighbor helping neighbor. I wanted to help turn the ME generation into the WE generation. That is why in 1989 I, along with Senators Kennedy and Nunn, introduced the National and Community Service Act--a bill to establish the Corporation for National and Community Service to oversee and coordinate our national volunteer efforts. This important legislation also created a demonstration program that has since evolved into what we know today as AmeriCorps. I believe that AmeriCorps is the embodiment of the spirit of volunteerism and service to our country. When creating this program, I did not just want to create another government program. I did not want this to be another bureaucratic agency. What I wanted to do was capture the fervor, passion, and dynamic qualities of a social movement that would bring people to arms wielding change. I think we were successful in doing just that. I am so proud of what AmeriCorps has accomplished and become. I never dreamt that I would be standing here 20 years later knowing that the AmeriCorps program would be the force that it is today. The data doesn't lie--it is quite impressive. Over the past 20 years, more than 820,000 AmeriCorps members have served our communities and country, providing more than 1 billion hours of service. My home State of Maryland is lucky. We have 1,600 AmeriCorps members, and 5,400 Senior Corps members. Their stories are poignant, whether it is a Teach for America Corps member helping a child with long division after school, or a National Civilian Community Corps member helping restore order to communities after a devastating storm or an AmeriCorps member helping veteran families readjust to civilian life. Every day, national service changes lives. They all meet compelling human needs by helping out in our neighborhoods and communities across the country. I used to be a social worker for Baltimore, but now I am a social worker for America, and I believe civic responsibility is worth investing in. I want to continue to make sure that we make this kind of investment in AmeriCorps because the next generation is carrying the torch for national service. We must remember that it is not only young people signing up to serve their country. It is seniors serving as a foster grandparent to children who have been abused or neglected. It is veterans trading in their uniforms to work with Habitat for Humanity, building homes for their fellow service members. It is seasoned professionals heading into the corps, trading in corporate cubicles for classrooms and putting their real-world education to use. The next generation knows the importance of national service. Their dedication to its mission is inspiring. Five years ago, I was at Mercy Hospital in Baltimore recovering from ankle surgery. An aide was helping me get back in bed and asked me if I knew Senator Kennedy. She said, ``They tell me you had something to do with National Service. I was in AmeriCorps.'' She was working in modest means--she had heard you could work parttime, earn a bachelor's degree from college, and that there wasn't an age limit. At the local health department, she started to do some outreach. Her supervisor told her, ``You have a real talent.'' This woman said, ``People like me are never told they have a talent, but I found I had a talent by working for AmeriCorps.'' Through an AmeriCorps stipend, she completed her degree in social work and helped her grandson get into college. She is just one of the many who have been touched by AmeriCorps, who have changed the lives of others through service. These stories and the work that AmeriCorps volunteers do give me profound hope, because while one person can make a difference, together we can make a change. I am so pleased to celebrate the 20th anniversary of the AmeriCorps program and look forward to the next 20 years.