Jerry Moran

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Madam President, as the Senate considers the Protect College Sports Act, I believe we must clarify its proposed application of the Sports Broadcasting Act to a new collegiate collective entity. It is important to make clear that the Protect College Sports Act would expand the Sports Broadcasting Act only with respect to the entities which may be covered by the antitrust exemption in selling telecast rights--in this case, the new covered intercollegiate entity. The legislation expands only the eligible entities selling telecast rights under the SBA, not the scope of the exemption itself. The bill would not modify the scope of the underlying Sports Broadcasting Act's allowance of the collective sale or transfer of media rights to entities beyond those that will make games available via ``sponsored telecasting.'' As a result, the new collegiate entity is only covered by the antitrust exemption in negotiations with media partners that provide games to the public via broadcast, rather than exclusive streaming arrangements. The bill would not modify the scope of activities protected by the underlying SBA and nothing in title II of the legislation should be construed as doing so. The intent of this legislation is to increase fans' access to college sports on free, over-the-air broadcasting. I encourage universities and conferences to work with local and national broadcasters to make certain college sports are accessible to all.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that we start the vote scheduled for 1:45 now.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, today--this afternoon--the Senate took a really important step to strengthen our national security and pay a final tribute to our colleague Lindsey Graham, the Senator from South Carolina. This step has been a long time coming. But by an overwhelming passage of the Lindsay O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act, the Senate sent a clear message to our adversaries: There will be consequences for those who finance terrorism and those who wage an unprovoked war. Over the past several weeks, the administration has increased economic pressures on Russia and on Iran, making clear that the United States will not reward aggression. This legislation builds upon those efforts by giving the President stronger tools to ensure these sanctions remain effective and much more difficult to evade. Through enforcing sanctions on the top five purchasers of Russian crude oil, this proposal aims to address a vital component of the war many have overlooked: Russia's vulnerability lies not only on the battlefield but also on its dependence on energy revenue. If we allow the Kremlin to continue selling billions of dollars of oil and natural gas around the world, we allow Putin to continue unhindered in building advanced weaponry, paying Russian soldiers, and prolonging the conflict. Russia's ability to continue this war depends upon its ability to generate revenue. By increasing economic pressures now, we make it more difficult for Russia to sustain its war efforts. This legislation represents a significant attempt to do just that. Following years of work between Congress, the administration, and our allies, this proposal would finally strike at the financial engine driving Russia's war machine without increasing the global price of oil. This proposal also recognizes an important reality: Sanctioning Russia alone is no longer enough. Importantly, the bill would extend and strengthen sanctions authorities related to Iran, recognizing the growing partnership between Moscow and Tehran. Russia and Iran are no longer acting independently. Iranian drones have terrorized Ukrainian cities. Russia has deepened its military cooperation with Tehran while providing political and strategic support to the Iranian regime. Both governments seek to undermine American interests, threaten our allies, and weaken international order that has helped preserve peace for generations. The passage of this legislation will not, by itself, end the war in Ukraine or change Iran's behavior, but it will make both regimes pay a far higher price for choosing aggression over peace. The Senate has now done its part. I urge my colleagues in the House to pass this legislation and send it to the President's desk. This bill must be swiftly signed into law and implemented in order to hold Russia and those supporting its unjust and unjustifiable war accountable. I yield the floor.

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it stand adjourned until 10 a.m. on Tuesday, August 4; that following the prayer and pledge, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the morning hour be deemed expired, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, morning business be closed, and the Senate resume consideration of the motion to proceed to H.R. 6500 postcloture; further, that the Senate recess from 12:30 p.m. to 2:15 p.m. tomorrow for the weekly conference meetings and that all time during recess, adjournment, leader remarks, and morning business count postcloture on the motion to proceed to H.R. 6500.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. I now ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 347, S. 3977.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I understand there is a bill at the desk, and I ask for its first reading.

Mr. MORAN. I now ask for a second reading, and in order to place the bill on the calendar under the provisions of rule XIV, I object to my own request.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 132, S. 289.

Mr. MORAN. I ask that the bill be considered read a third time.

Mr. MORAN. I know of no further debate on the bill.

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of Calendar No. 422, S. 2666.

Mr. MORAN. I ask unanimous consent that the committee-reported substitute amendment be agreed to; that the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Madam President, reserving the right to object, it saddens me that we are here because I wish we were here with a vote on the Senate floor to pass the Major Richard Star Act and other pieces of legislation that are so important to veterans, their families, and their caregivers across the country. The Senator from Connecticut outlined all the things that he says his amendment to this legislation would do and be supported by, but the reality is, the Senator from Connecticut has tried time and time again to pass legislation similar to that, never to succeed. Earlier this year, I was on the Senate floor at my seat here, standing here telling folks that maybe for once we will quit sponsoring pieces of legislation that benefit veterans but never get to the point in which they are actually passed. And I committed myself to finding a way in which passage of the legislation could occur, not just remarks on the Senate floor or in committee or in gatherings of veterans or speaking to our constituents at home of our support. In most instances, this would be the Major Richard Star Act, which has nearly every Member of the Senate as a cosponsor and many Members of the House of Representatives as cosponsors. But that has been the case for 6 years. I was looking for a path that would result in a result. At the heart of the debate today are those tens of millions of servicemembers, veterans and caregivers, survivors and family members, and VA employees who would benefit by the legislation that I have introduced--the legislation that the Senator from Connecticut is offering to accept with some amendments. These men and women have been waiting years--years--for the lifesaving benefits this bill would provide. What we will decide today will determine whether they can access the mental health treatments they desperately need, whether they can put food on the table and pay their bills on time, whether they are able to remarry after the loss of their servicemember or veteran spouse without sacrificing benefits they need to support their families, and much more. The point of that sentence or few sentences is that this is a comprehensive piece of legislation that begins with the Richard Star Act--the one that I said was sponsored by most Members of Congress but never sees the outcome those veterans and military retirees deserve. The stakes in this debate are high. I think the legislation we are talking about--perhaps debating about--is one of the most consequential pieces of legislation that will affect veterans, their family members, caregivers, and others certainly in my time as chairman of the Senate Committee on Veterans' Affairs and perhaps my time in the U.S. Senate. I have been a member of the Veterans' Affairs Committee 14 years in the House and now 15 years in the Senate. I have devoted effort, time, and attention to making sure we do right by those who serve our country. I appreciate my colleague Senator Blumenthal--in fact, our shared determination, our dedication to the Richard Star Act. He has tried, as I understand by his words, eight times offering a unanimous consent, and each time, that effort has been unsuccessful. Occasionally, I get complimented for effort. I appreciate compliments at any stage of what we are doing here, but what we really ought to be interested in is getting results--not results for a compliment but results because it makes such a difference in so many veterans' lives. Today, the Senator from Connecticut--it is another example of his attempt to pass legislation--usually without an offset but today using an alternative offset. I respect his goal, but once again, as of July 22, the Congressional Budget Office has again confirmed to the committee that a rescission of unobligated funds to the Department of Defense in H.R. 1 does not offset mandatory spending and therefore does not qualify under the requirements of law to the Senate--excuse me--the requirements of law as the Senate does its work but as the House and Congress are obligated to abide by. This plan does not meet the needs of the moment, and it will result in the failure by Congress once again to deliver to America's heroes. There is a simple choice before us: We can either keep repeating failed efforts that result in no progress delivering for veterans and military families or we can step up and provide leadership needed to finally get them the help they need and deserve--action and results. We want action that has results. This is why shortly after this conversation, this discussion between the Senator from Connecticut and I, I will be asking for a unanimous consent agreement myself to pass the legislation with an offset that the Congressional Budget Office has determined to be a viable offset. The Take Care of America's Veterans Act would expand benefits and healthcare to millions of veterans and their families, caregivers, and survivors across our Nation. It combines 60--I think our committee, the Committee on Veterans' Affairs, deservedly has the reputation of working in a bipartisan way to get results. We combined, in our efforts to get the Richard Star Act, other pieces of legislation that are hugely important to the veteran community--60 pieces of bipartisan legislation chosen in this process of putting this package together for their sponsorship and support by Democrats and Republicans. This is not a partisan effort; this is a desire, an effort to accomplish something that would benefit all of us who have made efforts to support our veterans and to make certain that we do it in a way that gets 60 votes in the U.S. Senate. That includes the Major Richard Star Act, of which the Senator from Connecticut has been a longtime advocate. That is to address a longstanding injustice--something that is totally wrong--by allowing medically retired, combat-disabled veterans--they are not allowed to receive both benefits. This would allow medically retired, combat- disabled veterans to receive both disability compensation from the VA and their earned retirement pay from the DOD. The Senator from Connecticut talks about our committee and the committee that he serves on as well, the Armed Services Committee. The Armed Services Committee has jurisdiction, but there are so many veterans that have consequences from the current law that we decided--I decided it was time for us to step forward and find a path forward. This legislation, in addition to the underlying Richard Star Act, includes the Love Lives on Act. That allows surviving spouses of fallen servicemembers and veterans to remarry without losing the benefits they need to support their families. It includes the Veterans' ACCESS Act to make it easier for veterans to get lifesaving treatment--and particularly mental health capabilities--and expands access to high-quality care in VA medical facilities and in the community as well. Those of us from rural places understand the value of that community care, and in today's time of challenges with our veterans' mental health and suicide prevention efforts, that community care becomes even more important. Quick access is critical. It also includes the Sharri Briley and Eric Edmundson Veterans Benefits Expansion Act to increase compensation benefits for veterans with severe service-connected disabilities and their families. There are dozens of other bills--bipartisan bills sponsored and led by Republicans and led by Democratic Members of the Senate--that are included in the Take Care of America's Veterans Act to make certain the VA is equipped with the right resources, staff, facilities, and authorities to provide the support servicemembers, veterans, and their families need. The question we generally are arguing about is the pay-for. Again, the law requires that. To pay for these improvements, this bill would codify elements of a rule that the VA proposed 4 years ago in the Biden administration, in 2022. The VA indicated then and now that it plans to change how the Department evaluates claims for service-connected disability ratings for sleep apnea and tinnitus. VA officials testified before the House Committee on Veterans' Affairs in January that the Department is moving forward, and VA officials confirmed that again just several weeks ago. The reason this is important is that that means there are going to be changes that the VA is authorized to make in these two arenas in providing benefits to veterans. The VA in the Biden administration--and apparently agreed to in the Trump administration--found there were ways to improve--they are required by law to evaluate the benefits they provide veterans, and if changes are appropriate because of medicine or science or changes in treatment, the VA can modify those benefits to reflect current science and medicine. The VA is going to do that. The offset is the fact that when the VA does that, it saves money. When the VA does that, however, it will be considered paying down the debt. I don't know how it can be a radical idea or an unfair idea that if we are going to take the money out of the VA for those two circumstances--the VA is going to do that--why don't we capture a significant portion of that and actually use that money to provide benefits to veterans? It is not like we are taking something away. The VA is going to alter the formula in their normal course of business, and we are capturing the savings in part--we are capturing part of the savings to actually use it to help other veterans, their families, and their caregivers. Once the Department finalizes the rule, the savings associated from that change in the rule will be lost. It will no longer serve as an offset for anything; it will just go into the General Treasury. It will be a lost opportunity for us to reinvest those funds in the long overdue improvements included in the Take Care of America's Veterans Act. My colleague has stated that ``the costs of war include caring for our veterans.'' I share that sentiment. Military service is a family service. The cost of war also includes caring for spouses and children and caregivers and survivors. The Take Care of America's Veterans Act would do that and more. So we had the opportunity to use something that is going to happen. We had the opportunity--we have the opportunity to make sure it is used to benefit veterans. The idea that we are taking a benefit away from someone is also false. This is prospective. After the rule changes, that is when we have the opportunity to make certain that we are still caring for our veterans. We are not taking anything away from any veteran that receives benefits today. In fact, there is a grace period in which veterans can continue to apply for these benefits after this legislation becomes law. We are not taking anything away; we are using money that the VA says is no longer going to be spent and spending that money in a different way for veterans, often including the same veterans that receive those disability payments. This legislation is strongly supported by many military and veterans organizations, including the Wounded Warrior Project, the Military Officers Association of America, Vietnam Veterans of America, AMVETS, the Tragedy Assistance Program--or TAPS--for Survivors, the Elizabeth Dole Foundation, the Veterans Justice Alliance, the National Defense Committee, the Military Coalition, and Mission Roll Call. It is also supported by the American Legion--the largest veteran service organization in the country--and by Medal of Honor recipients Britt Slabinski and Earl Plumlee, the president and vice president of the Medal of Honor Society. It is also supported by Richard Star's brother, who has been an advocate for the Richard Star legislation since the beginning of this issue's arrival and certainly since the passing of his brother and his interest in making sure that his brother is honored. These organizations know the challenges facing the military and veteran community. They know firsthand the high cost of continued inaction by Congress, the cycle of delaying veterans, caregivers, and survivors from receiving earned benefits. It is not a perfect analogy, but I remember my own mother lobbying me because she was a ``Notch Baby'' in the Social Security system. If you were born in a certain set of years, your benefits were less than the people before you and the people after you. My mom accused me of--Congress--maybe she wasn't accusing me personally--but accused Congress of just waiting until she died before making the change. I want to make sure that we do not lose another veteran, another servicemember. I want to make sure we get a result and we get a result fast. When I introduced this legislation, my assumption was that we could accomplish this--even in the Senate and the House in this difficult world we work in--that this legislation could be passed by Congress and signed by the President, this legislation that is supported by the White House. We could get this legislation done in the miracle of a month. I didn't anticipate the opposition that has arisen. I have indicated to the Senator--the ranking member of the Committee on Veterans' Affairs--an interest in working together to resolve differences, and we will work to do that. But doing what we have done--what has been done time and time again-- of a UC request that has no result is unsatisfactory to me and unsatisfactory to the veterans and the veterans organizations I just listed. I am tired of waiting. Don't wait until our veterans are no longer living before you do something to protect their benefits and resolve an injustice that has gone on far too long. The cycle of delaying veterans, caregivers, and survivors from receiving their earned benefits must end and must end now. And with that, I object.

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I object. I indicated my objection. Mr. President, I have described the Take Care of America's Veterans Act in my remarks following the unanimous consent request by the Senator from Connecticut. But, again, I would highlight that these are changes that are going to be made under normal statutory law by rules at the Department of Veterans Affairs. And the end result is that the money, when saved, will be--the reductions and the savings that occur will accrue to the General Treasury, as compared to the benefits that we want to provide to the veterans in this country. Notwithstanding rule XXII, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to immediate consideration of Calendar No. 433, S. 4744. I ask unanimous consent that the Moran substitute amendment at the desk be agreed to; the bill, as amended, be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I look forward to continuing to work to make sure the veterans receive the benefits they are entitled to and to make certain that the VA does its job in a medical- and science-based manner and would await for the VA to accomplish that, which they indicated as recently as 2 weeks ago they were going to do.

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, the rulemaking process that was initiated in the Biden administration in 2022 has continued on the VA's list of work and has never been withdrawn and continues to be considered. And as I indicated now for the third time--indicated by the Secretary of the Department of Veterans Affairs--the Department--that it will be implemented. I just know that repeating the same political talking points without a realistic alternative has prevented these bills--and particularly the Richard Star Act--from passing for years. It has been too easy for us to put our name on the legislation and never see it accomplished. We can tell our veterans we are supporting them, we are working for them--I want a path forward that actually demonstrates that we are able to accomplish the elimination of this injustice and the support for veterans who desperately need our attention. Our veterans should not have to--they know the cost of war. They should not have to wait for us any longer. And, again, the offer that the Senator from Connecticut indicated, it is the same kind of UC request with something as was--that doesn't result in a result because it is not an offset that satisfies the law.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I have five requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, sadness entered the Senate over the weekend, and as we reflect upon the life of our colleague, our friend, our fellow citizen, our patriot toward the United States of America-- and a friend, really, of the world--Senator Lindsey Graham, we honor his commitment to promoting liberty and fighting tyranny throughout the world. Yesterday, I joined a bipartisan group of Senators by reintroducing legislation that he championed--the Sanctioning Russia Act. This legislation would meaningfully alter the course of Russia's unjust war in Ukraine, and it serves as a fitting tribute to the cause Senator Graham championed throughout his life and service in the U.S. Senate. Last month, leaders of the G7 countries issued a joint statement declaring their ``unwavering support for Ukraine in defending its freedom, sovereignty, and [its] territorial integrity.'' This was a welcomed statement from the world's major industrialized democracies as Ukraine endures withering attacks from Russia, coupled with the renewed commitment to both Ukraine and article 5 at this month's NATO Summit. These words, backed by President Trump, come at a pivotal moment in Ukraine's defense against Russia. While Ukrainian forces are making headlines--taking the battle to Russian territory, attacking Russian energy and defense infrastructure at increased rates, and placing Russian-held Crimea under pressure--the situation in the Donbas remains precarious. The ingenuity and courage of the Ukrainian forces have reduced Russian progress to incremental gains and in some places have achieved reverses, but they still suffer a manpower shortage and, most alarmingly, lack critical air defense interceptors. The G7 members agreed to ``increase the delivery of air defence capacities, additional systems and interceptors, and long-range capabilities.'' In recognizing the capabilities of Ukraine's defense industrial base, the statement says the countries are ``ready to consider extending to Ukraine the benefit of licenses to allow for an increase in [Ukrainian production of its military equipment].'' Words, however, must be backed by action, and the United States and our allies must act quickly. For more than a year, I have advocated for Ukraine to receive access to cruise missiles. To the extent practicable, these weapons and Patriot interceptors should be expedited for Kyiv's use. Given the backlogs in our own defense industrial base and that of the Europeans', investing in and supporting Ukraine's domestic war production is not something to be considered but something to be done. I am encouraged by President Trump's announcement at last week's NATO Summit of his intention to issue licenses for Ukraine to build Patriot interceptors domestically. While details remain to be worked out and while there are obstacles to overcome to make this announcement a reality, it signals to Vladimir Putin that his war is on borrowed time. The same holds true in pressuring Russia's economy through oil and gas sanctions. The G7 said: We will strengthen our sanctions, including those on the oil and gas sectors. This statement coincides with the expiration of the most recent Treasury waiver on Russian oil sanctions, which was announced by President Trump last October. Those sanctions were having a significant impact by depriving Moscow of revenue. Secretary Bessent has not issued another waiver, nor should he. The White House has taken an important step in endorsing longstanding legislation introduced by the late Senator Lindsey Graham. I have cosponsored this legislation, which would punish countries that continue to buy Russian oil with crippling tariffs. This is a clear, clear message to friends and foes alike: You can do business with Russia or you can do business with the United States, but you can't do both. I welcome Leader Thune's intention to bring this legislation to a vote soon, to send it to the President's desk for his signature, and to its becoming law. Similarly, I call on our European allies to find new supplies of liquefied natural gas more quickly ahead of next year's deadline to phase out Russian purchases. The EU's imports of Russian LNG increased--they increased--in the month of May, reportedly providing Moscow with over $1 billion in revenue. It is imperative for European countries to treat the war in Ukraine with the urgency it deserves and choke off Russia's revenue streams. Despite over 1 million casualties and a badly damaged national economy, Vladimir Putin's objectives have not changed. From the outset of the full invasion he ordered in February of 2022, he has sought to subjugate Kyiv's sovereign authority to Moscow. He will not succeed, but his failure in Ukraine may make him more dangerous elsewhere. In the fall of 2022, as Russia's war effort faltered, Russian officials repeatedly threatened to use tactical nuclear weapons in Ukraine. Given Russian drone activity in NATO territory recently, our European allies who border Russia have legitimate fears that Putin could escalate the war to include them. President Trump is absolutely right to expect our allies to assume responsibility for their own security. Today and for the next several years to come, however, the undeniable fact is that American forces have capabilities which cannot be replicated by the rest of NATO. Our continued involvement and leadership are critical to deterring Putin should he believe that he can take action against NATO and succeed either by taking territory or by fracturing the alliance. Last month's G7 statement is unequivocally clear in recognizing the threat Putin poses to European security. Through continued American leadership, Putin will fail in his goals to conquer Ukraine and split the West, and not just Europe but the entire world will be safer because of it. 150th Anniversary of Burdett, Kansas Mr. President, this summer, from July 17 to 19--not too far away-- residents of Burdett, KS, will come together to celebrate the 150th anniversary of the town's founding. Burdett is a small community of fewer than 250 residents, and it is particularly meaningful to me as a place that I have represented since I was first elected to public office as a State senator. The community is special to me because, on election night of that State senate race, Browns Grove Township was the very first township to report its voting totals, and the tally showed that I just might win my uphill race for the Kansas State Senate. Some of my best remembrances are the Monday community potluck lunches and the annual Tri-County picnic in the city park. I have knocked on every door in Burdett and talked with members of the community about their hopes, their concerns, and how we can preserve our special way of life for another generation of Kansans. This summer, as local residents commemorate Burdett's history, they will also pay tribute to one of their own: Clyde Tombaugh, whose significant contributions advanced the fields of scientific discovery and space exploration. It is impossible to visit Burdett without seeing the pride the community has in his accomplishments. Born February 4, 1906, Clyde was raised on a farm just outside Burdett, and he quickly developed a love of astronomy and learning. As a teenager, he taught himself how to build his own telescopes out of spare parts that he found around the family farm. Later, his commitment to research and exploration would lead him to make a remarkable discovery that made history and helped to unlock a new understanding of our solar system. On February 18, 1930, at the age of just 24, Clyde discovered the existence of Pluto, the only major planet discovered here in the United States. Following this achievement, Clyde earned his bachelor's and master's degrees in astronomy from the University of Kansas, and he went on to make many more contributions to advancing the fields of scientific research and space exploration. In 2015, NASA honored him by carrying a portion of his ashes aboard the New Horizons spacecraft on its mission to Pluto. The heart-shaped region of Pluto's surface was officially named Tombaugh Regio in his honor, paying tribute to his accomplishments and cementing the legacy of a Kansas farm kid in one of the most remote parts of our solar system. As Burdett celebrates its 150th anniversary--and I say congratulations to them--it is a history that is embodied by the story of Clyde Tombaugh, someone with determination, hard work, and curiosity, whose discoveries helped to shape how future generations understand our universe. For decades, this tight-knit community of Burdett has preserved his legacy and made certain the world remembers his contributions to science, research, and discovery. I hope everyone passing through southwestern Kansas will take the time to visit Burdett to learn the history and the legacy of this little town on the plains of Kansas. On behalf of the U.S. Senate to the citizens of Burdett--past, present, and future--I congratulate the community of Burdett on its 150th anniversary and express my gratitude for the way in which its residents have honored and preserved the memory of one of our most notable Kansans and how kind they have always been to me. I yield the floor.

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I have 11 requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders. Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Mr. MORAN

Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.